In biology or human geography, population growth is the increase in the number of individuals in a population. Many of the world's countries, including many in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, South Asia and South East Asia, have seen a sharp rise in population since the end of the Cold War; the fear is that high population numbers are putting further strain on natural resources, food supplies, fuel supplies, housing, etc. in some of the less fortunate countries. For example, the population of Chad has grown from 6,279,921 in 1993 to 10,329,208 in 2009, further straining its resources. Vietnam, Nigeria, Egypt and the DRC are witnessing a similar growth in population. Global human population growth amounts to 1.1 % per year. The global population has grown from 1 billion in 1800 to 7.616 billion in 2018. It is expected to keep growing, estimates have put the total population at 8.6 billion by mid-2030, 9.8 billion by mid-2050 and 11.2 billion by 2100. Many nations with rapid population growth have low standards of living, whereas many nations with low rates of population growth have high standards of living.
Population began growing in the Western world early in the industrial revolution of the late 18th century. The reasons for the "Modern Rise of Population" were investigated by the British health scientist Thomas McKeown. In his publications, McKeown challenged four theories about the population growth: McKeown stated that the growth in Western population surging in the 19th century, was not so much caused by an increase in fertility, but by a decline of mortality of childhood mortality followed by infant mortality, The decline of mortality could be attributed to rising standards of living, whereby McKeown put most emphasis on improved nutritional status, His most controversial idea, at least his most disputed idea, was that he questioned the effectiveness of public health measures, including sanitary reforms and quarantine, The sometime fierce disputes that his publication provoked around the "McKeown thesis", have overshadowed his more important and unchallenged argument that curative medicine measures played little role in mortality decline, not only prior to the mid-20th century but until well into the 20th century.
Although the McKeown thesis has been disputed, recent studies have confirmed the value of his ideas. His work is pivotal for present day thinking about population growth, birth control, public health and medical care. McKeown had a major influence on many population researchers, such as health economists and Nobel prize winners Robert W. Fogel and Angus Deaton; the latter considered McKeown as "the founder of social medicine". The "population growth rate" is the rate at which the number of individuals in a population increases in a given time period, expressed as a fraction of the initial population. Population growth rate refers to the change in population over a unit time period expressed as a percentage of the number of individuals in the population at the beginning of that period; this can be written as the formula, valid for a sufficiently small time interval: P o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h r a t e = P − P P A positive growth rate indicates that the population is increasing, while a negative growth rate indicates that the population is decreasing.
A growth ratio of zero indicates that there were the same number of individuals at the beginning and end of the period—a growth rate may be zero when there are significant changes in the birth rates, death rates, immigration rates, age distribution between the two times. A related measure is the net reproduction rate. In the absence of migration, a net reproduction rate of more than 1 indicates that the population of females is increasing, while a net reproduction rate less than one indicates that the population of females is decreasing. Most populations do not grow exponentially. Once the population has reached its carrying capacity, it will stabilize and the exponential curve will level off towards the carrying capacity, when a population has depleted most its natural resources; the growth of a population can be modelled by the logistic equation d P d t = r P, where P = the population after time t. As it is a separable differential equation, the population may be solved explicitly, producing a logistic function: P ( t
A house is a building that functions as a home. They can range from simple dwellings such as rudimentary huts of nomadic tribes and the improvised shacks in shantytowns to complex, fixed structures of wood, concrete or other materials containing plumbing and electrical systems. Houses use a range of different roofing systems to keep precipitation such as rain from getting into the dwelling space. Houses may have doors or locks to secure the dwelling space and protect its inhabitants and contents from burglars or other trespassers. Most conventional modern houses in Western cultures will contain one or more bedrooms and bathrooms, a kitchen or cooking area, a living room. A house may have a separate dining room; some large houses in North America have a recreation room. In traditional agriculture-oriented societies, domestic animals such as chickens or larger livestock may share part of the house with humans; the social unit that lives in a house is known as a household. Most a household is a family unit of some kind, although households may be other social groups, such as roommates or, in a rooming house, unconnected individuals.
Some houses only have a dwelling space for similar-sized group. A house may be accompanied by outbuildings, such as a garage for vehicles or a shed for gardening equipment and tools. A house may have a backyard or frontyard, which serve as additional areas where inhabitants can relax or eat; the English word house derives directly from the Old English hus meaning "dwelling, home, house," which in turn derives from Proto-Germanic husan, of unknown origin. The house itself gave rise to the letter'B' through an early Proto-Semitic hieroglyphic symbol depicting a house; the symbol was called "bayt", "bet" or "beth" in various related languages, became beta, the Greek letter, before it was used by the Romans. Ideally, architects of houses design rooms to meet the needs of the people who will live in the house. Feng shui a Chinese method of moving houses according to such factors as rain and micro-climates, has expanded its scope to address the design of interior spaces, with a view to promoting harmonious effects on the people living inside the house, although no actual effect has been demonstrated.
Feng shui can mean the "aura" in or around a dwelling, making it comparable to the real-estate sales concept of "indoor-outdoor flow". The square footage of a house in the United States reports the area of "living space", excluding the garage and other non-living spaces; the "square metres" figure of a house in Europe reports the area of the walls enclosing the home, thus includes any attached garage and non-living spaces. The number of floors or levels making up the house can affect the square footage of a home. Many houses have several large rooms with specialized functions and several small rooms for other various reasons; these may include a living/eating area, a sleeping area, separate or combined washing and lavatory areas. Some larger properties may feature rooms such as a spa room, indoor pool, indoor basketball court, other'non-essential' facilities. In traditional agriculture-oriented societies, domestic animals such as chickens or larger livestock share part of the house with human beings.
Most conventional modern houses will at least contain a bedroom, kitchen or cooking area, a living room. A typical "foursquare house" occurred in the early history of the US where they were built, with a staircase in the center of the house, surrounded by four rooms, connected to other sections of the home. Little is known about the earliest origin of the house and its interior, however it can be traced back to the simplest form of shelters. Roman architect Vitruvius' theories have claimed the first form of architecture as a frame of timber branches finished in mud known as the primitive hut. Philip Tabor states the contribution of 17th century Dutch houses as the foundation of houses today; as far as the idea of the home is concerned, the home of the home is the Netherlands. This idea's crystallization might be dated to the first three-quarters of the 17th century, when the Dutch Netherlands amassed the unprecedented and unrivalled accumulation of capital, emptied their purses into domestic space.
In the Middle Ages, the Manor Houses facilitated different events. Furthermore, the houses accommodated numerous people, including family, employees and their guests, their lifestyles were communal, as areas such as the Great Hall enforced the custom of dining and meetings and the Solar intended for shared sleeping beds. During the 15th and 16th centuries, the Italian Renaissance Palazzo consisted of plentiful rooms of connectivity. Unlike the qualities and uses of the Manor Houses, most rooms of the palazzo contained no purpose, yet were given several doors; these doors adjoined rooms in which Robin Evans describes as a "matrix of discrete but interconnected chambers." The layout allowed occupants to walk room to room from one door to another, thus breaking the boundaries of privacy. "Once inside it is necessary to pass from one room to the next to the next to traverse the building. Where passages and staircases are used, as they are, they nearly always connect just one space to another and never serve as general distributors of movement.
Thus, despite the precise architectural containment offe
Brazilian Democratic Movement
The Brazilian Democratic Movement is a Brazilian centrist political party. Under military rule from 1965 to 1979, Brazil had a enforced two party system, with supporters of the regime gathered under the National Renewal Alliance Party umbrella, the official opposition making up the MDB; the MDB comprised nearly all of the Brazilian Labour Party and the main body of the Social Democratic Party. From 1979 onwards, a restricted number of parties were allowed, nearly all of the old MDB reorganized as PMDB; the MDB had been a big tent party uniting nearly all of the opposition to the military dictatorship. As such, it harboured elements ranging across the political spectrum. PMDB had a similar character to its predecessor, including a range of politicians from conservatives such as José Sarney to liberals such as Pedro Simon, leftists like Roberto Requião, populists like Íris Resende, nationalists like Orestes Quércia and the former guerilla movement MR-8. In 1985, party leader Tancredo Neves died before taking office.
His running mate José Sarney, who had joined the party after defecting from the political wing of the military, became president, serving until 1990. Up until 2016, he was the only president of Brazil to come from the party. In recent presidential elections the party has not run candidates of its own, preferring to focus on congressional and governatorial elections. At the legislative elections on 6 October 2002, the party won 74 out of 513 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 19 out of 81 seats in the Senate, making it one of the biggest parties in Brazil; the party decided not to launch a candidate for the 2006 presidential election in order to be free to join any coalition in the states. Under Brazilian electoral law parties launching presidential candidates could not form alliances at the state level that differed at the national level. At the congressional elections in October 2006, PMDB won 89 of 513 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, becoming its biggest party. PMDB won seven state gubernatorial elections in the same election.
In 2010 the party made gains in the Senate, winning 16 of the elected seats for a total of 20. It was somewhat weakened in other elections, winning 79 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and winning five state governorships. Notable PMDB members included: Wanderlei Silva, Tancredo Neves, Ulysses Guimarães, Itamar Franco, Orestes Quércia, Michel Temer, Anthony Garotinho, José Sarney, Renan Calheiros, Pedro Simon, Roberto Requião, Germano Rigotto, Paulo Skaf, Ramez Tebet, Marcelo Fortuna, Iris Rezende and Maguito Vilela. On March 29, 2016, PMDB announced that it was leaving the coalition with the Workers' Party following accusations against President Dilma Rousseff and former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of corruption; the PMDB supported the impeachment process against Dilma Rousseff. After the impeachment process began, vice president Michel Temer formed a new center-right liberal coalition government with PSDB and other parties, he was confirmed as president as Dilma was permanently removed from office by the Senate on August, 31st 2016, thus becoming the second Brazilian president to hail from PMDB.
On December 19, 2017, the party reverted to Brazilian Democratic Movement. The movement was seen as an attempt to renew party identity; the initials PMDB had become associated with corruption and cronyism, while the original acronym was associated with the struggle for democracy, according to party leader, Romero Jucá. The party announced a program based on economic liberalism, fiscal conservatism and greater openness to sectors of civil society such as evangelicals and environmentalists; the party made it clear that it will prioritize parliamentarians who agree with the new positions of the party, interpreted by many as a warning that rebel parliamentarians the senator from Paraná, Roberto Requião associated with the Brazilian nationalist left, Renan Calheiros, the President of the Federal Senate, considered one of the most powerful personalities of Brazilian politics, but shows little alignment with Temer's government and propositions of economic liberalism, can be excluded from the party.
A few days earlier, Senator Kátia Abreu of Tocantins was expelled from the party for her support of the opposition for her firm stance against the pension reform, as an alignment to the PT of whom she had been allied in the mandate of Dilma Rousseff, an end of PMDB as a big-tent party. The predecessor of the party, MDB, was founded as a legal, civil movement of opposition to Brazilian military government. Without a clear program except the democratization of the country, the party was a umbrella of opponents of military regime, ranging from liberal conservatives and Christian democrats from parties like Christian Democratic Party and Social Democratic Party to former labourists and communists, of Brazilian Labour Party, Brazilian Socialist Party and Brazilian Communist Party. With the redemocratization, many centrists and leftists left the party and joined other parties with more consistent ideologies. Many Christian democrats, social liberals and social democrats broke with the party in 1988 to form the Brazilian Social Democracy Party, led by Mario Covas, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, José Serra and Franco Montoro.
Other PMDB members exit the party to left-wing legends, like the new incarnation of Brazilian
Niterói is a municipality of the state of Rio de Janeiro in the southeast region of Brazil. It lies across Guanabara Bay facing the city of Rio de Janeiro and forms part of the Rio de Janeiro Metropolitan Area, it was the state capital, as marked by its golden mural crown, from 1834 to 1894 and again from 1903 to 1975. It has an estimated population of 487,327 inhabitants and an area of 129.375 km, making it the fifth most populous city in the state. It has the highest Human Development Index of the state and the seventh largest among Brazil's municipalities in 2010. Individually, it is the second municipality with the highest average monthly household income per capita in Brazil and appears in 13th place among the municipalities of the country according to social indicators related to education; the city has the nicknames of Nicki City and the Smile City. Studies by the Getulio Vargas Foundation in June 2011 classified Niterói as the richest city of Brazil, with 55.7% of the population included in class A.
Considering the classes A and B, Niterói appears in the first place, with 85.9% of the population in these classes. According to data from the 2010 IBGE, Niterói's nominal gross domestic product was 11.2 billion reais, being the fifth municipality with the highest gross domestic product of the state. The city is the second largest formal employer in the State of Rio de Janeiro, although it occupies the 5th place in terms of the number of inhabitants; the city is one of the main financial and industrial centers of the State of Rio de Janeiro, being the 12th among the 100 best Brazilian cities to do business. The word "Niterói" comes from the Tupi language and means "water that hides", it was founded on 22 November 1573 by the Tupi Amerindian chief Araribóia. It makes Niteroi the only Brazilian city to have been founded by a non-Christian, non-assimilated Brazilian Amerindian; the municipality contains part of the 2,400 hectares Serra da Tiririca State Park, created in 1991. In the year 1555, French navigator Nicolas Durand de Villegaignon allied himself with the Tupinambas indians who dominated the Guanabara Bay and instituted a French colony in the region, France Antarctique.
The region was avoided by the Portuguese because of the hostility of the Tupinamba. The region developed under the command of Villegaignon. After a while, Calvinists who had immigrated from France to the colony returned to France, where they accused Villegaignon of prejudice against Protestants and of maladministration; the French navigator had to return to France to explain himself. Following the absence of the French leader, the Portuguese crown began noticing that the bay of Rio de Janeiro would make a strategic scale for the Atlantic route of ships from Portugal to its colonies in Africa and Asia, as well an important advanced bridgehead for the defense of South Brazil. Fortresses were built and an alliance was formed with nearby native Tupi-Guaraní tribes to defend the settlement against other European invaders. In 1560, the Portuguese leader Mem de Sá attacked and destroyed the French fort, located in Guanabara Bay, Coligny Fort, however, being able to definitively expel the French from the region.
Estacio de Sá, Mem de Sá's nephew, who would continue to command the war, enlisted the help of the head of the Temiminos Indians, Araribóia, who accepted the governor's request to help the Portuguese expel the French from the Guanabara Bay, in the hope to regain the mother island. With the end of the war in 1567, Estácio de Sá invoked Arariboia and the Temininós indians to occupy the right side of the entrance to the Guanabara Bay, opposite the city of São Sebastião do Rio de Janeiro founded by Estácio in 1565, as requested by Araribóia a tract of land. Thus, the entrance to the bay would be protected from intrusion; the place to be occupied by Arariboia was known as "Banda D'Além", in the eastern side of the bay, from River Marui to the Red Barriers between Gragoata and Boa Viagem beaches. This area corresponded to what is nowadays the northwestern part of the municipality of Niterói, which includes the central and northern zones of its urban area. There, in the "Land Beyond", Araribóia founded the Town of Saint Lawrence of the Indians, the embryo for the future city of Niterói, a Tupi name that means "Hidden Waters".
The village was visited by the King of Brazil, John VI, in 1816, who decreed its emancipation from Rio de Janeiro on 10 May 1819 and gave the new-created municipality a new name, Vila Real da Praia Grande. In 1834, the city of Rio de Janeiro, capital of the newly established Empire of Brazil, was detached from the rest of Rio de Janeiro Province. Niterói served the function of capital till the year of 1975 – except for the period between 1894 and 1903 when it was temporarily transferred to the city of Petrópolis. Vila Real da Praia Grande was renamed to Niterói on 6 March 1835 after the Tupi Nictheroy; this old spelling persisted until the mid-20th century, when the current spelling – Niterói – was adopted. The capital condition has brought a number of urban developments such as the steam boat, public lighting to whale oil, water supply and new means of transport to connect the city to the interior of the province. Nine years lat
Leila Gomes de Barros is a retired Brazilian female volleyball player. She played as opposite hitter and attacker, she was a member of the Brazilian squad who had great success in the late 1990s and early 2000s, winning the 1996 and 1998 editions of the volleyball Grand Prix and being rated the most valuable player in each win. Barros started competing in volleyball at the age of fifteen, she switched to beach volleyball in July 2001, but returned to the indoor courts in 2003 in order to help the Brazil women's national volleyball team to qualify for the 2004 Summer Olympics in Athens, Greece. In the Volleyball Women's World Cups, Barros finished as runners-up in 1995 FIVB Volleyball Women's World Cup and 2003 FIVB Volleyball Women's World Cup, won third place in 1999 FIVB Volleyball Women's World Cup, she got silver medals in the 1994 World Championships. In the Olympics, her Brazilian team was 3rd in 1996 and 2000, she has posed in several magazines and was one of the favorite players when she and the Brazilian volleyball team came to the Philippines.
In October 2018, Barros became the first woman to represent the federal district of Brazil in the Senate
The Federal Senate is the upper house of the National Congress of Brazil. Created by the first Constitution of the Brazilian Empire in 1824, it was similar to the United Kingdom's House of Lords. Since the Proclamation of the Republic in 1889 the Federal Senate has resembled the United States Senate; the Senate comprises 81 seats. Three Senators from each of the 26 states and three Senators from the Federal District are elected on a majority basis to serve eight-year terms. Elections are staggered so that two-thirds of the upper house is up for election at one time and the remaining one-third four years later; when one seat is up for election in each State, each voter casts one vote for the Senate. The candidate in each State and the Federal District who achieve the greatest plurality of votes are elected; the current president of the Brazilian Senate is Davi Alcolumbre, from the Democrats of Amapá. He was elected in early 2019 for a two-year term; the Federal Senate of Brazil was established as the Senate of the Empire by the Constitution of 1824, first enacted after the Declaration of Independence.
Following independence, in 1822, Emperor Pedro I ordered the convocation of a National Assembly to draft the country's first Constitution. Following several disagreements with the elected deputies, the Emperor dissolved the Assembly. In 1824, Pedro I implemented the first Constitution which established a Legislative branch with the Chamber of Deputies as the lower house, the Senate as an upper house; the first configuration of the Senate was a consulting body to the Emperor. Membership was for life and it was a place of great prestige, to which only a small part of the population could aspire. Members of the Senate were elected, but they had to be at least 40 years old and have an annual income of 800,000 contos-de-réis, which limited candidates to wealthy citizens. Voters faced an income qualification. Voting in an election for the Senate was limited to male citizens with an annual income of at least 200,000 contos-de-réis; those who qualified for this did not vote directly for Senators. To be a Senate elector required an annual income of 400,000 contos-de-réis.
Once elected, these electors would vote for senator. The election itself would not result in a winner automatically; the three candidates receiving the most votes would make up what was called a "triple list", from which the Emperor would select one individual that would be considered "elected". The Emperor chose the candidate with the most votes, but it was within his discretion to select whichever of the three individuals listed; the unelected Princes of the Brazilian Imperial House were senators by right and would assume their seats in the Senate upon reaching age 25. The original Senate had 50 members, representing all of the Empire's Provinces, each with a number of senators proportional to its population. Following the adoption of the 1824 Constitution the first session of the Senate took place in May 1826; the Emperor had delayed calling the first election, which had led to accusations that he would attempt to establish an absolutist government. The Senate comprises 81 seats. Three Senators from each of the 26 states and three Senators from the Federal District are elected on a majority basis to serve eight-year terms.
Elections are staggered so that two-thirds of the upper house is up for election at one time and the remaining one-third four years later. When one seat is up for election in each State, each voter casts one vote for the Senate; the candidate in each State and the Federal District who achieve the greatest plurality of votes are elected. The current composition of the Board of the Federal Senate is as follows: The current composition of the House is as follows: Federal institutions of Brazil Official website of the Brazilian Senate Photos 360° of the Brazilian Senate List of all Brazilian senators
Brazilian Social Democracy Party
The Brazilian Social Democracy Party known as the Brazilian Social Democratic Party or the Party of Brazilian Social Democracy, is a centrist political party in Brazil. As the third largest party in the National Congress, the PSDB was the main opposition party against the left-wing Workers' Party administrations of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff from 2003 to 2016. Born together as part of the social democratic opposition to the military dictatorship from the late 1970s through the 1980s, the PSDB and the PT have since the mid-1990s been bitterest rivals in current Brazilian politics—both parties prohibit any kind of coalition or official cooperation with each other at any government levels, its mascot is a blue and yellow colored toucan, with party members being called tucanos for this reason. Famous tucanos include Mário Covas, Geraldo Alckmin, Tasso Jereissati, Aécio Neves, former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Franco Montoro, Aloysio Nunes, Yeda Crusius and José Serra.
With the imminent collapse of the military dictatorship in the early 1980s, a group of left-wing intellectuals were mobilized to create a leftist party. Some of them attempted to work with the labour movement led by Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, but the group split over ideological grounds. A group of democratic socialists and Trotskyists joined the labour movement and founded the Workers' Party while the social democrats remained in the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party and would create the Brazilian Social Democracy Party. Founded on 25 June 1988 by members of the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party linked to the European social democratic movement as an attempt to clarify their ideals, its manifesto preached "democracy as a fundamental value" and "social justice as an aim to be reached". In its foundation, the party attempted to unite political groups as diverse as social democrats, social liberals, Christian democrats and democratic socialists; the period when the PSDB was created was a significant moment in the history of Brazilian politics.
On 21 April 1985, the Brazilian people witnessed the death of Tancredo Neves, the last President not elected directly by the people since the beginning of the dictatorial government. With the formation of new parties, including the PSDB, a National Constitutional Assembly was created and drafted the current democratic constitution in 1988. A high proportion of the first members of the PSDB came from the so-called "historic PMDB", still is a large party with many internal conflicts; the founders of the PSDB were dissatisfied with the results of the National Constitutional Assembly and decided to create a party to reflect the need for a national political renewal. As their manifesto states, the new party was created "away from the official benefits, but close to the pulsing of the streets"; some of the founding members were José Serra, Mário Covas, André Franco Montoro, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Aécio Neves and Geraldo Alckmin. In a country where two constitutional referendum, held in 1963 and in 1993, have shown a strong preference for a presidential system of government as in most countries of the Americas, the PSDB stands alone in the preference given in its manifesto to a parliamentarian system of government.
However, after the electors rejected parliamentarism in 1993 and though the PSDB leader Cardoso was elected President the next year, the party did nothing in the last years to further the cause of a parliamentarian system. The PSDB is one of the most significant political parties in Brazil, its official program says its policies are social democratic and associated with the Third Way movement, although the party is seen as influenced by neoliberalism. The party's program states that it "reject populism and authoritarianism, as well as both fundamentalist neoliberalism and obsolete national-statism". Despite its name, the PSDB is not a member of the Socialist International which draws together social democratic parties worldwide; the party has not and has never had the links to trade union movements that characterize social democratic parties and it used to sponsor a central union, the Social-Democracia Sindical, which has now merged with the Central Autônoma dos Trabalhadores and the much more important Central Geral dos Trabalhadores into the União Geral dos Trabalhadores, but its impact among the unions has always been quite unimpressive compared to much smaller parties as the PDT or the Communist Party of Brazil, or to the tucanos's own influence in society at large.
A mere six years after its creation, the PSDB won the presidency. It grew faster than any other party in Brazilian history, with an astonishingly good performance in elections at all levels. President Cardoso enjoyed eight years of political stability in his tenure as President. Accordingly, a good summary of the PSDB's stated program is the following: Constant defense of democracy The state at a minimally needed size Administrative decentralization Sustainable economic growth with wealth distribution Political reform to make stronger parties with electoral districts accountable representatives as well as aiming to reduce and eliminate corruption Based on data released by the Superior Electoral Court, the Movement to Combat Electoral Corruption released a balance on 4 October 2007 with the parties that include the largest number of parliamentarians quashed by electoral corruption since 2000; the PSDB appeared in third place on the list with 58 cases, behind only the Democrats and the PMDB.
According to analysis released on 8 September 2012