The Kennedy Doctrine refers to foreign policy initiatives of the 35th President of the United States, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, towards Latin America during his administration between 1961 and 1963. Kennedy voiced support for the containment of communism as well as the reversal of communist progress in the Western Hemisphere. In his Inaugural Address on January 20, 1961, President Kennedy presented the American public with a blueprint upon which the future foreign policy initiatives of his administration would follow and come to represent. In this Address, Kennedy warned "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty."1 He called upon the public to assist in "a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty and war itself."1 It is in this address that one begins to see the Cold War, us-versus-them mentality that came to dominate the Kennedy administration.
A dominant premise during the Kennedy years was the need to contain communism at any cost. In this Cold War environment, Kennedy's "call for military strength and unison in the struggle against communism were balanced with... for disarmament and global cooperation."2 Another common theme in Kennedy's foreign policy was the belief that because the United States had the ability and power to control events in the international system, they should. Kennedy expressed this idea in his address when he stated, "In the long history of the world only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom from its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility – I welcome it." 1 The Kennedy Doctrine was an expansion of the foreign policy prerogatives of the administrations of Dwight D. Eisenhower and Harry S. Truman; the foreign policies of these presidents all revolved around the threat of communism and the means by which the US would try containing the spread of it. The Truman Doctrine focused on the containment of communism by providing assistance to countries resisting communism in Europe.
The Eisenhower Doctrine was focused upon providing both military and economic assistance to nations resisting communism in the Middle East, by increasing the flow of trade from the US into Latin America. The Kennedy Doctrine was based on these same objectives, but was more concerned with the spread of communism and Soviet influence in Latin America following the Cuban revolution that brought Fidel Castro to power under Eisenhower. In his inaugural address, Kennedy talks of an alliance for progress with countries in Latin America. In his Alliance for Progress address for Latin American Diplomats and Members of Congress on March 13th 1961 he expanded on his promises from his inaugural speech. "I have called on all the people of the hemisphere to join in a new Alliance for Progress – alianza para el Progreso – a vast cooperative effort, unparalleled in magnitude and nobility of purpose, to satisfy the basic needs of the American people for homes and land, health and schools – techo, trabajo y tierra, salud y escuela."3In the address, Kennedy reaffirmed the United States' pledge of coming to the defense of any nation whose independence was endangered, promised to increase the food-for-peace emergency program and to provide economic aid to nations in need.
He requested that Latin American countries promote social change within their borders and called upon all American nations to move towards increased economic integration. "To achieve this goal political freedom must accompany material progress. Our Alliance for Progress is an alliance of free governments – and it must work to eliminate tyranny from a hemisphere in which it has no rightful place; therefore let us express our special friendship to the people of Cuba and the Dominican Republic – and the hope they will soon rejoin the society of free men, uniting with us in our common effort."3 Many have questioned whether Kennedy's Inaugural Address, the foreign policy stemming from the vision he expressed in it "describes an appropriate and prudent role for the United States in the world. W. Averell Harriman served in and on behalf of Kennedy's Administration in several capacities, noted, "President Kennedy was the first President, that I know of, his own secretary of state, he dealt with every aspect of foreign policy, he knew about everything, going on."5 Some of the most notable events that stemmed from tenets of JFK's foreign policy initiatives in regard to Latin America and the spread of communism were:6 The Bay of Pigs Invasion, April 17, 1961.
Increase of U. S. involvement in Vietnam War, 1962. Cuban Missile Crisis, October 1962. Ratification of Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, July 1963. Flexible response The Avalon Project at Yale Law School. Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy. Available online at: https://web.archive.org/web/20070514235348/http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/inaug/kennedy.htm Viotti, Paul R, American Foreign Policy and National Security: A Documentary Record, 222. Modern History Sourcebook. President John F. Kennedy: On the Alliance for Progress, 1961. Available Online at: http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/1961kennedy-afp1.html Fitzsimons, Louise. The Kennedy Doctrine (N
The Ulbricht Doctrine, named after East German leader Walter Ulbricht, was the assertion that normal diplomatic relations between East Germany and West Germany could occur only if both states recognised each other's sovereignty. That contrasted with the Hallstein Doctrine, a West German policy which insisted that West Germany was the only legitimate German state. East Germany gained acceptance of its view from fellow Communist states, such as Czechoslovakia, Poland and Bulgaria, which all agreed not to normalise relations with West Germany until it recognised East German sovereignty. West Germany abandoned its Hallstein Doctrine, instead adopting the policies of Ostpolitik. In December 1972, a Basic Treaty between East and West Germany was signed that reaffirmed two German states as separate entities; the treaty allowed the exchange of diplomatic missions and the entry of both German states to the United Nations as full members. Warsaw Pact Foreign Ministers Meeting discussing diplomatic sanctions against West Germany The text of the 1972 Basic Treaty between East and West Germany
The Obama Doctrine is a catch-all term used to describe one or several principles of the foreign policy of U. S. President Barack Obama, it is still not agreed. During an interview with the New York Times, Obama commented about the doctrine saying: "You asked about an Obama doctrine, the doctrine is we will engage, but we preserve all our capabilities". Unlike precisely-defined policies such as the Monroe Doctrine, Truman Doctrine, Nixon Doctrine, Carter Doctrine, Reagan Doctrine or Bush Doctrine, the Obama Doctrine is not a specific foreign policy introduced by the executive; this has led journalists and political commentators to analyze what the exact tenets of an Obama Doctrine might look like. Speaking, it is accepted that a central part of such a doctrine would emphasize negotiation and collaboration rather than confrontation and unilateralism in international affairs; this policy has been praised by some as a welcome change from the interventionist Bush Doctrine. Critics of Obama's unilateral policies including former republican United States Ambassador to the United Nations John Bolton, have described it as overly idealistic and naïve, promoting appeasement of adversaries.
Others have drawn attention to its radical departure in tone from not only the policies of the Bush administration but many former presidents as well. Some trace the origin of Obama's doctrine to a speech he delivered at West Point in May 2014, where he asserted that the "United States will use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it," but for indirect threats or humanitarian crises, "we must mobilize partners to take collective action." This doctrine of "moral multilateralism," some argue, reflects Obama's interest in philosopher Reinhold Niebuhr, who supported an interventionist U. S. foreign policy but warned against moral misjudgment. The term "Obama Doctrine" was used before the start of Obama's presidency, while he was still only a candidate in the Democratic primaries. In an article in The Providence Journal from August 28, 2007, James Kirchick used the term in a derogatory sense, argued that the Obama Doctrine could be summarised as: "The United States will remain impassive in the face of genocide."
This critique was based on an interview Obama had given to the Associated Press on July 21, where he said that "the United States cannot use its military to solve humanitarian problems" and that "preventing a potential genocide in Iraq isn't a good enough reason to keep U. S. forces there." Hilary Bok, guest-blogging for Andrew Sullivan at The Atlantic's The Daily Dish, refuted Kirchick's representation of Obama's foreign policy views as a distortion. Bok pointed to Obama's use of anti-genocide activist Samantha Power as a political adviser, to several interviews the candidate had given expressing concern for the situation in Darfur and elsewhere. In a presidential debate with John McCain, Obama stated that the U. S. would have to "consider it as part of our interests" to carry out humanitarian interventions. In the campaign, when asked the question about himself at one of the Democratic presidential debates in March, Obama answered that his doctrine was "not going to be as doctrinaire as the Bush doctrine, because the world is complicated."
He added that the United States would have to "view our security in terms of a common security and a common prosperity with other peoples and other countries." This doctrine was elaborated on as "a doctrine that first ends the politics of fear and moves beyond a hollow, sloganeering'democracy promotion' agenda in favor of'dignity promotion,'" that would target the conditions that promoted anti-Americanism and prevented democracy. This policy was criticized by Dean Barnett of The Weekly Standard as naïve. Barnett argued that it was not a "climate of fear" that lay behind Islamic extremism, but "something more malicious". Then-President George W. Bush, in a May 2008 speech at the Knesset, likened direct negotiations with Iran, or terrorist groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah, to attempts at "appeasement" of Nazi Germany in the late 1930s; the comments were interpreted by some in the media, as well as by Obama himself, as a direct criticism of Obama. Obama called the comments "a false political attack", added that "George Bush knows that I have never supported engagement with terrorists," while Senator Joe Biden, Obama's running mate, said that Bush's comments were "demeaning to the presidency of the United States of America".
Bush spokeswoman Dana Perino, pressed for a clarification, stated that Bush's comments were "not pointed to one individual," and that "all of you who cover these issues... have known that there are many who have suggested these types of negotiations". In 2008, the term "Obama Doctrine" was used by Lynn Sweet of the Chicago Sun-Times in a comment on a speech given by then-Senator Obama at the Woodrow Wilson Center on July 15. Here Obama listed the five pillars of his foreign policy, should he be elected: I will focus this strategy on five goals essential to making America safer: ending the war in Iraq responsibly. Not long after Obama's inauguration on January 20, 2009, commentators began to speculate on the emergence of a distinct Obama Doctrine in action. A proposal to close the American d
Belief is the state of mind in which a person thinks something to be the case regardless of empirical evidence to prove that something is the case with factual certainty. Another way of defining belief sees it as a mental representation of an attitude positively oriented towards the likelihood of something being true. In the context of Ancient Greek thought, two related concepts were identified with regards to the concept of belief: pistis and doxa. Simplified, we may say that pistis refers to "trust" and "confidence", while doxa refers to "opinion" and "acceptance"; the English word "orthodoxy" derives from doxa. Jonathan Leicester suggests that belief has the purpose of guiding action rather than indicating truth. In epistemology, philosophers use the term "belief" to refer to personal attitudes associated with true or false ideas and concepts. However, "belief" does not require active circumspection. For example, we never ponder. We assume the sun will rise. Since "belief" is an important aspect of mundane life, according to Eric Schwitzgebel in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, a related question asks: "how a physical organism can have beliefs?"
Epistemology is concerned with delineating the boundary between justified belief and opinion, involved with a theoretical philosophical study of knowledge. The primary problem in epistemology is to understand what is needed in order for us to have knowledge. In a notion derived from Plato's dialogue Theaetetus, where the epistemology of Socrates most departs from that of the sophists, who at the time of Plato seem to have defined knowledge as what is here expressed as "justified true belief"; the tendency to translate from belief to knowledge, which Plato utterly dismisses, results from failing to distinguish a dispositive belief from knowledge when the opinion is regarded true, in terms of right, juristically so, the task of the rhetors to prove. Plato dismisses this possibility of an affirmative relation between belief and knowledge when the one who opines grounds his belief on the rule, is able to add justification to it. Plato has been credited for the "justified true belief" theory of knowledge though Plato in the Theaetetus elegantly dismisses it, posits this argument of Socrates as a cause for his death penalty.
Among American epistemologists and Goldman, have questioned the "justified true belief" definition, challenged the "sophists" of their time. Mainstream psychology and related disciplines have traditionally treated belief as if it were the simplest form of mental representation and therefore one of the building blocks of conscious thought. Philosophers have tended to be more abstract in their analysis, much of the work examining the viability of the belief concept stems from philosophical analysis; the concept of belief presumes an object of belief. So, like other propositional attitudes, belief implies the existence of mental states and intentionality, both of which are hotly debated topics in the philosophy of mind, whose foundations and relation to brain states are still controversial. Beliefs are sometimes divided into dispositional beliefs. For example, if asked "do you believe tigers wear pink pajamas?" A person might answer that they do not, despite the fact they may never have thought about this situation before.
This has important implications for understanding the neuroscience of belief. If the concept of belief is incoherent any attempt to find the underlying neural processes that support it will fail. Philosopher Lynne Rudder Baker has outlined four main contemporary approaches to belief in her controversial book Saving Belief: Our common-sense understanding of belief is correct – Sometimes called the "mental sentence theory," in this conception, beliefs exist as coherent entities, the way we talk about them in everyday life is a valid basis for scientific endeavour. Jerry Fodor is one of the principal defenders of this point of view. Our common-sense understanding of belief may not be correct, but it is close enough to make some useful predictions – This view argues that we will reject the idea of belief as we know it now, but that there may be a correlation between what we take to be a belief when someone says "I believe that snow is white" and how a future theory of psychology will explain this behaviour.
Most notably, philosopher Stephen Stich has argued for this particular understanding of belief. Our common-sense understanding of belief is wrong and will be superseded by a radically different theory that will have no use for the concept of belief as we know it – Known as eliminativism, this view argues that the concept of belief is like obsolete theories of times past such as the four humours theory of medicine, or the phlogiston theory of combustion. In these cases science hasn't provided us with a more detailed account of these theories, but rejected them as valid scientific concepts to be replaced by different accounts; the Churchlands argue that our common-sense concept of belief is similar in that as we discover more about neuroscience and the brain, the inevitable conclusion will be to reject the belief hypothesis in its entirety. Our common-sense unders
In British politics, the term Blairism refers to the political ideology of the former leader of the Labour Party and Prime Minister Tony Blair. It entered the New Penguin English Dictionary in 2000. Proponents of Blairism are referred to as Blairites. Politically, Blair has been identified with record investment into public services, an interventionist and Atlanticist foreign policy, support for stronger law enforcement powers, a large focus on surveillance as a means to address terrorism and a large focus on education as a means to encourage social mobility. In the early years, Blairism was associated with support for European integration and British participation in the European single currency, though this waned after Labour took office; the term is used in particular in contrast to Brownite, to identify those within the Labour Party with a connection to, or identification with, Gordon Brown rather than Blair. However, with Blair and Brown in agreement on most political issues, commentators have noted that "the difference between Brownites and Blairites is more tribal than ideological".
This is believed to stem from a personal disagreement between Blair and Brown over who should have run for the leadership following the death of John Smith in 1994. Though Brown was considered the senior of the two, he waited until after Smith's funeral to begin campaigning, by which point Blair had gathered too much momentum to be defeated. However, in his book Whatever it Takes, Steve Richards offered an alternate view: that there were significant disagreements between the two about relative poverty, the level of public spending and the potential for choice in public services. There has been a great deal of discussion in British politics about the Blairite legacy; this intensified after September 2006, when Blair announced his intention to resign within one year and since May 2007 when he said he would resign as Prime Minister on 27 June 2007. Some have speculated that if the Blairite coalition is to be seen as one of pro-market anti-Conservatives, the Liberal Democrats could be its ultimate inheritors.
In a 1999 article, the news magazine The Economist stated: Mr Blair will doubtless do his duty and lavish praise on Labour's glorious past. But, in truth, Mr Blair has always displayed a marked ambivalence towards Labour history, his greatest achievement in opposition was to get the party to ditch their historic commitment to nationalisation, to water down its traditional links with the unions. At times he has hinted that the foundation of the Labour Party was a mistake, since it divided "progressive" politics and led to a century dominated by the Conservatives. Mr Blair knows that all this makes many of his party faithful uneasy. Blair's tenure is known for an expansion of LGBT rights, such as the introduction of legal civil partnerships. Blair himself has told the LGBT organisation Stonewall that "what has happened is that the culture of the country has changed in a definable way" and that "it's a thing that doesn't just give me a lot of pride, but it has brought a lot of joy". Blair has claimed to have got up off his seat and danced upon seeing the first civil partnership ceremonies on television.
The Daily Telegraph stated in April 2008 that Blair's programme, with its emphasis on "New Labour", accepted the free-market ideology of Thatcherism. The article cited deregulation, privatisation of key national industries, maintaining a flexible labour market, marginalising the role of trade unions and devolving government decision making to local authorities as evidence. In the BBC Four documentary film Tory! Tory! Tory!, Blair is described as admiring Margaret Thatcher and making the decision that she would be the first outside person he formally invited to visit him in 10 Downing Street. Former Conservative Prime Minister John Major, who Blair defeated in a landslide at the 1997 general election. However, Blair snubbed Major by declining to invite him to a 2007 joint address to the House of Lords and House of Commons on the peace process. Blair called Thatcher "unhinged", a description that became public knowledge. Blair criticised the Thatcher government's record on poverty and made that a key issue for Labour economic policy.
He made the goal to eradicate child poverty in Britain within 20 years based on the fact that one-third of British children were in poverty post-Thatcher compared to the 9% rate in 1979. Blair abolished Section 28 and created lot more pro-European initiatives compared to Thatcher. Blair was criticised by various Thatcherites such as: Norman Tebbit and William Hague. In his autobiography published in 2010, titled A Journey, Blair remarked: In what caused much jarring and tutting within the party, I decided to own up to supporting changes Margaret Thatcher had made. I knew the credibility of the whole New Labour project rested on accepting that much of what she wanted to do in the 1980s was inevitable, a consequence not of ideology but of social and economic change; the way she did it was very ideological, sometimes unnecessarily so, but that didn't alter the basic fact: Britain needed the industrial and economic reforms of the Thatcher period. Gordon Brown succeeded Blair as Prime Minister after Brown's long tenure as the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Although viewed in the media as somewhat close, Blair wrote in his autobiography A Journey that a "maddening" Brown blackmailed him while he was in 10 Downing Street
The Bush Doctrine refers to various related foreign policy principles of the 43rd President of the United States, George W. Bush; these principles include the use of preventative war. Charles Krauthammer first used the phrase in June 2001 to describe the Bush Administration's "unilaterally withdrawing from the ABM treaty and rejecting the Kyoto protocol." After the 9/11 attack, the phrase described the policy that the United States had the right to secure itself against countries that harbor or give aid to terrorist groups, used to justify the 2001 war in Afghanistan. The Bush Doctrine became associated with the Bush administration's decision to invade Iraq in 2003. Different pundits have attributed different meanings to the Bush Doctrine, it was used to describe specific policy elements, including a strategy of "preemptive strikes" as a defense against an immediate or perceived future threat to the security of the United States. This policy principle was applied in the Middle East to counter international terrorist organizations and to justify the invasion of Iraq.
The Bush Doctrine was used to indicate a willingness to unilaterally pursue U. S. military interests. Some of these policies were codified in a National Security Council text entitled the National Security Strategy of the United States published on September 20, 2002; the phrase "Bush Doctrine" was used by members of the Bush administration. The expression was used at least once, though, by Vice President Dick Cheney, in a June 2003 speech in which he said, "If there is anyone in the world today who doubts the seriousness of the Bush Doctrine, I would urge that person to consider the fate of the Taliban in Afghanistan, of Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq." The main elements of the Bush Doctrine were delineated in a document, the National Security Strategy of the United States, published on September 17, 2002. This document is cited as the definitive statement of the doctrine, it was updated in 2006 and is stated as follows: The security environment confronting the United States today is radically different from what we have faced before.
Yet the first duty of the United States Government remains what it always has been: to protect the American people and American interests. It is an enduring American principle that this duty obligates the government to anticipate and counter threats, using all elements of national power, before the threats can do grave damage; the greater the threat, the greater is the risk of inaction – and the more compelling the case for taking anticipatory action to defend ourselves if uncertainty remains as to the time and place of the enemy's attack. There are few greater threats than a terrorist attack with WMD. To forestall or prevent such hostile acts by our adversaries, the United States will, if necessary, act preemptively in exercising our inherent right of self-defense; the United States will not resort to force in all cases to preempt emerging threats. Our preference is, and no country should use preemption as a pretext for aggression. The Bush Doctrine is defined as "a collection of strategy principles, practical policy decisions, a set of rationales and ideas for guiding United States foreign policy."
Some of these had reemerged from the 1992 draft Wolfowitz Doctrine, leaked and disavowed by the first Bush administration. Two main pillars are identified for the doctrine: 1.) Preemptive strikes against potential enemies and 2.) Promoting democratic regime change. The George W. Bush administration claimed. Out of the National Security Strategy, four main points are highlighted as the core to the Bush Doctrine: 1.) Preemption, 2.) Military Primacy, 3.) New Multilateralism, 4.) The Spread of Democracy. The document emphasized preemption, stating, "America is now threatened less by conquering states than we are by failing ones. We are menaced less by fleets and armies than by catastrophic technologies in the hands of the embittered few," and required "defending the United States, the American people, our interests at home and abroad by identifying and destroying the threat before it reaches our borders."Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld remarked thus in 2006, in a statement taken to reflect his view of the Doctrine's efficacy: "If I were rating, I would say we deserve a D or D+ as a country as how well we're doing in the battle of ideas that's taking place.
I'm not going to suggest that it's easy, but we have not found the formula as a country."In his 2010 memoir Decision Points, President Bush articulates his discrete concept of the Bush Doctrine. He stated that his doctrine consisted of four "prongs," three of them practical, one idealistic, they are the following: "Make no distinction between terrorists and the nations that harbor them — and hold both to account." "Take the fight to the enemy overseas before they can attack us again here at home." "Confront threats before they materialize." "Advance liberty and hope as an alternative to the enemy's ideology of repression and fear." Unilateral elements were evident early in Bush's presidency. Conservative Charles Krauthammer, who coined the term "Bush Doctrine," deployed "unilateralism," in February 2001 to refer to Bush's increased unilateralism in foreign policy regarding his decision to withdraw from the ABM treaty. There is some evidence that Bush's willingness for the US to act unilaterally came earlier.
The International Journal of Peace Studies 2003 article "The Bush administration's i
Richard Milhous Nixon was an American politician who served as the 37th president of the United States from 1969 to 1974. He had served as the 36th vice president of the United States from 1953 to 1961, prior to that as both a U. S. representative and senator from California. Nixon was born in California. After completing his undergraduate studies at Whittier College, he graduated from Duke University School of Law in 1937 and returned to California to practice law, he and his wife Pat moved to Washington in 1942 to work for the federal government. He subsequently served on active duty in the U. S. Navy Reserve during World War II. Nixon was elected to the House of Representatives in 1946 and to the Senate in 1950, his pursuit of the Hiss Case established his reputation as a leading anti-communist and elevated him to national prominence. He was the running mate of Dwight D. Eisenhower, the Republican Party presidential nominee in the 1952 election. Nixon served for eight years as Vice President, becoming the second-youngest vice president in history at age 40.
He waged an unsuccessful presidential campaign in 1960, narrowly losing to John F. Kennedy, lost a race for governor of California to Pat Brown in 1962. In 1968, he ran for the presidency again and was elected, defeating incumbent Vice President Hubert Humphrey. Nixon ended American involvement in the war in Vietnam in 1973 and brought the American POWs home, ended the military draft. Nixon's visit to China in 1972 led to diplomatic relations between the two nations and he initiated détente and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with the Soviet Union the same year, his administration transferred power from Washington D. C. to the states. He imposed wage and price controls for ninety days, enforced desegregation of Southern schools, established the Environmental Protection Agency and began the War on Cancer. Nixon presided over the Apollo 11 moon landing, which signaled the end of the moon race, he was reelected in one of the largest electoral landslides in U. S. history in 1972 when he defeated George McGovern.
In his second term, Nixon ordered an airlift to resupply Israeli losses in the Yom Kippur War, resulting in the restart of the Middle East peace process and an oil crisis at home. The Nixon administration supported a coup in Chile that ousted the government of Salvador Allende and propelled Augusto Pinochet to power. By late 1973, the Watergate scandal escalated. On August 9, 1974, he resigned in the face of certain impeachment and removal from office—the only time a U. S. president has done so. After his resignation, he was issued a controversial pardon by Gerald Ford. In 20 years of retirement, Nixon wrote nine books and undertook many foreign trips, helping to rehabilitate his image into that of an elder statesman, he suffered a debilitating stroke on April 18, 1994 and died four days at the age of 81. Richard Milhous Nixon was born on January 9, 1913 in Yorba Linda, California, in a house, built by his father, his parents were Francis A. Nixon, his mother was a Quaker, his father converted from Methodism to the Quaker faith.
Nixon was a descendant of the early American settler, Thomas Cornell, an ancestor of Ezra Cornell, the founder of Cornell University, as well as of Jimmy Carter and Bill Gates. Nixon's upbringing was marked by evangelical Quaker observances of the time, such as refraining from alcohol and swearing. Nixon had four brothers: Harold, Donald and Edward. Four of the five Nixon boys were named after kings who had ruled in legendary Britain. Nixon's early life was marked by hardship, he quoted a saying of Eisenhower to describe his boyhood: "We were poor, but the glory of it was we didn't know it"; the Nixon family ranch failed in 1922, the family moved to Whittier, California. In an area with many Quakers, Frank Nixon opened a grocery gas station. Richard's younger brother. At the age of twelve, a spot was found on Richard's lung, with a family history of tuberculosis, he was forbidden to play sports; the spot was found to be scar tissue from an early bout of pneumonia. Young Richard attended East Whittier Elementary School, where he was president of his eighth-grade class.
His parents believed that attending Whittier High School had caused Richard's older brother Harold to live a dissolute lifestyle before he fell ill of tuberculosis, so they sent Richard to the larger Fullerton Union High School. He had to ride a school bus for an hour each way during his freshman year, he received excellent grades, he lived with an aunt in Fullerton during the week. He played junior varsity football, missed a practice though he was used in games, he had greater success as a debater, winning a number of championships and taking his only formal tutelage in public speaking from Fullerton's Head of English, H. Lynn Sheller. Nixon remembered Sheller's words, "Remember, speaking is conversation... don't shout at people. Talk to them. Converse with them." Nixon stated. At the start of his junior year beginning in September 1928, Richard's parents permitted him to transfer to Whittier High School. At Whittier High, Nixon suffered his first electoral defeat, for student body president, he rose at 4 a.m. to drive the family truck into Los Angeles and purchase vegetables at the market.
He drove to the store to wash and display them, befo