Fourth-wave feminism is a wave of feminism that began around 2012 and is characterized by a desire for the empowerment of women and its reliance on the internet. It focuses on intersectionality, examines the interlocking systems of power that contribute to the stratification of traditionally marginalized groups in society. Fourth-wave feminists advocate for greater representation of these groups in politics and business, argue society will be more equitable if policies and practices incorporate the perspectives of all people. Earlier feminists fought for and earned women greater liberation and social mobility. Fourth-wave feminists use print and social media to collaborate and mobilize, speak against abusers of power, to provide opportunities for girls and women. In addition to advocating for women, feminists point out that boys and men should have greater opportunities to be engaged parents to their children, to express emotions and feelings and to present themselves as they wish; the fourth wave of feminism diverges from the first three waves of feminism because of its utilization of social media as a far-reaching platform, both praised and critiqued.
Fourth-wave feminism is associated with the use of social media, with Kira Cochrane saying fourth-wave feminism is "defined by technology", characterized by the use of Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and blogs such as Feministing to challenge misogyny. Social media is a used far reaching platform that has the power to connect women from all backgrounds as well as feminists who have participated in past and current waves; the power of social media provides individuals with a forum to critique and build upon past feminist waves and their relation to the fourth wave. Each wave is distinguishable from the next in the specific objectives each wave worked to achieve but the underlying commonality of equality weaves the waves together. How inclusive each wave was in their intent for equality varies but during this age of digitalized feminism there is now a platform for contemporary feminists from various eras and backgrounds to connect and build upon their singular perspectives to create a broader view of experienced oppression that generates a more inclusive and specific call to action.
In 2013 twitter users took to the call-out culture of the internet to critique what many considered a transphobic comment made by Suzanne Moore in a piece published by The Observer. Following allegations of sexual abuse against Harvey Weinstein in 2017, the Me Too movement spread via the Twitter hashtag #metoo. Examples of other fourth-wave feminist campaigns include the Everyday Sexism Project, Ni una menos, No More Page 3, Stop Bild Sexism, Mattress Performance, 10 Hours of Walking in NYC as a Woman, #YesAllWomen, Free the Nipple, One Billion Rising, the 2017 Women's March, the 2018 Women's March, Time's Up. In December 2017, Time magazine chose several prominent female activists involved in the #MeToo movement, dubbed "the silence breakers", as Person of the Year. Hashtag Feminism has a strong presence on social media in many forms, including a following on Instagram and Twitter; some of the hashtags within the movement include "#bringbackourgirls", "#YesAllWomen", "#NotYourAsianSidekick" and "#SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen".
#GirlGaze, one of these feminist hashtags, created by Amanda de Cadenet, is an online platform where Cheryl Robinson of Forbes describes the social media project as one which "empowers Generation Z females to be creative and entrepreneurial". This platform according to Amanda de Cadenet allows young women to use #GirlGaze to create a more equal "playing field" in media, as well as emphasizes the importance of female discussion in society. Topics within the #GirlGaze community include "sexuality, body positivity and mental health" according to Looft. In addition to the campaigns, the principle of "Privilege checking" is a common trend on social media, it is the idea that any one, one or all of the following: male, cisgender, straight, or affluent, has privilege, should acknowledge it, use it for the advancement of those without the same privilege. Feminism is understood as "The advocacy of women's rights on the ground of the equality of the sexes", but this definition has become subject to change as the movement adjusts through time.
Journalist Pythia Peay argued for the existence of a fourth wave as early as 2005, one focusing on social justice and civil rights, and, in 2011, Jennifer Baumgardner dated the start of the fourth wave to 2008. Twitter, the social network most popular with the 18–29 age group, was created in 2006, making feminism more accessible and giving rise to "hashtag feminism"; when unsuccessful Democratic gubernatorial candidate Wendy Davis staged her 13-hour filibuster in Texas in 2013 to try to prevent a pro-life bill from passing, women showed their support by rallying around the Texas State Capitol. Those who were not physically present used the hashtag #StandWithWendy. Women protested the sexist questions directed at female celebrities by tweeting the hashtag #askhermore. Several scandals have galvanized the movement, including the Delhi gang rape, Jimmy Savile allegations, Bill Cosby sexual assault cases, Isla Vista killings, trial of Jian Ghomeshi, Harvey Weinstein allegations and subsequent Me Too movement and Weinstein effect, the Westminster sexual scandals.
Other feminist movements and "calls to action" have characterized the fourth wave. One such movement is the "HeForShe" campaign which arose from Emma Watson's viral UN Women speech in 2014. Due to the simultan
Suffrage in Australia
Suffrage in Australia refers to the right to vote for people living in Australia, including all its six component states and territories, as well as local councils. The colonies of Australia began to grant universal male suffrage during the 1850s and women's suffrage followed between the 1890s and 1900s. Today, the right to vote at federal and local levels of government is enjoyed by all citizens of Australia over the age of 18 years. Upon first white settlement in New South Wales in 1788, the appointed Governors had autocratic powers within the colony, but agitation for representative government began soon after the settlement. A legislative body, the New South Wales Legislative Council, was created in 1825, an appointed body whose function was to advise the Governor. On 24 August 1824, 5 members were appointed to the Council, which increased to 7 members in 1825, between 10 and 15 in 1829. In 1829, British sovereignty was extended to cover the whole of Australia, everyone born in Australia, including Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, became British subjects by birth.
The first parliamentary elections in Australia took place in 1843 for the New South Wales Legislative Council under the New South Wales Constitution Act 1842. The Council had 36 members, of which 12 were appointed by the Governor and the remainder were elected; the right to vote was limited to men with a freehold valued at £200 or a householder paying rent of £20 per year, both large sums at the time. In the 1850s, limited self-government was granted to South Australia, New South Wales and Tasmania: all adult male British subjects became entitled to vote; this included indigenous people but they were not encouraged to enroll. Queensland gained self-government in 1859 and Western Australia in 1890, but these colonies denied indigenous people the vote. An innovative secret ballot was introduced in Victoria and South Australia. In 1856, under a new Constitution, the New South Wales Parliament became bicameral with a elected Legislative Assembly and a appointed Legislative Council with a Government taking over most of the legislative powers of the Governor.
On 22 May 1856, the newly constituted New South Wales Parliament sat for the first time. The right to vote for Legislative Assembly was extended to all adult males in 1858. In 1901, the six Australian colonies united to form the federal Commonwealth of Australia; the first election for the Commonwealth Parliament in 1901 was based on the electoral laws at that time of the six colonies, so that those who had the right to vote and to stand for Parliament at state level had the same rights for the 1901 Australian federal election. Only in South Australia and Western Australia did women have a vote. Tasmania retained a small property qualification for voting, but in the other states all male British subjects over 21 could vote. Only in South Australia and Tasmania were indigenous Australians theoretically entitled to vote. A few may have done so in South Australia. Western Australia and Queensland barred indigenous people from voting. In 1902, the Commonwealth Parliament passed the Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902, which established a uniform franchise law for the federal Parliament.
The Act declared that all British subjects over the age of 21 years, living in Australia for at least 6 months were entitled to a vote, whether male or female, whether married or single. Besides granting Australian women the right to vote at a national level, it allowed them to stand for election to federal Parliament; this meant that Australia was the second country, after New Zealand, to grant women's suffrage at a national level, the first country to allow women to stand for Parliament. However, the Act disqualified Indigenous people from Australia, Asia and the Pacific Islands, with the exception of Māori, from voting though they were British subjects and otherwise entitled to a vote. By this provision, Indian people, for example, were disqualified to vote; the only exception was in relation to those who were entitled under Section 41 of the Australian Constitution to a vote. Section 41 states that any individual who has gained a right to vote at a state level, must have the right to vote in federal elections.
The Solicitor-General, Robert Garran, interpreted the provision to mean that Commonwealth voting rights were granted by section 41 only to people who were State voters in 1902. The effect was not to enable those who subsequently acquired the right to vote at a State level, but who were expressly excluded from the franchise by the 1902 Act, such as Indigenous Australians, to vote at the federal level; those otherwise entitled voters who are subject to a crime which carries a penalty of over one year in prison are disqualified to vote. There was no representation for any of the territories of Australia. In the meantime, State franchise laws continued in force. In 1897, in South Australia, Catherine Helen Spence was the first woman to stand as a political candidate; the restrictions on voting by indigenous Australians were relaxed after World War II, removed by the Commonwealth Electoral Act in 1962. Senator Neville Bonner became the first Aboriginal Australian to sit in the federal Parliament in 1971.
Julia Gillard became the first female Prime Minister of Australia in 2010. Traditional Aboriginal society had been governed by councils of elders and a corporate decision making process, but the first European-style governments established after 1788 were autocratic and run by appointed governors - although E
Positivism is a philosophical theory stating that certain knowledge is based on natural phenomena and their properties and relations. Thus, information derived from sensory experience, interpreted through reason and logic, forms the exclusive source of all certain knowledge. Positivism holds. Verified data received from the senses are known as empirical evidence. Positivism holds that society, like the physical world, operates according to general laws. Introspective and intuitive knowledge is rejected, as are metaphysics and theology because metaphysical and theological claims cannot be verified by sense experience. Although the positivist approach has been a recurrent theme in the history of western thought, the modern approach was formulated by the philosopher Auguste Comte in the early 19th century. Comte argued that, much as the physical world operates according to gravity and other absolute laws, so does society, further developed positivism into a Religion of Humanity; the English noun positivism was re-imported in the 19th century from the French word positivisme, derived from positif in its philosophical sense of'imposed on the mind by experience'.
The corresponding adjective has been used in a similar sense to discuss law since the time of Chaucer. Positivism is part of a more general ancient quarrel between philosophy and poetry, notably laid out by Plato and reformulated as a quarrel between the sciences and the humanities, Plato elaborates a critique of poetry from the point of view of philosophy in his dialogues Phaedrus 245a, Symposium 209a, Republic 398a, Laws 817 b-d and Ion. Wilhelm Dilthey popularized the distinction between Geisteswissenschaft and Naturwissenschaften; the consideration that laws in physics may not be absolute but relative, and, if so, this might be more true of social sciences, was stated, in different terms, by G. B. Vico in 1725. Vico, in contrast to the positivist movement, asserted the superiority of the science of the human mind, on the grounds that natural sciences tell us nothing about the inward aspects of things. Positivism asserts that all authentic knowledge allows verification and that all authentic knowledge assumes that the only valid knowledge is scientific.
Thinkers such as Henri de Saint-Simon, Pierre-Simon Laplace and Auguste Comte believed the scientific method, the circular dependence of theory and observation, must replace metaphysics in the history of thought. Émile Durkheim reformulated sociological positivism as a foundation of social research. Wilhelm Dilthey, in contrast, fought strenuously against the assumption that only explanations derived from science are valid, he reprised the argument found in Vico, that scientific explanations do not reach the inner nature of phenomena and it is humanistic knowledge that gives us insight into thoughts and desires. Dilthey was in part influenced by the historicism of Leopold von Ranke. At the turn of the 20th century the first wave of German sociologists, including Max Weber and Georg Simmel, rejected the doctrine, thus founding the antipositivist tradition in sociology. Antipositivists and critical theorists have associated positivism with "scientism". In his career, German theoretical physicist Werner Heisenberg, Nobel laureate for pioneering work in quantum mechanics, distanced himself from positivism by saying: The positivists have a simple solution: the world must be divided into that which we can say and the rest, which we had better pass over in silence.
But can any one conceive of a more pointless philosophy, seeing that what we can say amounts to next to nothing? If we omitted all, unclear we would be left with uninteresting and trivial tautologies. In the early 20th century, logical positivism—a descendant of Comte's basic thesis but an independent movement—sprang up in Vienna and grew to become one of the dominant schools in Anglo-American philosophy and the analytic tradition. Logical positivists rejected metaphysical speculation and attempted to reduce statements and propositions to pure logic. Strong critiques of this approach by philosophers such as Karl Popper, Willard Van Orman Quine and Thomas Kuhn have been influential, led to the development of postpositivism. In historiography the debate on positivism has been characterized by the quarrel between positivism and historicism. Arguments against positivist approaches in historiography include that history differs from sciences like physics and ethology in subject matter and method.
That much of what history studies is nonquantifiable, therefore to quantify is to lose in precision. Experimental methods and mathematical models do not apply to history, it is not possible to formulate general laws in history. Positivism in the social sciences is characterized by quantitative approaches and the proposition of quasi-absolute laws. A significant exception to this trend is represented by cultural anthropology, which tends toward qualitative approaches. In psychology the positivist movement was influential in the development of operationalism; the 1927 philosophy of science book The Logic of Modern Physics in particular, intended for physicists, coined the term operational definition, which went on to dominate psychological method for the whole century. In economics, practising researc
Atheist feminism is a branch of feminism that advocates atheism. Atheist feminists hold that religion is a prominent source of female oppression and inequality, believing that the majority of the religions are sexist and oppressive towards women; the first known feminist, an atheist was Ernestine Rose, born in Poland on January 13, 1810. Her open confession of disbelief in Judaism when she was a teenager brought her into conflict with her father and an unpleasant relationship developed. In order to force her into the obligations of the Jewish faith, her father, without her consent, betrothed her to a friend and fellow Jew when she was sixteen. Instead of arguing her case in a Jewish court, she went to a secular court, pleaded her own case, won. In 1829 she went to England, in 1835 she was one of the founders of the British atheist organization Association of All Classes of All Nations, which "called for human rights for all people, regardless of sex, color, or national origin", she lectured in England and America and was described by Samuel P.
Putnam 3 as "one of the best lecturers of her time". He wrote that "no orthodox man could meet her in debate". In the winter of 1836, Judge Thomas Hertell, a radical and freethinker, submitted a married women's property act in the legislature of the state of New York to investigate ways of improving the civil and property rights of married women, to permit them to hold real estate in their own name, which they were not permitted to do in New York. Upon hearing of the resolution, Ernestine Rose drew up a petition and began the soliciting of names to support the resolution in the state legislature, sending the petition to the legislature in 1838; this was the first petition drive done by a woman in New York. Ernestine continued to increase both the number of the petitions and the names until such rights were won in 1848, with the passing of the Married Women's Property Act. Others who participated in the work for the bill included Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Mott and Frances Wright, who were all anti-religious.
When Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton analyzed the influences which led to the Seneca Falls Convention on women's rights in 1848, they identified three causes, the first two being the radical ideas of Frances Wright and Ernestine Rose on religion and democracy, the initial reforms in women's property law in the 1830s and 1840s. Ernestine joined a group of freethinkers who had organized a Society for Moral Philanthropists, at which she lectured. In 1837, she took part in a debate that continued for thirteen weeks, where her topics included the advocacy of abolition of slavery, women's rights, equal opportunities for education, civil rights. In 1845 she was in attendance at the first national convention of infidels. Ernestine Rose introduced "the agitation on the subject of women's suffrage" in Michigan in 1846. In a lecture in Worcester, Massachusetts in 1851, she opposed calling upon the Bible to underwrite the rights of women, claiming that human rights and freedom of women were predicated upon "the laws of humanity" and that women, did not require the written authority of either Paul or Moses, because "those laws and our claim are prior" to both.
She attended the Women's Rights Convention in the Tabernacle, New York City, on September 10, 1853, spoke at the Hartford Bible Convention in 1854. It was in March of that year that she took off with Susan B. Anthony on a speaking tour to Washington, D. C. Susan B. Anthony arranged Ernestine Rose did all of the speaking. Anthony embarked on her own first lecture tour. In October 1854, Ernestine Rose was elected president of the National Women's Rights Convention at Philadelphia, overcoming the objection that she was unsuitable because of her atheism. Susan B. Anthony supported her in this fight, declaring that every religion—and none—should have an equal right on the platform. In 1856 she spoke at the Seventh National Woman's Convention saying in part, "And when your minister asks you for money for missionary purposes, tell him there are higher, holier, nobler missions to be performed at home; when he asks for colleges to educate ministers, tell him you must educate woman, that she may do away with the necessity of ministers, so that they may be able to go to some useful employment."She appeared again in Albany, New York, for the State Women's Rights Convention in early February 1861, the last one to be held until the end of the Civil War.
On May 14, 1863, she shared the podium with Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Antoinette Blackwell when the first Women's National Loyal League met to call for equal rights for women, to support the government in the Civil War "in so far as it makes a war for freedom", she was in attendance at the American Equal Rights Association meeting in which there was a schism and on May 15, 1869 joined with Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone to form a new organization, the National Woman Suffrage Association, which fought for both male and female suffrage, taking a position on the executive committee, she died at England, on August 4, 1892, at age eighty-two. The most prominent other people to publicly advocate for feminism and to challenge Christianity in the 1800s were Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Matilda Joslyn Gage. In 1885 Stanton wrote an essay entitled "Has Christianity Benefited Woman?" Arguing that it had in fact hurt women's rights, stating, "All religions thus far have taught the headship and superiority of man, the inferiority and subordina
History of women in the United States
This is a piece on history of women in the United States since 1776, of the Thirteen Colonies before that. The study of women's history has been a major scholarly and popular field, with many scholarly books and articles, museum exhibits, courses in schools and universities; the roles of women were long ignored in popular histories. By the 1960s, women were being presented as successful as male roles. An early feminist approach underscored their inferior status at the hands of men. In the 21st century writers have emphasized the distinctive strengths displayed inside the community of women, with special concern for minorities among women; the experiences of women during the colonial era varied from colony to colony, but there were some overall patterns. Most of the British settlers were from England and Wales, with smaller numbers from Scotland and Ireland. Groups of families settled together in New England, while families tended to settle independently in the Southern colonies; the American colonies absorbed several thousands of Swedish settlers.
After 1700, most immigrants to Colonial America arrived as indentured servants—young unmarried men and women seeking a new life in a much richer environment. After the 1660s, a steady flow of black slaves arrived, chiefly from the Caribbean. Food supplies were much more abundant than in Europe, there was an abundance of fertile land that needed farm families. However, the disease environment was hostile in the malaria-ridden South, where a large portion of the arrivals died within five years; the American-born children were immune from the fatal forms of malaria. The first English people to arrive in America were the members of the Roanoke Colony who came to North Carolina in July 1587, with 17 women, 91 men, 9 boys as the founding colonists. On August 18, 1587, Virginia Dare was born, her mother was the daughter of John White, governor of the Roanoke colony. It is not known. Jamestown, the first English settlement in America, was established in 1607 in; the first Africans since those in Lucas Vasquez de Allyon's unsuccessful colony in 1526–1527 were brought to Jamestown in 1619.
At first they came from Central Africa and there were twenty of them, including three women. At first they were treated as indentured servants until the 1654 case of Anthony Johnson v. John Casor Also in 1619, 90 young single women from England went to Jamestown to become wives of the men there, with the women being auctioned off for 150 pounds of tobacco each, as, the cost of each woman's travel to America; such voyagers were called "tobacco brides". There were many such voyages to America for this purpose, with the tobacco brides promised free passage and trousseaus for their trouble. In New England, the Puritan settlers from England brought their strong religious values and organized social structure with them, they believed a woman should dedicate herself to rearing God-fearing children to the best of her ability. There were ethnic differences in the treatment of women. Among Puritan settlers in New England, wives never worked in the fields with their husbands. In German communities in Pennsylvania, many women worked in fields and stables.
German and Dutch immigrants granted women more control over property, not permitted in the local English law. Unlike English colonial wives and Dutch wives owned their own clothes and other items and were given the ability to write wills disposing of the property brought into the marriage; the New England regional economy grew in the 17th century, thanks to heavy immigration, high birth rates, low death rates, an abundance of inexpensive farmland. The population grew from 3000 in 1630 to 14,000 in 1640, 33,000 in 1660, 68,000 in 1680, 91,000 in 1700. Between 1630 and 1643, about 20,000 Puritans arrived, settling near Boston; the average size of a completed family 1660–1700 was 7.1 children. About 27 percent of the population comprised men between 60 years old; the benefits of economic growth were distributed, with farm laborers better off at the end of the colonial period. The growing population led to shortages of good farm land on which young families could establish themselves. In the towns and cities, there was strong entrepreneurship, a steady increase in the specialization of labor.
Wages for men went up before 1775. The region bordered New France. Women were sometimes captured. In the numerous French and Indian Wars the British government poured money in to purchase supplies, build roads and pay colonial soldiers; the coastal ports began to specialize in fishing, international trade and shipbuilding—and after 1780 in whaling. Combined with a growing urban markets for farm products, these factors allowed the economy to flourish despite the lack of technological innovation. Tax-supported schooling for girls began as early as 1767 in New England, it was optional and some towns proved reluctant. Northampton, for example, was a late adopter because it had many rich families who domin
Women's suffrage in the United States
Women's suffrage in the United States of America, the legal right of women to vote, was established over the course of more than half a century, first in various states and localities, sometimes on a limited basis, nationally in 1920. The demand for women's suffrage began to gather strength in the 1840s, emerging from the broader movement for women's rights. In 1848, the Seneca Falls Convention, the first women's rights convention, passed a resolution in favor of women's suffrage despite opposition from some of its organizers, who believed the idea was too extreme. By the time of the first National Women's Rights Convention in 1850, suffrage was becoming an important aspect of the movement's activities; the first national suffrage organizations were established in 1869 when two competing organizations were formed, one led by Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton and the other by Lucy Stone. After years of rivalry, they merged in 1890 as the National American Woman Suffrage Association with Anthony as its leading force.
The Women's Christian Temperance Union, the largest women's organization at that time, was established in 1873 and pursued women's suffrage, giving a huge boost to the movement. Hoping that the U. S. Supreme Court would rule that women had a constitutional right to vote, suffragists made several attempts to vote in the early 1870s and filed lawsuits when they were turned away. Anthony succeeded in voting in 1872 but was arrested for that act and found guilty in a publicized trial that gave the movement fresh momentum. After the Supreme Court ruled against them in 1875, suffragists began the decades-long campaign for an amendment to the U. S. Constitution that would enfranchise women. Much of the movement's energy, went toward working for suffrage on a state-by-state basis. In 1916 Alice Paul formed the National Woman's Party, a militant group focused on the passage of a national suffrage amendment. Over 200 NWP supporters, the Silent Sentinels, were arrested in 1917 while picketing the White House, some of whom went on hunger strike and endured forced feeding after being sent to prison.
Under the leadership of Carrie Chapman Catt, the two-million-member NAWSA made a national suffrage amendment its top priority. After a hard-fought series of votes in the U. S. Congress and in state legislatures, the Nineteenth Amendment became part of the U. S. Constitution on August 26, 1920, it states, "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex." Lydia Taft, a wealthy widow, was allowed to vote in town meetings in Uxbridge, Massachusetts in 1756. No other women in the colonial era are known to have voted; the New Jersey constitution of 1776 enfranchised all adult inhabitants who owned a specified amount of property. Laws enacted in 1790 and 1797 referred to voters as "he or she", women voted. A law passed in 1807, excluded women from voting in that state. Kentucky passed the first statewide woman suffrage law in the New Republic Era – allowing any widow or feme sole over 21 who paid property taxes for the new county "common school" system.
This partial suffrage rights for women was not expressed as for whites only. The demand for women's suffrage emerged as part of the broader movement for women's rights. In the UK in 1792 Mary Wollstonecraft wrote a pioneering book called A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. In Boston in 1838 Sarah Grimké published The Equality of the Sexes and the Condition of Women, circulated. In 1845 Margaret Fuller published Woman in the Nineteenth Century, a key document in American feminism that first appeared in serial form in 1839 in The Dial, a transcendentalist journal that Fuller edited. Significant barriers had to be overcome, before a campaign for women's suffrage could develop significant strength. One barrier was strong opposition to women's involvement in public affairs, a practice, not accepted among reform activists. Only after fierce debate were women accepted as members of the American Anti-Slavery Society at its convention of 1839, the organization split at its next convention when women were appointed to committees.
Opposition was strong against the idea of women speaking to audiences of both men and women. Frances Wright, a Scottish woman, was subjected to sharp criticism for delivering public lectures in the U. S. in 1826 and 1827. When the Grimké sisters, born into a slave-holding family in South Carolina, spoke against slavery throughout the northeast in the mid-1830s, the ministers of the Congregational Church, a major force in that region, published a statement condemning their actions. Despite the disapproval, in 1838 Angelina Grimké spoke against slavery before the Massachusetts legislature, the first woman in the U. S. to speak before a legislative body. Other women began to give public speeches in opposition to slavery and in support of women's rights. Early female speakers included a Jewish immigrant from Poland. Toward the end of the 1840s Lucy Stone launched her career as a public speaker, soon becoming the most famous female lecturer. Supporting both the abolitionist and women's rights movements, Stone played a major role in reducing the prejudice against women speaking in public.
Opposition remained strong, however. A regional women's rights convention in Ohio in 1851 was disrupted by male opponents. Sojourner Truth, who delivered her famous speech "Ain't I a Woman?" at the convention
Women's suffrage in Japan
The women's suffrage in Japan can traces its origin back to democratization brought by Meiji Restoration, blossomed in the 1920s during the Taisho democracy. After the Meiji Restoration in 1868, the concept of human rights and universal suffrage began to take hold in Japan. During the late 19th century, the first proponents for women's rights advocated, not for political inclusion or voting rights, but for reforms in the patriarchal society oppressing women. Of prime importance to the early feminist movement was the call for women's education. Policymakers believed that this was imperative to the preservation of the state, as it would prepare girls to become effective wives and mothers capable of producing diligent, patriotic sons. Although policymakers did not have the same motives as women's rights advocates in their call for women's education, the availability of education opened the door for further advancements for women in Japanese society; as the idea of women becoming skilled and prudent individuals, whether in the workforce or through education, this modern concept was soon accepted in addition to its interrelationship with excellent and pure motherhood.
The end of the 19th century saw the fight for protection of women from patriarchal cultural practices. Practices such as prostitution and polygamy had long subjected them to abuse, in particular sexually transmitted diseases. Feminists began to oppose both the exclusive provision of civil rights for men and the exclusion of women from politics. Women in Japan were prohibited, by law, from joining political parties, expressing political views, attending political meetings. By 1920, the fight for women's political inclusion was at the forefront of the suffrage movement and, in 1921, the Diet of Japan overruled Article 5 of the Police Security Act by granting women the right to attend political meetings; the ban on women's involvement in political parties was not altered, as many members of the Diet felt that it was selfish for women to forsake their families for government. Feminists were still determined to fight for political equality; the Women's Suffrage League was founded in 1924, the same year that the Japanese government enacted the Men's Suffrage Law, without extending the vote to women.
After women were granted the right to participate in political assemblies, there was a surge in numbers of women's interest groups. Alumni groups, Christian missionary groups, other women's auxiliary groups began to sprout during the inter-war period. After a massive earthquake struck Tokyo in 1923, representatives from 43 of these organizations joined forces to become the Tokyo Federation of Women's Organizations; the federation was designed to serve as disaster relief to aid those affected by the earthquake. To efficiently address the issues affecting women, the Tokyo Federation of Women's Organizations divided into five satellite groups: society, education and employment; the government sector was the most significant, as it spawned the League for the Realization of Women's Suffrage the Women's Suffrage League, which became the most influential and outspoken women's advocacy collective of the era. The government satellite issued a manifesto outlining the abuses Japanese women suffered and how they were to be corrected: 1) It is our responsibility to destroy customs which have existed in this country for the past twenty six hundred years and to construct a new Japan that promotes the natural rights of men and women.
The League, as well as numerous other groups, continued to fight for social and political inclusion, as well as legal protection from the patriarchal traditions that continued in Japan. Women were granted the right to vote in 1946, in part due to pressure from the occupying forces of the United States. Shidzue Katō: As a member of the Japanese Socialist Party, Shidzue Kato was the first woman elected to the Imperial Diet, she spent the majority of her life fighting for women's political rights. She is noted for annulling her marriage and remarrying, an act, rare for women at the time. Fusae Ichikawa: Advocate for women’s political rights. Ichikawa concentrated most of her efforts towards gaining women the right to participate in the voting process and in political parties. With Hiratsuka Raicho, she helped establish the New Woman Association, her involvement extended to the League for Women's Suffrage. Ichikawa traveled to the United States shortly after World War I and observed the advancements American women such as Alice Paul had made in the fight for equality and political rights.
She returned to Japan, remained an outspoken voice for women’s rights, was elected to the Japan’s House of Councillors in the 1950s. Shigeri Yamataka: Worked with Ichikawa in the Women's Suffrage League. After World War II, she was twice elected to the House