Book of Qi
The Book of Qi or Book of Southern Qi is a history of the Chinese dynasty Southern Qi covering the period from 479 to 502, is one of the Twenty-Four Histories of Chinese history. It was written by Xiao Zixian during the succeeding Liang Dynasty, is unique in that Xiao Zixian was the only author of any of the Twenty-Four Histories to be a direct descendant of the founder of the dynasty being written about, he was a grandson of Southern Qi's founder Emperor Gao of Southern Qi. It was only known as the Book of Qi, but after the Book of Northern Qi was written, it became known as the Book of Southern Qi so that the two could be distinguished; the book contained 60 volumes when written, but one preface was lost. The format of the text is similar to previous standard histories, with volumes that include annals and biographies. Volumes 1 to 8 are annals covering the emperors of the dynasty starting with Emperor Gao in volumes 1 and 2; some short lived rulers that were not given the posthumous title of emperor are covered, including Volume 4 Prince of Yulin, Volume 5 Prince of Hailing, Volume 7 Marquess of Donghun.
Volumes 9 to 19 are treatises covering rituals in volumes 9 and 10, music in volume 11, astronomy in volumes 12 and 13, administrative districts in 14 and 15, official posts in volume 16, carriages and dress in volume 17, auspicious signs in volume 18, the five elements in volume 19. Volumes 20 to 59 are biographies beginning with Volume 20 Biographies of Consorts. Xiao Zixian devotes Volume 22 Prince Wenxian of Yuzhang 豫章文獻王 to his father known by his personal name Xiao Ni. Volume 52 Biographies of Men of Letters includes an analysis of literary style. Xiao Zixian was a well known poet and his description in this volume is considered a valuable source of historic literary criticism. Xiao Zixian was open about his Buddhist background. In Volume 54 he described a debate between Taoist Gu Huan 顧歡 and Buddhist Yuan Can 袁粲. Xiao Zixian favored the Buddhist side of the debate. Tian contains a partial translation of Volume 52'Biographies of Men of Letters'
Emperor Ankō was the 20th Emperor of Japan, according to the traditional order of succession. No firm dates can be assigned to this Emperor's life or reign, but he is conventionally considered to have reigned from 453 to 456. Ankō was a 5th-century monarch; the reign of Emperor Kinmei, the 29th Emperor, is the first for which contemporary historiography is able to assign verifiable dates. According to Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, Ankō was the second son of Emperor Ingyō, his birth name was Anaho, his elder brother Prince Kinashi no Karu was the Crown prince, but due to an incestuous relationship with his sister, Karu no Ōiratsume, Kinashikaru lost favour with the court. After an aborted attempt to rally troops against Ankō, Kinashi no Karu were exiled and committed suicide. Ankō's contemporary title would not have been tennō, as most historians believe this title was not introduced until the reign of Emperor Tenmu. Rather, it was Sumeramikoto or Amenoshita Shiroshimesu Ōkimi, meaning "the great king who rules all under heaven".
Alternatively, Ankō might have been referred to as ヤマト大王/大君 or the "Great King of Yamato". Ankō was assassinated in his third year of reign by Mayowa no Ōkimi, in retaliation for the execution of Mayowa's father; the actual site of Ankō's grave is not known. The Emperor is traditionally venerated at a memorial Shinto shrine at Nara Prefecture; the Imperial Household Agency designates this location as Ankō's mausoleum. It is formally named Sugawara no Fushimi no nishi misasagi, his Empress was Emperor Richu's daughter. He did not have any children. Empress: Princess Nakashi, Emperor Richu's daughter Five kings of Wa Aston, William George.. Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A. D. 697. London: Kegan Paul, Trubner. OCLC 448337491 Brown, Delmer M. and Ichirō Ishida, eds.. Gukanshō: The Future and the Past. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-03460-0; the Imperial House of Japan. Kyoto: Ponsonby Memorial Society. OCLC 194887 Titsingh, Isaac.. Nihon Ōdai Ichiran. Paris: Royal Asiatic Society, Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland.
OCLC 5850691 Varley, H. Paul.. Jinnō Shōtōki: A Chronicle of Gods and Sovereigns. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-04940-5.
The Gwanggaeto Stele is a memorial stele for the tomb of King Gwanggaeto of Goguryeo, erected in 414 by his son Jangsu. It stands near the tomb of Gwanggaeto in the city of Ji'an along the Yalu River in Jilin Province, Northeast China, the capital of Goguryeo at that time, it is carved out of a single mass of granite, stands nearly 7 meters tall and has a girth of 4 meters. The inscription is written in Classical Chinese; the stele is one of the major primary sources for the history of Goguryeo, supplies invaluable historical detail on Gwanggaeto's reign as well as insights into Goguryeo mythology. It has become a focal point of national rivalries in East Asia manifested in the interpretations of the stele's inscription and the place of Goguryeo in modern historical narratives. An exact replica of the Gwanggaeto Stele stands on the grounds of War Memorial of Seoul and the rubbed copies made in 1881 and 1883 are in the custody of China and Japan; the stele's location, in Ji'an in the northeastern Chinese province of Jilin, was key to its long neglect.
Following the fall of Goguryeo in 668, to a lesser extent the fall of its successor state Balhae in 926, the region drifted outside the sway of both Chinese and Korean geopolitics. Afterwards the region came under the control of numerous Manchurian states, notably the Jurchen and from the 16th century the Manchu; when the Manchu conquered China in 1644 and established the Qing dynasty, they instituted a "closure policy" that blocked entry into a vast area in Manchuria north of the Yalu River, including the stele's site. This seclusion came to an end in the latter half of the 19th century, when the region was opened up for resettlement. In 1876, the Qing government established the Huairen County to govern the area. New settlers into the region around Ji'an began making use of the many bricks and baked tiles that could be found in the region to build new dwellings; the curious inscriptions on some of these tiles soon reached the ears of Chinese scholars and epigraphers. A few tiles were found inscribed "May the mausoleum of the Great King be secure like a mountain and firm like a peak".
It was around 1876 that a local Chinese official named Guan Yueshan, who dabbled as an amateur epigrapher, began collecting such tiles and discovered the mammoth stone stele of Gwanggaeto obscured under centuries of mud and overgrowth. The discovery soon attracted the attention Chinese and Japanese scholars, the third supplemented by Japanese spies travelling incognito to spy the region's fortifications and natural layout, prescient of a future of increased international rivalry. Only rubbings of sporadic individual letters could be made, due to the overgrowth. In order to uncover the entire inscription, the county magistrate in 1882 ordered the vegetation to be burnt off, causing damage to the stele's surface; every inch of the stele's four sides were found to be covered with Chinese characters, each about the size of a grown man's hand. But rubbed copies could not be made due to the irregular surface and other factors, so that the early batch of copied inscriptions were "tracings" rather than "rubbings".
In 1883 a young Japanese officer named Sakō Kageaki traveling disguised as a civilian kanpo herbalist while gathering intelligence in Manchuria. While in Liaoning he heard of the stele's recent discovery, traveled to Ji'an sometime during April ~ July 1883, procured a "tracing" of the stele's inscriptions to carry back to his homeland; the inscription drew significant attention from Japanese scholarship after the advent of this copy. Imperial Japanese Army General Staff Office invited leading sinologists and historians to decode the text publishing their findings in Kaiyoroku 會餘録, volume 5; the first authentic rubbings of the full inscriptions were not made until 1887 according to one researcher. It was after the authentic "rubbings" became available that Chinese scholars started studying the earnest, the first scholarly paper produced by the Chinese was Wang Chih-hsiu, Kao-chü-li Yung-lo t'ai-wang ku pei k'ao, and Korea was not aware of the monument until Kaiyoroku was published in 1889. Thus, the Japanese scholars were the ones to make the first detailed analysis of the stele's ancient text.
There is some discrepancy with regards to the number of inscribed characters. Some sources state that the stele has 1,802 characters, while others say it has 1,775; the inscribed text can be grouped by content into three parts. 1) Foundation myth of the Goguryeo kingdom. The first part details the legend of the Goguryeo's founder and his lineage while the second outlined Gwanggaeto's martial accomplishments, beginning with the conquest of Paeryo in 395; the record of the king's conquest was outlined in the form of a list of the castles he occupied and the surrender of the states conquered such as Paekche's in 396. The stele identified a total of seven conquests, which were corroborated by the historical accounts found in the Samguk sagi, or the Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms; the last part contains the list of custodians called Sumyoin, who were appointed to oversee the king's tomb. The inscription thus traces lineage from the legendary founder of the kingdom to the King, memorialized by the stele.
Note: Text written in italics in brackets has been reconstructed from glyphs chipped or eroded on the stone monument. Of old, when our first Ancestor King Ch'umo laid the foundations of our state, he came forth from Northern Buyeo as the son of
Emperor Richū known as Ōenoizahowake no Mikoto was the 17th Emperor of Japan, according to the traditional order of succession. No firm dates can be assigned to this Emperor's life or reign, but he is conventionally considered to have reigned from 400 to 405. Richū is regarded by historians as a "legendary Emperor" of the 5th century; the reign of Emperor Kinmei, the 29th Emperor, is the first for which contemporary historiography is able to assign verifiable dates. According to Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, Richū was the eldest son of Emperor Nintoku and Iwanohime, his name was Ōenoizahowake no Mikoto. Richū's contemporary title would not have been tennō, as most historians believe this title was not introduced until the reigns of Emperor Tenmu and Empress Jitō. Rather, it was Sumeramikoto or Amenoshita Shiroshimesu Ōkimi, meaning "the great king who rules all under heaven". Alternatively, Hanzei might have been referred to as ヤマト大王/大君 or the "Great King of Yamato"; some scholars identify him with King San in the Book of Song.
King San sent messengers to the Liu Song dynasty at least twice in 421 and 425. Richū escaped from Naniwa Place to Isonokami Shrine because of arson. Richū succumbed to disease in his sixth year of reign, his tomb is in the middle of present-day Osaka Prefecture. He was succeeded by his younger brother Emperor Hanzei. None of his sons succeeded to the throne, although two grandsons would ascend as Emperor Kenzō and as Emperor Ninken; the site of Richū's grave is not known. The Emperor is traditionally venerated at a memorial Shinto shrine in Osaka; the Imperial Household Agency designates this location as Richū's mausoleum. It is formally named Mozu no mimihara no minami no misasagi, it is identified as the Kami Ishizu Misanzai kofun. Imperial Consort: Kuro-hime, Katsuragi no Ashita no Sukune's daughter First Son: Prince IwasakanoIchinoenooshiwa, father of Emperor Kenzō and Emperor Ninken Prince Mima Princess Aomi no Himemiko Empress: Princess Kusakanohatabino-hime, Emperor Ōjin's daughter Princess Nakashi no Hime, wife of Prince Ōkusaka married Emperor AnkoConcubine: Futohime no Iratsume, Prince Funashiwake's daughter Concubine: Takatsuru no Iratsume, Prince Funashiwake's daughter Emperor of Japan List of Emperors of Japan Imperial cult Five kings of Wa Aston, William George..
Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A. D. 697. London: Kegan Paul, Trubner. OCLC 448337491 Brown, Delmer M. and Ichirō Ishida, eds.. Gukanshō: The Future and the Past. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-03460-0; the Imperial House of Japan. Kyoto: Ponsonby Memorial Society. OCLC 194887 Titsingh, Isaac.. Nihon Ōdai Ichiran. Paris: Royal Asiatic Society, Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland. OCLC 5850691 Varley, H. Paul.. Jinnō Shōtōki: A Chronicle of Gods and Sovereigns. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-04940-5.
The traditional China calendar, or Former Calendar, Traditional Calendar or Lunar Calendar, is a lunisolar calendar which reckons years and days according to astronomical phenomena. It is defined by GB/T 33661-2017, "Calculation and promulgation of the Chinese calendar", issued by the Standardisation Administration of China on 12 May 2017. Although modern day China uses the Gregorian calendar, the traditional Chinese calendar governs holidays in China and in overseas Chinese communities, it lists the dates of traditional Chinese holidays and guides people in selecting auspicious days for weddings, moving, or starting a business. Like Chinese characters, variants of this calendar are used in different parts of the Chinese cultural sphere. Korea and the Ryukyu Islands adopted the calendar, it evolved into Korean and Ryukyuan calendars; the main difference from the traditional Chinese calendar is the use of different meridians, which leads to some astronomical events—and calendar events based on them—falling on different dates.
The traditional Japanese calendar derived from the Chinese calendar, but its official use in Japan was abolished in 1873 as part of reforms after the Meiji Restoration. Calendars in Mongolia and Tibet have absorbed elements of the traditional Chinese calendar, but are not direct descendants of it. Days begin and end at midnight, months begin on the day of the new moon. Years begin on the second new moon after the winter solstice. Solar terms govern the end of each month. Written versions in ancient China included stems and branches of the year and the names of each month, including leap months as needed. Characters indicated whether a month was short; the traditional Chinese calendar was developed between 771 and 476 BC, during the Spring and Autumn period of the Eastern Zhou dynasty. Before the Zhou dynasty, solar calendars were used. One version of the solar calendar is the five-elements calendar. A 365-day year was divided into five phases of 73 days, with each phase corresponding to a Day 1 Wu Xing element.
A phase began followed by six 12-day weeks. Each phase consisted of two three-week months. Years began followed by a bǐngzǐ day and a 72-day fire phase. Other days were tracked using the Yellow River Map. Another version is a four-quarters calendar. Weeks were ten days long, with one month consisting of three weeks. A year had 12 months, with a ten-day week intercalated in summer as needed to keep up with the tropical year; the 10 Heavenly Stems and 12 Earthly Branches were used to mark days. A third version is the balanced calendar. A year was 365.25 days, a month was 29.5 days. After every 16th month, a half-month was intercalated. According to oracle bone records, the Shang dynasty calendar was a balanced calendar with 12 to 14 months in a year; the first lunisolar calendar was the Zhou calendar, introduced under the Zhou dynasty. This calendar set the beginning of the year at the day of the new moon before the winter solstice, it set the shàngyuán as the winter solstice of a dīngsì year, making the year it was introduced around 2,758,130.
Several competing lunisolar calendars were introduced by states fighting Zhou control during the Warring States period. The state of Lu issued its own Lu calendar. Jin issued the Xia calendar in AD 102, with a year beginning on the day of the new moon nearest the March equinox. Qin issued the Zhuanxu calendar, with a year beginning on the day of the new moon nearest the winter solstice. Song's Yin calendar began its year on the day of the new moon after the winter solstice; these calendars are known as the six ancient calendars, or quarter-remainder calendars, since all calculate a year as 365 1⁄4 days long. Months begin on the day of the new moon, a year has 12 or 13 months. Intercalary months are added to the end of the year; the Qiang and Dai calendars are modern versions of the Zhuanxu calendar, used by mountain peoples. After Qin Shi Huang unified China under the Qin dynasty in 221 BC, the Qin calendar was introduced, it followed most of the rules governing the Zhuanxu calendar, but the month order was that of the Xia calendar.
The intercalary month, known as the second Jiǔyuè, was placed at the end of the year. The Qin calendar was used into the Han dynasty. Emperor Wu of Han r. 141 – 87 BC introduced reforms halfway through his reign. His Taichu Calendar defined a solar year as 365 385⁄1539 days, the lunar month was 29 43⁄81 days; this calendar introduced the 24 solar terms. Solar terms were paired, with the 12 combined periods known as climate terms; the first solar term of the period was known as a pre-climate, the second was a mid-climate. Months were named for the mid-climat
Wa is the oldest recorded name of Japan. The Chinese as well as Korean and Japanese scribes wrote it in reference to Yamato with the Chinese character 倭 "Dwarf", until the 8th century, when the Japanese replaced it with 和 "harmony, balance." The earliest textual references to Japan are in Chinese classic texts. Within the official Chinese dynastic Twenty-Four Histories, Japan is mentioned among the so-called Dongyi 東夷 "Eastern Barbarians"; the historian Wang Zhenping summarizes Wo contacts with the Han State. When chieftains of various Wo tribes contacted authorities at Lelang, a Chinese commandery established in northern Korea in 108 B. C. by the Western Han court, they sought to benefit themselves by initiating contact. In A. D. 57, the first Wo ambassador arrived at the capital of the Eastern Han court. Wo diplomats, never called on China on a regular basis. A chronology of Japan-China relations from the first to the ninth centuries reveals this irregularity in the visits of Japanese ambassadors to China.
There were periods of frequent contacts as well as of lengthy intervals between contacts. This irregularity indicated that, in its diplomacy with China, Japan set its own agenda and acted on self-interest to satisfy its own needs. No Wo ambassador, for example, came to China during the second century; this interval continued well past the third century. Within nine years, the female Wo ruler Himiko sent four ambassadors to the Wei court in 238, 243, 245, 247 respectively. After the death of Himiko, diplomatic contacts with China slowed. Iyo, the female successor to Himiko, contacted the Wei court only once; the fourth century was another quiet period in China-Wo relations except for the Wo delegation dispatched to the Western Jin court in 306. With the arrival of a Wo ambassador at the Eastern Jin court in 413, a new age of frequent diplomatic contacts with China began. Over the next sixty years, ten Wo ambassadors called on the Southern Song court, a Wo delegation visited the Southern Qi court in 479.
The sixth century, saw only one Wo ambassador pay respect to the Southern Liang court in 502. When these ambassadors arrived in China, they acquired official titles, bronze mirrors, military banners, which their masters could use to bolster their claims to political supremacy, to build a military system, to exert influence on southern Korea; the earliest record of Wō 倭 "Japan" occurs in the Shan Hai Jing 山海經 "Classic of Mountains and Seas". The textual dating of this collection of geographic and mythological legends is uncertain, but estimates range from 300 BCE to 250 CE; the Haineibei jing 海內北經 "Classic of Regions within the North Seas" chapter includes Wō 倭 "Japan" among foreign places both real, such as Korea, legendary. Kai Land is south of Chü Yen and north of Wo. Wo belongs to Yen. Ch’ao-hsien is east of Lieh Yang, south of Hai Pei Mountain. Lieh Yang belongs to Yen. Nakagawa notes that Zhuyan 鉅燕 refers to the kingdom of Yan, that Wo maintained a "possible tributary relationship" with Yan.
Wang Chong's ca. 70-80 CE Lunheng 論衡 "Discourses weighed in the balance" is a compendium of essays on subjects including philosophy and natural sciences. The Rŭzēng 儒増 "Exaggerations of the Literati" chapter mentions"Wōrén 倭人 "Japanese people" and Yuèshāng 越裳 "an old name for Champa" presenting tributes during the Zhou Dynasty. In disputing legends that ancient Zhou bronze ding tripods had magic powers to ward off evil spirits, Wang says. During the Chou time there was universal peace; the Yuèshāng offered white pheasants to the court, the Japanese odoriferous plants. Since by eating these white pheasants or odoriferous plants one cannot keep free from evil influences, why should vessels like bronze tripods have such a power? Another Lunheng chapter Huiguo 恢國 "Restoring the nation" records that Emperor Cheng of Han was presented tributes of Vietnamese pheasants and Japanese herbs; the ca. 82 CE Han Shu 漢書 "Book of Han"' covers the Former Han Dynasty period. Near the conclusion of the Yan entry in the Dilizhi 地理志 "Treatise on geography" section, it records that Wo encompassed over 100 guó 國 "communities, countries".
Beyond Lo-lang in the sea, there are the people of Wo. They comprise more than one hundred communities, it is reported that they have maintained intercourse with China through tributaries and envoys. Emperor Wu of Han established this Korean Lelang Commandery in 108 BCE. Historian Endymion Wilkinson says Wo 倭 "dwarf" was used in the Hanshu, "probably to refer to the inhabitants of Kyushu and the Korean peninsula. Thereafter to the inhabitants of the Japanese archipelago." The ca. 297 CE Wei Zhi 魏志 "Records of Wei", comprising the first of the San Guo Zhi 三國志 "Records of the Three Kingdoms", covers history of the Cao Wei kingdom. The 東夷伝 "Encounters with Eastern Barbarians" section describes the Wōrén 倭人 "Japanese" based upon detailed reports from Chinese envoys to Japan, it contains the first records of Yamatai-koku, shamaness Queen Himiko, other Japanese historical topics. The people of Wa dwell in the middle of the ocean on the mountainous islands southeast of of Tai-fang, they comprised more than one hundred communities.
During the Han dynasty, appeared at the Court.
Emperor Wu of Liu Song
Emperor Wu of Song, personal name Liu Yu, courtesy name Dexing, nickname Jinu, was an excellent statesman and strategist of ancient China, the founding emperor of the Chinese dynasty Liu Song. He came from a humble background, but became prominent after leading a rebellion in 404 to overthrow Huan Xuan, who had usurped the Jin throne in 403. After that point, using a mixture of political and military skills, Liu Yu concentrated power in his own hands while expanding Jin's territory. In 420, he forced Emperor Gong of Jin to yield the throne to him, thus ending Jin and establishing Song, he ruled only for two years, before dying and passing the throne to his son, Emperor Shao of Liu Song. Liu Yu was born in 363, to his father Liu Qiao and mother Zhao Anzong, while they were living at Jingkou, his great grandfather Liu Hun was from Pengcheng, before moving to Jingkou. Liu Qiao was said to be a 20th generation descendant of Han Dynasty's Prince of Chu, Liu Jiao, a younger brother of Han's founder Emperor Gaozu of Han.
Liu Qiao was a police officer. They had married in 360, lived in fair poverty. Lady Zhao died after giving birth to Liu Yu, Liu Qiao, unable to take care of the child financially or otherwise, considered abandoning the child. Upon hearing this, Liu Yu's aunt, who had given birth to his cousin Liu Huaijing less than a year ago, went to Liu Qiao's house and took Liu Yu, weaning Liu Huaijing and giving her milk to Liu Yu instead. At some point, Liu Qiao remarried, his new wife Xiao Wenshou bore him two sons, Liu Daolian and Liu Daogui. Liu Yu was treated her as his own mother, it is not known when Liu Qiao died, but in any case, Liu Yu grew up with great ambitions and was said to be strong and brave, but he was poor and uneducated, knowing only a few characters. He maintained himself by selling straw sandals, he liked gambling; the people in his village all looked down on him. At some point, he became an officer under the general Sun Wuzhong; when the magician Sun En rebelled against Jin rule in 399, Liu Yu joined the army of the general Liu Laozhi, he became friends with Liu Laozhi's son Liu Jingxuan.
On one occasion, he led some tens of soldiers on a scouting mission, when they encountered several thousand of Sun's soldiers. All of Liu Yu's soldiers were killed, Liu Yu fell onto a riverbank, but he stood his position there and killed all of Sun's soldiers who dared to approach. Liu Jingxuan, realizing that Liu Yu had been away from camp for too long, went to try to find him, saw him alone trying to hold off Sun's soldiers, he praised Liu Yu. Both because of his bravery and his friendship with Liu Jingxuan, Liu Yu rose through the ranks of Liu Laozhi's army. Liu Laozhi, at the time, was a powerful warlord who controlled modern Jiangsu and Zhejiang except for the region around the capital Jiankang. In 401, with Sun En, who had fled to Zhoushan Island in late 399, trying to launch a comeback and attacking Haiyan, Liu Yu fought him, winning several victories over him despite being outnumbered; however Sun En was able to regroup and head toward Jiankang, which he could not capture and was forced to withdraw from.
He regrouped on a sea island. By imperial edict, Liu Yu was made the governor of Xiapei Commandery, he was ordered to attack Sun En on his island, winning victories over him. Sun En began to grow weaker and headed south on the coast, with Liu Yu following. In winter 401, Liu Yu defeated Sun En again at Haiyan. In 402, as the regent Sima Yuanxian and the warlord Huan Xuan prepared to battle, Sima Yuanxian believed that he had Liu Laozhi's support, Liu Laozhi postured in support of Sima Yuanxian by bringing his forces to Jiankang. However, when Liu Yu requested to engage Huan Xuan, Liu Laozhi refused to give permission. Huan Xuan sent messengers to try to persuade Liu Laozhi to switch sides, despite the oppositions of his nephew He Wuji and Liu Jingxuan, as well as Liu Yu. Without support from Liu Laozhi, Sima Yuanxian's forces collapsed in face of Huan Xuan's attack, Sima Yuanxian and his father Sima Daozi were killed by Huan Xuan. Huan Xuan, who did not trust Liu Laozhi stripped Liu Laozhi of his military command, Liu Laozhi, upon receiving the order, considered resisting it.
He requested Liu Yu's opinion, Liu Yu found the idea foolish, left Liu Laozhi's army, returned to Jingkou as a civilian. With the rest of the army not willing to go with his plan either, Liu Laozhi committed suicide, Liu Jingxuan fled to Later Qin and to Southern Yan. By summer 402, Liu Yu was again in the army, by 403 he carried a general rank, when Sun En's nephew Lu Xun, who succeeded him after his death in battle in 401, attacked Dongyang, Liu Yu repelled Lu's attack, he counterattacked and won several battles over Lu, forcing Lu to head south on the sea. At this time, He Wuji tried to persuade him to declare a rebellion at Shanyin against Huan Xuan, but at the advice of Kong Jing, he declined at this time, waiting for Huan Xuan to seize the throne so that he would have a reason to; when Huan Xuan's cousin Huan Qian asked Liu Yu's opinion on whether Huan Xuan should receive the throne, Liu Yu pretended to be a Huan clan loyalist and encouraged Huan Xuan to