Midsummer is the period of time centered upon the summer solstice, more the northern European celebrations that accompany the actual solstice or take place on a day between June 19 and June 25 and the preceding evening. The exact dates vary between different cultures; the undivided Christian Church designated June 24 as the feast day of the early Christian martyr St John the Baptist, the observance of St John's Day begins the evening before, known as St John's Eve. These are commemorated by many Christian denominations, such as the Roman Catholic Church, Lutheran Churches, Anglican Communion. In Sweden the Midsummer is such an important festivity that there have been serious discussions to make the Midsummer's Eve into the National Day of Sweden, instead of June 6, it may be referred to as St. Hans Day. Saint John's Day, the feast day of Saint John the Baptist, was established by the undivided Christian Church in the 4th century AD, in honour of the birth of the Saint John the Baptist, which the Gospel of Luke records as being sixth months before Jesus.
As the Western Christian Churches mark the birth of Jesus on December 25, the Feast of Saint John was established at midsummer sixth months before the former feast. By the sixth century, this solar cycle was completed by balancing Christ's conception and birth against the conception and birth of his count, John the Baptist; such a relationship between Christ and his cousin was amply justified by the imagery of scripture. The Baptist was conceived six months before Christ, thus John's conception was celebrated on the eighth kalends of October and his birth on the eighth kalends of July. If Christ's conception and birth took place on the'growing days', it was fitting that John the Baptist's should take place on the'lessening days', for the Baptist himself had proclaimed that'he must increase. By the late sixth century, the Nativity of John the Baptist had become an important feast, counterbalancing at midsummer the midwinter feast of Christmas. —Professor Éamonn Ó Carragáin, University College Cork Within Christian theology, this carries significance as John the Baptist "was understood to be preparing the way for Jesus", with John 3:30 stating "He must increase, but I must decrease".
By the 6th century AD, several churches were dedicated in the honour of Saint John the Baptist and a vigil, Saint John's Eve, was added to the feast day of Saint John the Baptist and Christian priests held three Masses in churches for the celebration. In Florence, medieval midsummer celebrations were "an occasion for dramatic representations of the Baptist's life and death" and "the feast day was marked by processions and plays, culminating in a fireworks show that the entire city attended." The historian Ronald Hutton states that the "lighting of festive fires upon St. John's Eve is first recorded as a popular custom by Jean Belethus, a theologian at the University of Paris, in the early twelfth century". In England, the earliest reference to this custom occurs on in the 13th century AD, in the Liber Memorandum of the parish church at Barnwell in the Nene Valley, which stated that parish youth would gather on the day to sing songs and play games. A Christian monk of Lilleshall Abbey, in the same century, wrote: In the worship of St John, men waken at and maken three manner of fires: one is clean bones and no wood, is called a bonfire.
The 13th-century monk of Winchcomb, who compiled a book of sermons for Christian feast days, recorded how St. John's Eve was celebrated in his time: Let us speak of the revels which are accustomed to be made on St. John's Eve, of which there are three kinds. On St. John's Eve in certain regions the boys collect bones and certain other rubbish, burn them, therefrom a smoke is produced on the air, they make brands and go about the fields with the brands. Thirdly, the wheel which they roll. Saint John's Fires, explained the monk of Winchcombe, were to drive away dragons, which were abroad on St. John's Eve, poisoning springs and wells; the wheel, rolled downhill he gave its explanation: "The wheel is rolled to signify that the sun rises to the highest point of its circle and at once turns back. 15th-century diarist Goro Dati, described the celebration of Saint John's Day at Midsummer in Italy as being one in which guilds prepared their workshops with fine displays, one in which solemn church processions took place, with men dressed in the costumes of Christian saints and angels.
In the 16th century AD, the historian John Stow, described the celebration of Midsummer: the wealthier sort before their doors near to the said bonfires would set out tables on the vigils furnished with sweet bread and good drink, on the festival days with meats and drinks plentifully, whereunto they would invite their neighbours and passengers to sit, to be merry with them in great familiarity, praising God for his benefits bestowed on them. These were called bonfires as well of good amity amongst neighbours that, being befor
Karelia, the land of the Karelian people, is an area in Northern Europe of historical significance for Finland and Sweden. It is divided among the northwestern Russian Federation and Finland. Various subdivisions may be called Karelia. Finnish Karelia was a historical province of Finland, is now divided between Finland and Russia called just Karjala in Finnish; the eastern part of this chiefly Lutheran area was ceded to Russia after the Winter War of 1939–40. The Republic of Karelia is a Russian federal subject, including the so-called East Karelia with a chiefly Russian Orthodox population. Within present-day Finland, Karjala refers to the regions of South and North Karelia, although parts of historical Karelia lies within the region of Kymenlaakso, Northern Savonia and Southern Savonia. Karelia stretches from the White Sea coast to the Gulf of Finland, it contains the two largest lakes in Lake Ladoga and Lake Onega. The Karelian Isthmus is located between the Gulf of Lake Ladoga; the border between Karelia and Ingria, the land of the related Ingrian people, had been the Neva River itself but on it was moved northward into Karelian isthmus to follow the Sestra River, today in the Saint Petersburg metropolitan area, but in 1812–1940 the Russo-Finnish border.
On the other side of Lake Ladoga, the River Svir is thought of as the traditional southern border of Karelian territory, as Lake Saimaa marks the Western border while Lake Onega and the White Sea mark the Eastern border. In the North lived the nomadic Samis, but there were no natural border except for large wooded areas and the tundra. In historical texts Karelia is sometimes divided into East Karelia and West Karelia, which are called Russian Karelia and Finnish Karelia respectively; the area to the north of Lake Ladoga which belonged to Finland before World War II is called Ladoga Karelia, the parishes on the old pre-war border are sometimes called Border Karelia. White Sea Karelia is the northern part of East Karelia and Olonets Karelia is the southern part. Tver Karelia denotes the villages in the Tver Oblast. Republic of Karelia Petrozavodsk Belomorsk Medvežyegorsk Kalevala Kem Kostomukša Kondopoga Sortavala Suojarvi Segeža Pitkjaranta Olonec Karelian Isthmus Vyborg Priozersk South Karelia Imatra Joutseno Lappeenranta North Karelia Joensuu Ilomantsi Kitee Kesalahti Kontiolahti Lieksa Liperi Nurmes Outokumpu Karelia was bitterly fought over by Sweden and the Novgorod Republic for a period starting in the 13th-century Swedish-Novgorodian Wars.
The Treaty of Nöteborg in 1323 divided Karelia between the two. Viborg became the capital of the new Swedish province. In the Treaty of Stolbovo in 1617 large parts of Russian Karelia were ceded to Sweden. Conflicts between the new Swedish rulers and the indigenous population of these areas led to an exodus: thousands of Karelians, including the ancestors of the Tver Karelians, emigrated to Russia; the Treaty of Nystad in 1721 between Imperial Russia and Sweden ceded most of Karelia to Russia. The Treaty of Åbo in 1743 between Sweden and Russia ceded South Karelia to Russia. After Finland had been occupied by Russia in the Finnish War, parts of the ceded provinces were incorporated into the Grand Duchy of Finland. In 1917, Finland became independent and the border was confirmed by the Treaty of Tartu in 1920. Finnish partisans were involved in attempts to overthrow the Bolshevists in Russian Karelia in 1918–20, such as in the failed Aunus expedition, they wanted to incorporate the rest of Karelia into Finland and cooperated with the short-lived Republic of Uhtua.
These private expeditions ended after the peace treaty of Tartu. After the end of the Russian Civil War and the establishment of the Soviet Union in 1922, the Russian part of Karelia became the Karelian Autonomous republic of the Soviet Union in 1923. In 1939, The Soviet Union attacked Finland; the Moscow Peace Treaty of 1940 handed most of Finnish Karelia to the Soviet Union. About 400,000 people the whole population, had to be relocated within Finland. In 1941, Karelia was liberated for three years during the Continuation War of 1941 to 1944 when East Karelia was occupied by the Finns; the Winter War and the resulting Soviet expansion caused considerable bitterness in Finland, which lost its second biggest city, its industrial heartland along the river Vuoksi, the Saimaa canal that connected central Finland to the Gulf of Finland, access to the fishing waters of Lake Ladoga, made an eighth of her citizens refugees with no chance of return. From the areas ceded to the Soviet Union, the whole population was evacuated and resettled in other parts of Finland.
The present inhabitants of the former Finnish K
Peko is an ancient Estonian and Finnish god of crops barley and brewing. In the area of Setumaa, between Estonia and Russia, inhabited by the Seto language-speaking Setos, the cult of Peko was alive until the 20th century. Today, the Seto people revere Peko as their national hero and king, the name and figure are used as a national symbol. In Finland, Peko is known as Pellon Pekko, he is the protector of the fields and brewer of the beer, first mentioned by bishop Agricola in 1551 as the god of Karelians. Peko is sometimes associated with Estonian Pikne, Baltic Perkunas or Christian Saint Peter. Before Pentecost festivities, before the dawn broke, young Seto men held a ritual fight until the first drop of blood was shed; the bleeding person became the host of the next year's feast. Black candles were lit to revere wooden idols of Peko; the people chanted "Peko, come to drink the beer" and some older men called the priests of Peko made sacrifices. The second holiday dedicated to Peko was held after the harvest.
Peko was revered during Candlemas and Midsummer feasts. The carved idols of Peko were kept hidden in granaries around the year; the head of the idol had holes for candles. A third holiday was held around August 4, in which the people of Setomaa sing the local anthem, host a musical competition, elect the next representative of Peko for the year, before they end the celebrations with a military parade. Seto folksinger Anne Vabarna has created the epic "Songs of Peko" where Peko is depicted as a Seto hero. Peko is in eternal sleep in the cave; when someone calls his name, he brings the rain to the fields. If people of his kin remember his advice and work hard, Peko sends them abundant crops. Peko is praised as a warrior who frees the country, as a hunter who gives bear skins to villagers and as a host of wedding feasts, he ploughs the field with a wooden plough and protects the people against evil spirits who make people to drink too much. Pekos' spirit can fly around as a butterfly; the supposed grave of Peko is under an old oak tree near the Pskovo-Pechersky Monastery.
He appears in the name of a song by Korpiklaani, a Finnish folk metal group. The song appears in their album Spirit of the Forest. Suhonen, S. & Hagu, P.. Peko. Kuopio: Snellman Institute. ISBN 951-842-166-8. Estonian mythology Finnish mythology The second part of the Song of Peko by Anne Vabarna Article on Peko from the web of the Seto Kingdom Reports on the cult of Peko from the Estonian Folklore Archives
Finnish paganism was the indigenous pagan religion in Finland and Karelia prior to Christianisation. It was a polytheistic religion; the principal god was the sky, Ukko. Jumala was a sky god. Ahti was a god of the sea and fish. Tapio was the god of forests and hunting. Finnish paganism shows many similarities with the religious practices of related cultures, such as Mordvin, Mari and other Uralic paganisms. However, it shares some features with its neighbouring Baltic and Germanic paganisms; the organic tradition was sidelined due to Christianization starting from ca. 12th century and broken by modernization latest by early 20th century, when folk magic and oral traditions went extinct. Finnish paganism provided the inspiration for a contemporary pagan movement Suomenusko, an attempt to reconstruct the old religion of the Finns, it is based on secondary sources. The Finnish pagans were polytheistic. Most of the deities ruled over a specific aspect of nature; these deities were pan-Finnic, being worshipped by many different tribes in different regions.
The Finnish pagans were animists, worshipping local nature deities at site-specific shrines to that particular deity. Several key deities were venerated across nearly all of Karelia; these pan-Finnic deities controlled many aspects of nature. The chief god was Ukko, the ruler over the sky and thunder. A corresponding figure is known in countless other cultures of the world. Another deity that appeared significant to the Finnish pagans, but about whom modern scholars know little, was Jumi, whose name is related to "Jumala", the modern Finnish language word for a monotheist God. There were many other important deities who ruled over a specific aspect of the natural world, who have been referred to as "kings"; the king of water was called Ahti, the king of the forest was Tapio. Other major deities included the god of fertility. Great heroes, who had, in mythology, once been human, such as Väinämöinen and Ilmarinen, were objects of worship, in a way similar to the Greek pagans' worship of mythical human heroes like Herakles.
Local animistic deities, known as haltijas, were worshipped. These haltijas could be male or female, could take a human or another animal's form. Haltijas could be found everywhere in the biotic and abiotic parts; every human has a haltija called haltijasielu or luontohaltija, one of the three parts of a person's soul. The tradition blends with the Swedish tomte: the Finnish tonttu was a being analogous to haltija, but which lives in a building, like a home or a sauna. Certain "haltiat", known as "maan haltija", guarded the property of an individual, including their house and livestock. Votive offerings would be given to these maan haltioille at a shrine, in thanks for the help given and to prevent the haltija from causing harm. Sometimes haltiat of certain families and farms acted against other families and their farms by stealing their wealth or making the animals infertile, for instance. Many local haltiat were believed to have been the sacred spirits of ancestors. In some cases a haltia was the first inhabitant of house.
Sometimes while making a new house a local spirit of nature could be "employed" to work as a maan haltija. Different elements and environments had their own haltijas. Haltijas were grouped into races called väki. "Väki" has multiple connected meanings of "strength", "force", "throng", "military troop". There were, for instance, different väki of water and graveyards. Väkis could become angry. For example, cursing close to water made the väki of water angry; when angry, väkis could cause other misfortune to befall the human victim. Some väkis were always angry, like the väki of fire, explaining why every time you touch fire it burns, no matter how respectful you are around it; each tribe of väkis belonged to specific environments and if they were misplaced, problems occurred. For example, most väkis were misplaced if they attached to a human being, they made the human being ill because they were in the wrong place. Illnesses were removed by sending väkis back to their right places. Shamans who cured diseases were returning the cosmic balance.
For example, it was believed that on contact with the ground, as in falling on one's face, diseases could spread to the human, caused by the "väki" of the earth. Löyly was believed to contain a väki spirit, which could cause open wounds to get infected. According to the concept of väki being divided in two the ancient Finns believed that the world was animistic in that no force of nature or intelligent life existed without väkis or haltijas. In other words, nothing happened in the universe without it being caused by a group of spirits. A person's soul consisted of many spirits; the pagan Finnish belief about the soul of a human was different from that of most other cultures across the world, in that they believed the human soul to be composed of three different parts: henki, luonto
A nature religion is a religious movement that believes nature and the natural world is an embodiment of divinity, sacredness or spiritual power. Nature religions include indigenous religions practiced in various parts of the world by cultures who consider the environment to be imbued with spirits and other sacred entities, it includes contemporary Pagan faiths which are concentrated in Europe and North America. The term "nature religion" was first coined by the American religious studies scholar Catherine Albanese, who used it in her work Nature Religion in America: From the Algonkian Indians to the New Age and went on to use it in other studies. Following on from Albanese's development of the term it has since been used by other academics working in the discipline. Catherine Albanese described nature religion as "a symbolic center and the cluster of beliefs and values that encircles it", deeming it to be useful for shining a light on aspects of history that are viewed as religious. In a paper of his on the subject, the Canadian religious studies scholar Peter Beyer described "nature religion" as a "useful analytical abstraction" to refer to "any religious belief or practice in which devotees consider nature to be the embodiment of divinity, transcendence, spiritual power, or whatever cognate term one wishes to use".
He went on to note that in this way nature religion was not an "identifiable religious tradition" such as Buddhism or Christianity are, but that it instead covers "a range of religious and quasi-religious movements and social networks whose participants may or may not identify with one of the many constructed religions of global society which referred to many other nature religion." Peter Beyer noted the existence of a series of common characteristics which he believed were shared by different nature religions. He remarked that although "one must be careful not to overgeneralise", he suspected that there were a series of features which "occur sufficiently often" in those nature religions known to recorded scholarship to constitute a pattern; the first of these common characteristics was nature religion's "comparative resistance to institutionalisation and legitimisation in terms of identifiable socio-religious authorities and organisations", meaning that nature religionists formed their religious beliefs into large, visible socio-political structures such as churches.
Furthermore, Beyer noted, nature religionists held a "concomitant distrust of and eschewing of politically orientated power". Instead of this, he felt that among nature religious communities, there was "a valuing of community as non-hierarchical" and a "conditional optimism with regard to human capacity and the future."In the sphere of the environment, Beyer noted that nature religionists held to a "holistic conception of reality" and "a valorisation of physical place as vital aspects of their spiritualities". Beyer noted the individualism, favoured by nature religionists, he remarked that those adhering to such beliefs had respect for "charismatic and hence purely individual authority" and place a "strong emphasis on individual paths" which led them to believe in "the equal value of individuals and groups". Along similar lines, he commented on the "strong experiential basis" to nature religionist beliefs "where personal experience is a final arbiter of truth or validity". In April 1996, the University of Lancaster in North West England held a conference on contemporary Paganism entitled "Nature Religion Today: Western Paganism and Esotericism in the 1990s", led to the publication of an academic anthology of the same name two years later.
This book, Nature Religion Today: Paganism in the Modern World, was edited by members of the University's Department of Religious Studies, a postgraduate named Joanne Pearson and two professors, Richard H. Roberts and Geoffrey Samuel. In his study of Wicca, the Pagan studies scholar Ethan Doyle White expressed the view that the category of "nature religion" was problematic from a "historical perspective" because it emphasises the "commonalities of belief and attitude to the natural world" that are found between different religions and in doing so divorces these different belief systems from their distinctive socio-cultural and historical backgrounds. Deep ecology Dark green religion http://www.brontaylor.com/
The Chuvash people are a Turkic ethnic group, native to an area stretching from the Volga Region to Siberia. Most of them live in the Republic of Chuvashia and surrounding areas, although Chuvash communities may be found throughout the Russian Federation. There is no universally accepted etymology of the word Chuvash, but there are two main theories that try to explain it: one suggests that the word Chuvash may be derived from Common Turkic jăvaš, as opposed to şarmăs. Another theory is based on the Tabghach, an early medieval Xianbei clan and founders of the Northern Wei dynasty in China; the Old Turkic name Tabghach was used by some Inner Asian peoples to refer to China long after this dynasty. Gerard Clauson has shown that through regular sound changes, the clan name Tabghach may have transformed to the ethnonym Chuvash. Chuvash people are divided into two main groups: Virjal or Turi Anatri, subdivided into: Anat jenci Hirti The Turkic ancestors of the Chuvash people are believed to have come from central Siberia, where they lived in the Irtysh basin from at least the end of the third millennium BC.
In the beginning of the first century AD, the Bulgars started moving west through Zhetysu and the steppes of modern-day Kazakhstan, reaching the North Caucasus in 2nd–3rd centuries AD. There they established several states. Old Bulgaria broke up in the second half of the 7th century, after a series of successful Khazar invasions; some of its population fled north, to the Volga-Kama region, where they established Volga Bulgaria, which became wealthy: its capital being the fourth-largest city in the world. Shortly after that, the Suvar Duchy was forced to become a vassal state of Khazaria. About half a century the Suvars took part in the Arab–Khazar wars of 732–737, they have some pre-Christian traditions. In addition to Chuvash, many people use the Russian language. Today Chuvash people belong to the Russian Orthodox Church, they retain some pre-Christian Tengrism traditions in their cultural activities. They syncretized Orthodox Tengriism. Parallel pray in the shrines called sacrifice geese there.
One of the main shrines is located in the town of Bilyarsk. There are rival schools of thought on the origin of the Chuvash people. One is that they originated from a mixing between the Turkic Sabir tribes of Volga Bulgaria and, according to some researches, local Finno-Ugric tribes. According to another theory, the Chuvash may be descended from the Volga Bulgars, they have been subjected to much infusion and influence, not only from Russian and Turkic peoples, but from neighboring Finnic tribes, with whom they were persistently and mistakenly identified for centuries aided by the fact that the Chuvash language is a divergent form of Turkic, was not recognized as such. Chuvash is classified, alongside the extinct Bulgar language, as the only remaining member of the Oghuric branch of the Turkic language family. Physical anthropologists using the racial frameworks of the early 20th century saw the Chuvash as a mixed Finno-Ugric and Turkic people. Subclades of Y-DNA haplogroups R1 and N are most common among the Chuvash.
According to Rootsi et al. 2004, Tambets et al. 2004, Trofimova 2005 the following distribution of haplogroups is obtained: I1: 7% I2a2: 0–2% I2a1: 0–2% J1: 0–2% J2a: 0–9% J2b: 0–5% Q: 0% R1b: 2–4% R1a: 28–32% N1c1: 18–19% N1c2: 9–10% E-M78: 0–14% C: 0–1%Haplogroups Q and C are rare among Chuvashes. Chuvash carriers of Haplogroup R1a are Balto-Slavic Z282 subclade. A study sampling of unrelated 96 Chuvashes concluded:Earlier genetic research using autosomal DNA markers suggested a Finno-Ugric origin for the Chuvash; this study examines non-recombining DNA markers to better elucidate their origins. The majority of individuals in this sample exhibit the maternal haplogroups H, U, K, all representative of western and northern Europeans, but absent in Altaic or Mongolian populations. Multidimensional scaling was used to examine distances between the Chuvash and 8 reference populations compiled from the literature. Mismatch analysis showed a unimodal distribution. Along with neutrality tests, the mismatch distribution is suggestive of an expanding population.
These tests suggest that the Chuvash are not directly related to the Turkic and Mongolic people along their maternal line but supports the hypothesis that their language was imposed by a conquering group—leaving Chuvash mtDNA of European origin with a small amount of Central Asian gene flow. Their maternal markers appear to most resemble Slavic and Finno-Ugric speakers rather than fellow Turkic speakers; the MtDNA gene pool was found to be 9.1 % Mongoloid and 1.8 % unidentified. According to autosomal analyses, the present-day Chuvash speak a Turkic language but are genetically a mix of East-Asian and European elements, they are closer to Europeans with some genetic input from Siberia. An autosomal analysis detected an indication of Oghur and Bulgar ancestry in modern Chuvash; these Oghur and Bulgar tribes brought the Chuvash language with them. Another study found some Finno-Ugric components in Chuvash people. List of Chuvashes Chuvash Wikipedia ChuvashTet Chuvash National Museum Society for t
Mordvin Native Religion
Mordvin Neopaganism, or the Mordvin native religion or Erzyan native religion, is the modern revival of the ethnic religion of the Mordvins, peoples of Volga Finnic ethnic stock dwelling in the republic of Mordovia within Russia, or in bordering lands of Russia. The religion is called Mastorava, from the homonymous epic poem or the mother goddess of the Mordvin pantheon; the name of the originating god according to the Mordvin tradition is Ineshkipaz. The Mordvins have been fully Christianised since the times of Kievan Rus', although Pagan customs were preserved in the folklore and a few villages preserved the native faith at least until further missionary activities of the Russian Orthodox Church in the 17th century and in the early 20th century; the Neopagan revival was started in 1990, alongside that of many other native religions in Russia, as the Soviet Union was on the brink of dissolution. According to scholar Victor Schnirelmann, 2% of the Mordvins adhere to the Mordvin native faith, while more recent figures by the Evangelical database Joshua Project report 5%.
Adherents of the Erzyan Mastor organisation organise the Rasken Ozks, a national Mordvin worship service held yearly, with participation of members of the Mastorava organisation and other ones. The revival of the Mordvin native religion has grown alongside, with the support, of Mordvin nationalism which started in the last years of the Soviet regime; the revival of the national consciousness of the Mordvins was difficult at first, since they were a minority in their country and the press, influential, took a tough communist line. The Russian democrats and communists were hostile towards Mordvin nationalists. At the start of the perestroika the Mordvin national intelligentsia waged a vigorous and successful campaign against Russian Orthodoxy, called "the religion of occupation", "the Russifying ideological force"; the Saransk Ministry of Culture endorsed the revival of Mordvin culture and Paganism, arousing outcry from local Orthodox bishops. This was the circle that produced the first Neopagans, the Mastorava organisation led by the local poet Raisa Kemaikina, a group within the Saransk intelligentsia whose aim was the complete reconstruction of a Pagan worldview and religious services reworking folkloric and linguistic study.
The Mastorava organisation was established in 1990 with the aim of "restoring the Moksha and Erzya ethnic communities" fostering a revival of Paganism. The association is registered in Moscow since 2002; the current president is Nikolaj Vasilevich Butilov. The Erzyan Mastor is a more recent organisation splintering from the Mastorava association. At first it was headed by Raisa Kemaikina; the group is focused on the Erzya, has political aims for the spread of Mordvin-Erzya Paganism, is militant against Christianity. In 1992 Kemaikina released the following declarations to the Chuvash newspaper Atlas, answering to a question about her attitude towards Christianity: I am opposed to it. In its role as the official state religion of Russia, Christianity suffocated the religions of other nations, transforming them into involuntary spiritual slaves. T is worse than a prison. Sooner or people get out of prison and become masters of their own fate again. A prisoner is someone who has lost her freedom temporarily.
But a slave is not a prisoner — he doesn't desire freedom. Over the course of many centuries Christianity has bred our peoples into slaves, depriving them of freedom of thought and reducing them to the level of submissive cattle. In the Erzya religion the relationship between God and human beings is different from that in Christianity, it is more humane, more beautiful. In our religion a person's worth extolled. You never hear things like "you are God's slave", or "turn the other cheek", or "if someone takes your coat give them your shirt as well", or "bless your enemy". In 1992 Kemaikina organised the first Pagan national ritual after decades or centuries, sponsored by Mordovian businessmen. Neighbouring villages learned long-forgotten Pagan prayers and Kemaikina was proclaimed the first priestess of the Erzya people. Television reports of that and following national worship ceremonies caused enthusiasm throughout the republic, now the "Pagan question" is discussed from the remotest villages to university auditoria.
Erzyan Mastor journal Mari native religionUralic NeopaganismEstonian Neopaganism Finnish Neopaganism Udmurt Vos Vattisen YalyCaucasian NeopaganismAbkhaz Neopaganism Circassian Habzism Etseg DinBaltic NeopaganismDievturi Romuva DruwiSlavic neopaganismRodnovery Schnirelmann, Victor: “Christians! Go home”: A Revival of Neo-Paganism between the Baltic Sea and Transcaucasia. Journal of Contemporary Religion, Vol. 17, No. 2, 2002. Filatov, Sergei. Religious Developments among the Volga Nations as a Model for the Russian Federation. Religion, State & Society, Vol. 23, No. 3, 1995. Pp. 234–237 Erzyan Mastor, official website