Feminist movements and ideologies
A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals and affiliations, they overlap, some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought. Judith Lorber distinguishes between three broad kinds of feminist discourses: gender reform feminisms, gender resistant feminisms, gender revolution feminisms. In her typology, gender reform feminisms are rooted in the political philosophy of liberalism with its emphasis on individual rights. Gender resistant feminisms focus on specific behaviors and group dynamics through which women are kept in a subordinate position in subcultures which claim to support gender equality. Gender revolution feminisms seek to disrupt the social order through deconstructing its concepts and categories and analyzing the cultural reproduction of inequalities. "Mainstream feminism" as a general term identifies feminist ideologies and movements which do not fall into either the socialist or radical feminist camps. The mainstream feminist movement traditionally focused on political and legal reform, has its roots in first-wave feminism and in the historical liberal feminism of the 19th and early-20th centuries.
In 2017, Angela Davis referred to mainstream feminism as "bourgeois feminism". The term is today used by essayists and cultural analysts in reference to a movement made palatable to a general audience by celebrity supporters like Taylor Swift. Mainstream feminism is derisively referred to as "white feminism," a term implying that mainstream feminists don't fight for intersectionality with race and sexuality. Mainstream feminism has been accused of being commercialized, of focusing on issues that are less contentious in the western world today, such as women's political participation or female education access. Radical feminists sometimes criticize mainstream feminists as part of "a system of patriarchy". Major milestones of the feminist struggle—such as the right to vote and the right to education—came about as a result of the work of the mainstream feminist movement, which emphasized building far-reaching support for feminist causes among both men and women. Anarcha-feminism combines anarchism with feminism.
It views patriarchy as a manifestation of involuntary hierarchy. Anarcha-feminists believe that the struggle against patriarchy is an essential part of class struggle and of the anarchist struggle against the state. In essence, the philosophy sees anarchist struggle as a necessary component of feminist struggle and vice versa; as L. Susan Brown puts it, "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist". Important historic anarcha-feminists include Emma Goldman, Federica Montseny, Voltairine de Cleyre, Maria Lacerda de Moura, Lucy Parsons. In the Spanish Civil War, an anarcha-feminist group, Mujeres Libres, linked to the Federación Anarquista Ibérica, organized to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas. Contemporary anarcha-feminist writers/theorists include Germaine Greer, L. Susan Brown, the eco-feminist Starhawk. Contemporary anarcha-feminist groups include Bolivia's Mujeres Creando, Radical Cheerleaders, the Spanish anarcha-feminist squat La Eskalera Karakola, the annual La Rivolta! conference in Boston.
Black feminism argues that sexism, class oppression, racism are inextricably bound together. Forms of feminism that strive to overcome sexism and class oppression but ignore race can discriminate against many people, including women, through racial bias; the National Black Feminist Organization was founded in 1973 by Florynce Kennedy, Margaret Sloan, Doris Wright, according to Wright it, "more than any other organization in the century launched a frontal assault on sexism and racism". The NBFO helped inspire the founding of the Boston-based organization the Combahee River Collective in 1974 which not only led the way for crucial antiracist activism in Boston through the decade, but provided a blueprint for Black feminism that still stands a quarter of a century later. Combahee member Barbara Smith’s definition of feminism that still remains a model today states that, "feminism is the political theory and practice to free all women: women of color, working-class women, poor women, physically challenged women, old women, as well as white economically privileged heterosexual women.
Anything less than this is not feminism, but female self-aggrandizement." The Combahee River Collective argued in 1974 that the liberation of black women entails freedom for all people, since it would require the end of racism and class oppression. One of the theories that evolved out of this movement was Alice Walker's womanism, it emerged after the early feminist movements that were led by white women, were white middle-class movements, had ignored oppression based on racism and classism. Alice Walker and other womanists pointed out that black women experienced a different and more intense kind of oppression from that of white women. Angela Davis was one of the first people who articulated an argument centered around the intersection of race and class in her book, Women and Class. Kimberle Crenshaw, a prominent feminist law theorist, gave the idea the name intersectionality in the late 1980s as part of her work in anti-discrimination law, as part of describing the effects of compound discrimination against black women.
Cultural feminism is the ideology of a "female nature" or "female essence" that attempts to revalidate what they consider undervalued female attributes. It emphasizes the difference between women and men but considers that difference to be psychologic
A mother is the female parent of a child. Mothers are women who inhabit or perform the role of bearing some relation to their children, who may or may not be their biological offspring. Thus, dependent on the context, women can be considered mothers by virtue of having given birth, by raising their child, supplying their ovum for fertilisation, or some combination thereof; such conditions provide a way of delineating the concept of motherhood, or the state of being a mother. Women who meet the third and first categories fall under the terms'birth mother' or'biological mother', regardless of whether the individual in question goes on to parent their child. Accordingly, a woman who meets only the second condition may be considered an adoptive mother, those who meet only the first or only the third a surrogacy mother. An adoptive mother is a female who has become the child's parent through the legal process of adoption. A biological mother is the female genetic contributor to the creation of the infant, through sexual intercourse or egg donation.
A biological mother may have legal obligations to a child not raised by her, such as an obligation of monetary support. A putative mother is a female whose biological relationship to a child is alleged but has not been established. A stepmother is a female, the wife of a child's father and they may form a family unit, but who does not have the legal rights and responsibilities of a parent in relation to the child; the above concepts defining the role of mother are neither exhaustive nor universal, as any definition of'mother' may vary based on how social and religious roles are defined. The parallel conditions and terms for males: those who are fathers do not, by definition, take up the role of fatherhood. Motherhood and fatherhood are not limited to those who have parented. Women who are pregnant may be referred to as expectant mothers or mothers-to-be, though such applications tend to be less applied to fathers or adoptive parents; the process of becoming a mother has been referred to as "matrescence".
The adjective "maternal" comparatively to "paternal" for a father. The verb "to mother" means to procreate or to sire a child from which derives the noun "mothering". Related terms of endearment are mom, mumsy and mammy. A female role model that children can look up to is sometimes referred to as a mother-figure. Biological motherhood for humans, as in other mammals, occurs when a pregnant female gestates a fertilized ovum. A female can become pregnant through sexual intercourse. In well-nourished girls, menarche takes place around the age of 12 or 13. A fetus develops from the viable zygote, resulting in an embryo. Gestation occurs in the woman's uterus. In humans, gestation is around 9 months in duration, after which the woman experiences labor and gives birth; this is not always the case, however, as some babies are born prematurely, late, or in the case of stillbirth, do not survive gestation. Once the baby is born, the mother produces milk via the lactation process; the mother's breast milk is the source of antibodies for the infant's immune system, the sole source of nutrition for newborns before they are able to eat and digest other foods.
Childlessness is the state of not having children. Childlessness may have social or political significance. Childlessness may be voluntary childlessness, which occurs by choice, or may be involuntary due to health problems or social circumstances. Motherhood is voluntary, but may be the result of forced pregnancy, such as pregnancy from rape. Unwanted motherhood occurs in cultures which practice forced marriage and child marriage. Mother can apply to a woman other than the biological parent if she fulfills the main social role in raising the child; this is either an adoptive mother or a stepmother. The term "othermother" or "other mother" is used in some contexts for women who provide care for a child not biologically their own in addition to the child's primary mother. Adoption, in various forms, has been practiced throughout history predating human civilization. Modern systems of adoption, arising in the 20th century, tend to be governed by comprehensive statutes and regulations. In recent decades, international adoptions have become more common.
Adoption in the United States is common and easy from a legal point of view. In 2001, with over 127,000 adoptions, the US accounted for nearly half of the total number of adoptions worldwide. A surrogate mother is a woman who bears a child that came from another woman's fertilized ovum on behalf of a couple unable to give birth to children, thus the surrogate mother carries and gives birth to a child that she is not the biological mother of. Surrogate motherhood became possible with advances in reproductive technologies, such as in vitro fertilization. Not all women who become pregnant via in vitro fertilization are surrogate mothers. Surrogacy involves both a genetic mother, who provides the ovum, a gestational mother, who carries the child to term; the possibility for lesbian and bisexual women in same-sex relationships to become mothers has increased over the past few decades due to technological developments. Mod
Women's suffrage in states of the United States
Women's suffrage in states of the United States refers to women's right to vote in individual states of that country. Suffrage was established on a full or partial basis by various towns, counties and territories during the latter decades of the 19th century and early part of the 20th century; as women received the right to vote in some places, they began running for public office and gaining positions as school board members, county clerks, state legislators, and, in the case of Jeannette Rankin, as a Member of Congress. The campaign to establish women's right to vote in the states was conducted with the campaign for an amendment to the United States Constitution that would establish that right in all states; that campaign succeeded with the ratification of Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. The demand for women's suffrage began to gather strength in the 1840s, emerging from the broader movement for women's rights; the first national suffrage organizations were established in 1869 when two competing organizations were formed, each campaigning for suffrage at both the state and national levels.
The National Woman Suffrage Association, led by Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, was interested in national suffrage amendment; the American Woman Suffrage Association, led by Lucy Stone, tended to work more for suffrage at the state level. They merged in 1890 as the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Prospects for a national amendment looked dim at the turn of the century, progress at the state level had slowed. In the 1910s, the drive for a national amendment was revitalized, the movement achieved a series of successes at the state level; the newly formed National Woman's Party, a militant organization led by Alice Paul, focused exclusively on the national amendment. The larger NAWSA, under the leadership of Carrie Chapman Catt made the suffrage amendment its top priority. In September 1918, President Wilson spoke before the Senate, asking for the suffrage amendment to be approved; the amendment was approved by the required number of states a year later. On the whole, western states and territories were more favorable to women's suffrage than eastern ones.
It has been suggested that western areas, faced with a shortage of women on the frontier, "sweetened the deal" in order to make themselves more attractive to women so as to encourage female immigration or that they gave the vote as a reward to those women there. Susan Anthony said. In 1871 Anthony and Stanton toured several western states, with special attention to the territories of Wyoming and Utah where women had equal suffrage, their suffragist speeches were ridiculed or denounced by the opinion makers - the politicians and editors. Anthony returned to the West in 1877, 1895, 1896. By the last trip, at age 76, Anthony's views had gained respect. Activists concentrated on the single issue of suffrage and went directly to the opinion makers to educate them and to persuade them to support the goal of suffrage. By 1920 when women got the vote nationwide, Wyoming women had been voting for half a century. In March 1867, the Kansas legislature decided to include two suffrage referenda in that year's November election.
If approved by the voters, one would enfranchise African Americans and the other would enfranchise women. The proposal for the referendum on women's suffrage, the first in the U. S. originated with leader of a rebel faction of the state Republican Party. Wood had moved to Kansas to oppose the extension of slavery into that state; the American Equal Rights Association supported both referenda. The AERA, which advocated suffrage for both women and blacks, had been formed in 1866 by abolitionists and women's rights activists. Lucy Stone and her husband Henry Blackwell launched the AERA campaign in Kansas. In April they assisted with the formation of a state organization called the Impartial Suffrage Association, led by Charles L. Robinson, a former governor, Stone's brother's brother-in-law, Sam Wood. Olympia Brown arrived in Kansas on July 1 to relieve Stone and Blackwell as leader of the AERA campaign, handling that task single-handedly until Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton arrived in September.
The AERA could not afford to send more activists because money that had expected to support their campaign had been blocked by Wendell Phillips, a leading abolitionist. Although he supported women's rights, Phillips believed that suffrage for African American men was the key issue of the day, he objected to mixing the issues of suffrage for blacks and women; the AERA had hoped for assistance from the Kansas Republican Party. The Republicans instead decided to support suffrage for black men only and formed an "Anti Female Suffrage Committee" to oppose those who were campaigning for women's suffrage. By the end of summer the AERA campaign had collapsed under the weight of Republican hostility, its finances were exhausted. Anthony and Stanton created a storm of controversy by accepting help during the last two and a half weeks of the campaign from George Francis Train, a Democrat, a wealthy businessman and a flamboyant speaker who supported women's rights. Train, however openly disparaged the integrity and intelligence of African Americans, supporting women's suffrage in the belief that the votes of women would help contain the political power of blacks.
The usual procedure was for Anthony to speak first, declaring that the ability to vote rightfully belonged to both women and blacks. Train would speak next, declaring that it would be an outrage for blacks to
Fourth-wave feminism is a wave of feminism that began around 2012 and is characterized by a desire for the empowerment of women and its reliance on the internet. It focuses on intersectionality, examines the interlocking systems of power that contribute to the stratification of traditionally marginalized groups in society. Fourth-wave feminists advocate for greater representation of these groups in politics and business, argue society will be more equitable if policies and practices incorporate the perspectives of all people. Earlier feminists fought for and earned women greater liberation and social mobility. Fourth-wave feminists use print and social media to collaborate and mobilize, speak against abusers of power, to provide opportunities for girls and women. In addition to advocating for women, feminists point out that boys and men should have greater opportunities to be engaged parents to their children, to express emotions and feelings and to present themselves as they wish; the fourth wave of feminism diverges from the first three waves of feminism because of its utilization of social media as a far-reaching platform, both praised and critiqued.
Fourth-wave feminism is associated with the use of social media, with Kira Cochrane saying fourth-wave feminism is "defined by technology", characterized by the use of Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and blogs such as Feministing to challenge misogyny. Social media is a used far reaching platform that has the power to connect women from all backgrounds as well as feminists who have participated in past and current waves; the power of social media provides individuals with a forum to critique and build upon past feminist waves and their relation to the fourth wave. Each wave is distinguishable from the next in the specific objectives each wave worked to achieve but the underlying commonality of equality weaves the waves together. How inclusive each wave was in their intent for equality varies but during this age of digitalized feminism there is now a platform for contemporary feminists from various eras and backgrounds to connect and build upon their singular perspectives to create a broader view of experienced oppression that generates a more inclusive and specific call to action.
In 2013 twitter users took to the call-out culture of the internet to critique what many considered a transphobic comment made by Suzanne Moore in a piece published by The Observer. Following allegations of sexual abuse against Harvey Weinstein in 2017, the Me Too movement spread via the Twitter hashtag #metoo. Examples of other fourth-wave feminist campaigns include the Everyday Sexism Project, Ni una menos, No More Page 3, Stop Bild Sexism, Mattress Performance, 10 Hours of Walking in NYC as a Woman, #YesAllWomen, Free the Nipple, One Billion Rising, the 2017 Women's March, the 2018 Women's March, Time's Up. In December 2017, Time magazine chose several prominent female activists involved in the #MeToo movement, dubbed "the silence breakers", as Person of the Year. Hashtag Feminism has a strong presence on social media in many forms, including a following on Instagram and Twitter; some of the hashtags within the movement include "#bringbackourgirls", "#YesAllWomen", "#NotYourAsianSidekick" and "#SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen".
#GirlGaze, one of these feminist hashtags, created by Amanda de Cadenet, is an online platform where Cheryl Robinson of Forbes describes the social media project as one which "empowers Generation Z females to be creative and entrepreneurial". This platform according to Amanda de Cadenet allows young women to use #GirlGaze to create a more equal "playing field" in media, as well as emphasizes the importance of female discussion in society. Topics within the #GirlGaze community include "sexuality, body positivity and mental health" according to Looft. In addition to the campaigns, the principle of "Privilege checking" is a common trend on social media, it is the idea that any one, one or all of the following: male, cisgender, straight, or affluent, has privilege, should acknowledge it, use it for the advancement of those without the same privilege. Feminism is understood as "The advocacy of women's rights on the ground of the equality of the sexes", but this definition has become subject to change as the movement adjusts through time.
Journalist Pythia Peay argued for the existence of a fourth wave as early as 2005, one focusing on social justice and civil rights, and, in 2011, Jennifer Baumgardner dated the start of the fourth wave to 2008. Twitter, the social network most popular with the 18–29 age group, was created in 2006, making feminism more accessible and giving rise to "hashtag feminism"; when unsuccessful Democratic gubernatorial candidate Wendy Davis staged her 13-hour filibuster in Texas in 2013 to try to prevent a pro-life bill from passing, women showed their support by rallying around the Texas State Capitol. Those who were not physically present used the hashtag #StandWithWendy. Women protested the sexist questions directed at female celebrities by tweeting the hashtag #askhermore. Several scandals have galvanized the movement, including the Delhi gang rape, Jimmy Savile allegations, Bill Cosby sexual assault cases, Isla Vista killings, trial of Jian Ghomeshi, Harvey Weinstein allegations and subsequent Me Too movement and Weinstein effect, the Westminster sexual scandals.
Other feminist movements and "calls to action" have characterized the fourth wave. One such movement is the "HeForShe" campaign which arose from Emma Watson's viral UN Women speech in 2014. Due to the simultan
Suffrage in Australia
Suffrage in Australia refers to the right to vote for people living in Australia, including all its six component states and territories, as well as local councils. The colonies of Australia began to grant universal male suffrage during the 1850s and women's suffrage followed between the 1890s and 1900s. Today, the right to vote at federal and local levels of government is enjoyed by all citizens of Australia over the age of 18 years. Upon first white settlement in New South Wales in 1788, the appointed Governors had autocratic powers within the colony, but agitation for representative government began soon after the settlement. A legislative body, the New South Wales Legislative Council, was created in 1825, an appointed body whose function was to advise the Governor. On 24 August 1824, 5 members were appointed to the Council, which increased to 7 members in 1825, between 10 and 15 in 1829. In 1829, British sovereignty was extended to cover the whole of Australia, everyone born in Australia, including Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, became British subjects by birth.
The first parliamentary elections in Australia took place in 1843 for the New South Wales Legislative Council under the New South Wales Constitution Act 1842. The Council had 36 members, of which 12 were appointed by the Governor and the remainder were elected; the right to vote was limited to men with a freehold valued at £200 or a householder paying rent of £20 per year, both large sums at the time. In the 1850s, limited self-government was granted to South Australia, New South Wales and Tasmania: all adult male British subjects became entitled to vote; this included indigenous people but they were not encouraged to enroll. Queensland gained self-government in 1859 and Western Australia in 1890, but these colonies denied indigenous people the vote. An innovative secret ballot was introduced in Victoria and South Australia. In 1856, under a new Constitution, the New South Wales Parliament became bicameral with a elected Legislative Assembly and a appointed Legislative Council with a Government taking over most of the legislative powers of the Governor.
On 22 May 1856, the newly constituted New South Wales Parliament sat for the first time. The right to vote for Legislative Assembly was extended to all adult males in 1858. In 1901, the six Australian colonies united to form the federal Commonwealth of Australia; the first election for the Commonwealth Parliament in 1901 was based on the electoral laws at that time of the six colonies, so that those who had the right to vote and to stand for Parliament at state level had the same rights for the 1901 Australian federal election. Only in South Australia and Western Australia did women have a vote. Tasmania retained a small property qualification for voting, but in the other states all male British subjects over 21 could vote. Only in South Australia and Tasmania were indigenous Australians theoretically entitled to vote. A few may have done so in South Australia. Western Australia and Queensland barred indigenous people from voting. In 1902, the Commonwealth Parliament passed the Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902, which established a uniform franchise law for the federal Parliament.
The Act declared that all British subjects over the age of 21 years, living in Australia for at least 6 months were entitled to a vote, whether male or female, whether married or single. Besides granting Australian women the right to vote at a national level, it allowed them to stand for election to federal Parliament; this meant that Australia was the second country, after New Zealand, to grant women's suffrage at a national level, the first country to allow women to stand for Parliament. However, the Act disqualified Indigenous people from Australia, Asia and the Pacific Islands, with the exception of Māori, from voting though they were British subjects and otherwise entitled to a vote. By this provision, Indian people, for example, were disqualified to vote; the only exception was in relation to those who were entitled under Section 41 of the Australian Constitution to a vote. Section 41 states that any individual who has gained a right to vote at a state level, must have the right to vote in federal elections.
The Solicitor-General, Robert Garran, interpreted the provision to mean that Commonwealth voting rights were granted by section 41 only to people who were State voters in 1902. The effect was not to enable those who subsequently acquired the right to vote at a State level, but who were expressly excluded from the franchise by the 1902 Act, such as Indigenous Australians, to vote at the federal level; those otherwise entitled voters who are subject to a crime which carries a penalty of over one year in prison are disqualified to vote. There was no representation for any of the territories of Australia. In the meantime, State franchise laws continued in force. In 1897, in South Australia, Catherine Helen Spence was the first woman to stand as a political candidate; the restrictions on voting by indigenous Australians were relaxed after World War II, removed by the Commonwealth Electoral Act in 1962. Senator Neville Bonner became the first Aboriginal Australian to sit in the federal Parliament in 1971.
Julia Gillard became the first female Prime Minister of Australia in 2010. Traditional Aboriginal society had been governed by councils of elders and a corporate decision making process, but the first European-style governments established after 1788 were autocratic and run by appointed governors - although E
History of feminism
The history of feminism comprises the narratives of the movements and ideologies which have aimed at equal rights for women. While feminists around the world have differed in causes and intentions depending on time and country, most Western feminist historians assert that all movements that work to obtain women's rights should be considered feminist movements when they did not apply the term to themselves; some other historians limit the term "feminist" to the modern feminist movement and its progeny, use the label "protofeminist" to describe earlier movements. Modern Western feminist history is conventionally split into three time periods, or "waves", each with different aims based on prior progress: First-wave feminism of the 19th and early 20th centuries focused on overturning legal inequalities addressing issues of women's suffrage Second-wave feminism broadened debate to include cultural inequalities, gender norms, the role of women in society Third-wave feminism refers to diverse strains of feminist activity, seen both as a continuation of the second wave and as a response to its perceived failuresAlthough the "waves" construct has been used to describe the history of feminism, the concept has been criticized for ignoring and erasing the history between the "waves", by choosing to focus on a few famous figures and on popular events.
People and activists who discuss or advance women's equality prior to the existence of the feminist movement are sometimes labeled as protofeminist. Some scholars criticize this term because they believe it diminishes the importance of earlier contributions or that feminism does not have a single, linear history as implied by terms such as protofeminist or postfeminist. Around 24 centuries ago, according to Elaine Hoffman Baruch, " for the total political and sexual equality of women, advocating that they be members of his highest class... those who rule and fight". Italian-French writer Christine de Pizan, the author of The Book of the City of Ladies and Epître au Dieu d'Amour is cited by Simone de Beauvoir as the first woman to denounce misogyny and write about the relation of the sexes. Other early feminist writers include Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa and Modesta di Pozzo di Forzi, who worked in the 16th century, the 17th-century writers Hannah Woolley in England, Juana Inés de la Cruz in Mexico, Marie Le Jars de Gournay, Anne Bradstreet, François Poullain de la Barre.
One of the most important 17th-century feminist writers in the English language was Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Her knowledge was recognized by some, such as proto-feminist Bathsua Makin, who wrote that "The present Dutchess of New-Castle, by her own Genius, rather than any timely Instruction, over-tops many grave Grown-Men," and considered her a prime example of what women could become through education; the Age of Enlightenment was characterized by secular intellectual reasoning and a flowering of philosophical writing. Many Enlightenment philosophers defended the rights of women, including Jeremy Bentham, Marquis de Condorcet, Mary Wollstonecraft. Other important writers of the time that expressed feminist views included Abigail Adams, Catharine Macaulay, Hedvig Charlotta Nordenflycht; the English utilitarian and classical liberal philosopher Jeremy Bentham said that it was the placing of women in a inferior position that made him choose the career of a reformist at the age of eleven.
Bentham spoke for complete equality between sexes including the rights to vote and to participate in government. He opposed the asymmetrical sexual moral standards between women. In his Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, Bentham condemned many countries' common practice to deny women's rights due to inferior minds. Bentham gave many examples of able female regents. Nicolas de Condorcet was a mathematician, classical liberal politician, leading French Revolutionary and Voltairean anti-clericalist, he was a fierce defender of human rights, including the equality of women and the abolition of slavery, unusual for the 1780s. He advocated for women's suffrage in the new government in 1790 with De l'admission des femmes au droit de cité and an article for Journal de la Société de 1789. Following de Condorcet's repeated, yet failed, appeals to the National Assembly in 1789 and 1790, Olympe de Gouges authored and published the Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen in 1791.
This was another plea for the French Revolutionary government to recognize the natural and political rights of women. De Gouges wrote the Declaration in the prose of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen mimicking the failure of men to include more than a half of the French population in egalité. Though,the Declaration did not accomplish its goals, it did set a precedent for a manner in which feminists could satirize their governments for their failures in equality, seen in documents such as A Vindication of the Rights of Woman and A Declaration of Sentiments; the most cited feminist writer of the time was Mary Wollstonecraft characterized as the first feminist philosopher. A Vindication of the Rights of Woman is one of the first works that can unambiguously be called feminist, although by modern standards her comparison of women to the nobility, the elite of society may at first seem dated as a feminist argument. Wollstonecraft identified th
Anarcha-feminism called anarchist feminism, anarcho-feminism, and/or anarchx-feminism, combines anarchism with feminism. It views patriarchy and traditional gender roles as a manifestation of involuntary coercive hierarchy that should be replaced by decentralized free association, they believe that the struggle against patriarchy is an essential part of class conflict and the anarchist struggle against the state and capitalism. In essence, the philosophy sees anarchist struggle as a necessary component of feminist struggle and vice versa. L. Susan Brown claims that "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist". Contrary to popular belief and contemporary association with radical feminism, anarcha-feminism is not an inherently militant outlook, it is described to be an anti-authoritarian, anti-capitalist, anti-oppressive philosophy, with the goal of creating an "equal ground" between all genders. The term "anarcha-feminism" suggests the social freedom and liberty of women, without needed dependence upon other groups or parties.
Mikhail Bakunin opposed patriarchy and the way the law " to the absolute domination of the man". He argued that "qual rights must belong to men and women" so that women could "become independent and be free to forge their own way of life". Bakunin foresaw the end of "the authoritarian juridical family" and "the full sexual freedom of women". On the other hand, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon viewed the family as the most basic unit of society and of his morality and believed that women had the responsibility of fulfilling a traditional role within the family. Since the 1860s, anarchism's radical critique of capitalism and the state has been combined with a critique of patriarchy. Anarcha-feminists thus start from the precept. Authoritarian traits and values—domination, exploitation and competition—are integral to hierarchical civilizations and are seen as "masculine". In contrast, non-authoritarian traits and values—cooperation, sharing and sensitivity—are regarded as "feminine" and devalued. Anarcha-feminists have thus espoused creation of a anarchist society.
They refer to the creation of a society based on cooperation and mutual aid as the "feminization of society". Anarcha-feminism began with late 19th and early 20th century authors and theorists such as anarchist feminists Emma Goldman, Voltairine de Cleyre and Lucy Parsons. In the Spanish Civil War, an anarcha-feminist group, Mujeres Libres, linked to the Federación Anarquista Ibérica, organized to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas. Stirnerist Nietzschean feminist Federica Montseny held that the "emancipation of women would lead to a quicker realization of the social revolution" and that "the revolution against sexism would have to come from intellectual and militant'future-women'". According to this Nietzschean concept of Federica Montseny's, women could "realize through art and literature the need to revise their own roles". In China, the anarcha-feminist He Zhen argued that without women's liberation society could not be liberated. In Argentina, Virginia Bolten is responsible for the publication of a newspaper called La Voz de la Mujer, published nine times in Rosario between January 8, 1896 and January 1, 1897 and was revived in 1901.
A similar paper with the same name was published in Montevideo, which suggests that Bolten may have founded and edited it after her deportation. La Voz de la Mujer described itself as "dedicated to the advancement of Communist Anarchism", its central theme was the multiple natures of women's oppression. An editorial asserted: "We believe that in present-day society and nobody has a more wretched situation than unfortunate women", they said that women were doubly oppressed by men. Its beliefs can be seen upon male power over women, its contributors, like anarchist feminists elsewhere, developed a concept of oppression that focused on gender. They saw marriage as a bourgeois institution which restricted women's freedom, including their sexual freedom. Marriages entered into without love, fidelity maintained through fear rather than desire and oppression of women by men they hated were all seen as symptomatic of the coercion implied by the marriage contract, it was this alienation of the individual's will that the anarchist feminists deplored and sought to remedy through free love and more through social revolution.
An important topic within individualist anarchism is free love. Free love advocates sometimes traced their roots back to Josiah Warren and to experimental communities, which viewed sexual freedom as a clear, direct expression of an individual's self-ownership. Free love stressed women's rights since most sexual laws discriminated against women, such as marriage laws and anti-birth control measures; the most important American free love journal was Lucifer the Lightbearer, edited by Moses Harman and Lois Waisbrooker. Ezra and Angela Heywood's The Word was published from 1872–1890 and in 1892–1893. M. E. Lazarus was an important American individualist anarchist who promoted free love. In Europe, the main propagandist of free love within individualist anarchism was Émile Armand, he proposed the concept of "la camaraderie amoureuse" to speak of free love as the possibility of voluntary sexual encounter between consenting adults. He was a consistent proponent of polyamory. In France, there was feminist activity inside French individualist anarchism as promoted by individualist feminists Marie Küge, Anna Mahé, Rirette Maîtrejean and Sophia Zaïkovska.