click links in text for more info
SUMMARY / RELATED TOPICS

Foreign relations of Portugal

Foreign relations of Portugal are linked with its historical role as a major player in the Age of Discovery and the holder of the now defunct Portuguese Empire. Portugal is a European Union member country and a founding member of NATO, it is a committed proponent of European transatlantic relations. Augusto Santos Silva is the current Minister of Foreign Affairs of Portugal; the focus of Portuguese diplomacy has been to preserve its independence, vis-à-vis, the danger of annexation by Spain, the maintenance of the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance, which came into being in 1386, with the United Kingdom as a successor to England, it is still in place today. Other goals have been constant such as the political stability of the Iberian peninsula and the affirmation of Portuguese interests in Europe and the Atlantic. Portugal was a founding member of NATO, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, European Free Trade Area. In 1996, it co-founded the Community of Portuguese Language Countries.

The country is a member state of the United Nations since 1955. The primacy of the United States and inter-governmental organizations such as NATO and the United Nations have been paramount in the affirmation of Portugal abroad. Portugal has been a significant beneficiary of the EU, it was among the top beneficiaries of the EU-15 between 1995 and 2004. Portugal is a proponent of European integration and held the presidency of the European Union for the second time during the first half of 2000, again in the second half of 2007. Portugal used its term to launch a dialogue between the EU and Africa and to begin to take steps to make the European economy dynamic and competitive. In 2002, the euro began to circulate as Portugal's currency. José Sócrates, as Prime Minister of Portugal, presided over the rotative Presidency of the Council of the European Union for the period July–December 2007. In this post, Sócrates and his team focused on the EU-Brazil and EU-African Union relations, as well as in the approval of the Treaty of Lisbon.

Portugal was a founding member of NATO. Portugal proposed the creation of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries to improve its ties with other Portuguese-speaking countries. Additionally, Portugal has participated, along with Spain, in a series of Ibero-American Summit. Portugal held the chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe for the year 2002; the chairman-in-office was Portuguese Foreign Minister António Martins da Cruz. Portugal holds claim to the disputed territory of Olivença on the Portugal-Spain border. List of diplomatic missions in Portugal List of diplomatic missions of Portugal

Mikey Dread

Michael George Campbell, better known as Mikey Dread, was a Jamaican singer and broadcaster. He was one of innovators in reggae music. Born in Port Antonio, one of five children, from an early age, Campbell showed a natural aptitude for engineering and electronics; as a teenager he performed with the Safari and Sound of Music sound systems, worked on his high school's radio station. He studied electrical engineering at the College of Arts and Technology, in 1976, started out as an engineer with the Jamaica Broadcasting Corporation. Campbell wasn't impressed that the JBC's playlists consisted of bland, foreign pop music at a time when some of the most potent reggae was being recorded in Jamaica, he convinced his JBC bosses to give him his own radio program called Dread at the Controls, where he played exclusively reggae. Before long, Campbell had the most popular program on the JBC. Well known for its fun and adventurous sonic style, Dread at the Controls became a hit all over Jamaica. Examples of Mikey Dread's distinctive radio chatter can be heard on the US release of the RAS label LP African Anthem Dubwise.

He began working as a recording artist, Lee "Scratch" Perry producing his signature tune "Dread at the Controls" recording for Sonia Pottinger and Joe Gibbs, performing with the Socialist Roots sound system. JBC's conservative management and Campbell clashed, he quit in protest in 1978, becoming an engineer at the Treasure Isle studio, where he began an association with producer Carlton Patterson, they co-produced that of others. By the late 1970s he had started his own DATC label, working with artists such as Edi Fitzroy, Sugar Minott, Earl Sixteen, as well as producing his own work; the label released Dread's albums Evolutionary Rockers, World War III. Campbell's music attracted the attention of British punk rockers The Clash, who invited him over to England to tour with them in 1980, going on to produce some of their music. Although suspicious of the strangers, Campbell soon became the best of friends with the band, producing their famous "Bankrobber" single and performing on several songs on their 1980 album Sandinista!.

Campbell toured with The Clash across Britain and the US, gaining many new fans along the way. He studied at the National Broadcasting School in London in 1980 and in 1984 studied advanced recording technology at the North London Polytechnic. During the early 1980s he provided vocals with the reggae collective Singers And Players on Adrian Sherwood's On-U Sound record label. Dread toured Europe and Scandinavia as their support artist; some of his works in the United Kingdom include hosting series such as Rockers Roadshow and narrating the six-part Channel 4 reggae documentary series Deep Roots Music. He recorded "The Source" for Warner Brothers Records US, which obtained rotated video airplay. In 1991, Dread recorded African Anthem Revisited, he toured in Europe and the US with Freddie McGregor, Lloyd Parks, We The People Band, the Roots Radics Band. In 1992, he collaborated with former Guns N' Roses guitarist Izzy Stradlin on a duet entitled "Can't Hear'Em", he was nominated for a NAIRD award, an award from the Billboard Magazine, for his work on his 1990 compilation album Mikey Dread's Best Sellers.

In 1993, Mikey Dread was involved in several projects, including his tour supporting the album Obsession and working in TV with the Caribbean Satellite Network where he was Program Director and on Air personality as well as Producer of various shows. In 1994 he presented The Culture Award of Honor in the Martin's International Reggae Music Awards in Chicago. In 1995, he worked as a Radio DJ for WAXY-AM 790 in Miami, Florida. In 1996 he participated in the Essential Music Festival as a performer in Brighton, UK. Mikey furthered his knowledge of TV/Video Production at the Art Institute of Ft. Lauderdale, where he graduated in 1996 with Honors and at Lynn University in Boca Raton / Florida where he earned a Bachelor of Arts Degree in International Communications, with Magna Cum Laude honours, he performed live with The Clash, UB40, Bob Dylan, Carlos Santana, Macka B, many other bands and artists. He produced artists such as Sugar Minott, Junior Murvin, Earl Sixteen, Wally Bucker, Jah Grundy and Rod Taylor.

He worked with producer Trevor Elliot to launch musical career of singer Edi Fitzroy. Mikey Dread was the featured artist on "Lips Like Sugar" with Seal for the soundtrack of the 2004 film, 50 First Dates. After many years working as a producer and singer, Campbell withdrew from the business and moved to Miami where he furthered his college education with courses in electronics and business, ran the Caribbean Satellite Network TV station in Miami. Campbell shrewdly waited until all of his existing contracts expired and regained control over his entire catalogue, he performed at the Montreux Jazz Festival in 2002 and at Glastonbury Festival in 2004, toured the UK in 2006. Dread, together with The Blizzard of 78, featured on The Sandinista! Project, a tribute to the 1980 Clash album Sandinista!, with the song "Silicone on Sapphire". The tribute album, recorded in 2004, was released on 15 May 2007 by the 00:02:59 Records. In October 2007, it was announced, he died on 15 March 2008, surrounded by his family, a

Woodville, New Zealand

Woodville known as The Junction is a small town in the southern North Island of New Zealand, 75 km north of Masterton and 25 km east of Palmerston North. The 2013 census showed; the town is in the Tararua District and the Manawatu-Wanganui region, although it has strong ties with the Hawke's Bay region, of which it was once a part, but is considered to be the northern boundary of Wairarapa. It is within the catchment area of the Manawatu River. Woodville is at the northern end of the Tararua Ranges, close to the gap between them and the Ruahine Ranges formed by the Manawatu River. Since the indefinite closure of the Manawatu Gorge, the Saddle Road now provides the easiest access between the east and west coasts of the southern North Island, is a major transportation link. Geologic instability means. A new 4-lane road project was approved by the NZ Government in September 2019, it will be built between the existing Saddle Road and the Manawatu Gorge, connecting to SH2 west of Woodville. It appears.

It was a place to rest for hunters as they walked from one side of the Manawatu Gorge to the other. The local iwi were Rangitane, maintained strong and positive relations with other tribes for the most part. One local landmark is Whariti, one of the main peaks in the Ruahine Ranges, a mountain range that runs north east for 110kms from the Manawatu Gorge to the Kawekas, inland from Napier; the name for the 920m/3017 foot high mountain appears to be a corruption of the original name Wharetiti. According to an interview on Radio Woodville in 2009, the peak gained its name when migrating muttonbird nested on top of the ridges of the Ruahine mountain range; the birds arrived at Wharetiti from Bare Island and continued northwards to Tongariro. Local Maori would construct temporary housing when the titi began to arrive and would harvest the birds from their burrows, preserving them inside pouches made from bull kelp which they carried up from the coast, it is some years. The Palmerston North - Gisborne railway line and State Highway 3 run through opposite sides of the Manawatu Gorge, the latter has its junction with State Highway 2 at Woodville.

At Woodville Railway Station, the Palmerston North - Gisborne Line meets the Wairarapa Line and a balloon loop - a rare example of railway engineering where trains reverse direction on a loop track built for the purpose - permits through running via the Wairarapa to Wellington. Due to low freight levels, the northern portion of the Wairarapa line is under review as part of KiwiRail's turnaround plan. In some weeks there is only a single train on the line, running from Wellington to Napier; the use of the railway by Fonterra for bulk milk haulage from Oringi meant the Hawke's Bay line was sufficiently busy. Fonterra's Oringi milk transfer station was decommissioned in 2015-16. Woodville's place in European migration history was established when it became the third of three sizeable timber milling towns in the'Seventy Mile Bush' which extended along the eastern side of the Tararua and Ruahine Ranges; the others were Pahiatua. As farmland was settled and cleared, a number of small dairy factories were established to process the supply of milk for consumption as milk, cheese or other dairy products.

As as the mid-1980s the dairy factory at the western end of Woodville, on State Highway 2 heading towards the Manawatu Gorge, operated a cheese processing line and a'factory shop' selling dairy produce direct to the public. A thriving sheep and beef economy at one stage supported a number of local trucking firms and carriers, among them Gunn Transport and Hawkes Bay Farmers Transport, both of which were based at a site at the corner of State Highway 2/Vogel Street and Tay Street, the Wairarapa bypass; the site is now the offices for Horizons Regional Council. These haulage businesses were only economic in the pre-deregulated transport industry that existed prior to the Rogernomics reforms of the Lange Labour Government elected in 1984. With the lifting of distance restrictions Woodville's role as a transport hub fell away. In addition, the local community sustained a supermarket a Feltex fabrication factory, built in the mid-1970s and closed by the mid-1980s - at least four or five service station or garage outlets of which only one remains on the west side of the township, a significant railway presence.

The advent of the Oringi Meatworks in 1980-81 was a boost to Woodville's economy as a consequence of significant wage inflows from Woodville people working at Oringi. Oringi's plant closed in 2008. Little light industry has survived into the 21st century, the local agricultural community is supported from Palmerston North, Pahiatua or Dannevirke. Milk from farms in the Woodville district was, until 2015, transported by rail from the Oringi Milk Transfer Station to Hawera for processing, it is now processed locally at the Fonterra plant in Pahiatua. There has been a boost to the local economy with the construction and maintenance of the Te Apiti Wind Farm on the ridges above the town; the foothills of the Ruahine and Tararua mountain ranges are to the west of Woodville. The lower ridges are now dotted with wind turbines making up New Zealand's largest wind farm, established in the early 2000s; the prevailing westerly winds in the Manawatu-Southern Hawkes Bay

The Night We Called It a Day (film)

The Night We Called It a Day known as All the Way, is a 2003 Australian-American comedy drama film directed by Paul Goldman and starring Dennis Hopper as Frank Sinatra and Melanie Griffith as Barbara Marx. It features Portia de Rossi, Joel Edgerton, Rose Byrne and David Hemmings; the movie is based on the true events surrounding Sinatra's 1974 tour in Australia. When the singer calls a local reporter a "two-bit hooker", every union in the country black-bans the star until he issues an apology. In 1974, Rod Blue is a surfer with shoulder-length hair in Sydney, Australia who stages rock concerts, unsuccessfully most of the time. Needing a big idea, he decides to fly to Los Angeles, make himself more presentable and try to persuade Frank Sinatra to come to Australia to sing. Sinatra takes a liking to the kid, overhearing him express why Sinatra's music means so much to him and to everyone. With his lawyer Mickey Rudin and right-hand man Jilly Rizzo in assent that a trip like this would be a good thing at this point for the singer's career, Sinatra agrees to go.

At the airport in Australia, members of the media ask blunt and impolite personal questions as soon as Sinatra and his companion, Barbara Marx, step off their private jet. One of the prying reporters is Hilary Hunter, who angrily claims that Sinatra or someone in his entourage spat on her as they went by. Rod and his new assistant, Audrey Appleby, who has known him since their youth and long had a crush on him, do their best to make Sinatra's party comfortable in the penthouse of a Sydney hotel. Audrey strikes up a fast friendship with Barbara, who praises Sinatra as a lover but doesn't wish to rush him into marriage. Before going to Melbourne for the tour's first show, Rod suggests to Sinatra that the Australian press can be sensitive to criticism, so the singer should try to avoid the subject. Doing it his own way as usual, Sinatra proceeds to further insult the woman reporter from the airport, calling her nothing more than a "two-dollar whore." A restaurant needs to be his way, with its chef insulted by Barbara's meddling about how Frank's food needs to be prepared.

Trade unions react. Banding together, they decide to cut off all services to Sinatra including food and maid service at his hotel. Newspapers mock the singer with headlines like "Frankie, Go Home," but, problematic, inasmuch no one is willing now to supply fuel for his jet, either. An apology is demanded, but the best Sinatra is willing to do is permit Rudin to try to work out a satisfactory compromise with Bob Hawke, the trade union's leader. Audrey, becomes furious at finding Rod kissing reporter Hilary, after which Rod gets into a bloody fistfight with Sinatra's sidekick, who refuses to release tapes of the concert that Rod has pre-sold, it is proposed that Sinatra will do a benefit concert for the trades people, but as soon as he gets back on stage, rather than apologize for calling the reporter a two-dollar hooker, he says: "I overpaid." Enjoying himself the singer calls Barbara up to the stage, introducing her to Australia as "the girl I'm going to marry." Dennis Hopper as Frank Sinatra Melanie Griffith as Barbara Marx Portia de Rossi as Hilary Hunter Joel Edgerton as Rod Blue Rose Byrne as Audrey Appleby David Hemmings as Mickey Rudin David Field as Bob Hawke Victoria Thaine as Penny Stephen O'Rourke as Jilly Rizzo Nicholas Hope as Phil George Vidalis as Vinny Peter Demlakian as Ruby Tony Barry as Ralph Blue Vincent Ball as Rex Hooper Jennifer Hagan as Doris Nicholas Papademetriou as Luigi Tom Burlinson as Frank Sinatra The film was loosely based on true events.

Barbara Marx had been divorced from Zeppo Marx in 1973, a year before the Frank Sinatra concert appearance in Australia depicted in this film. She and Sinatra remained together for the rest of his life. Jilly Rizzo, a restaurateur who became close friend and associate of Sinatra, was killed on his 75th birthday by a drunk driver in 1992. Milton A. "Mickey" Rudin was the singer's attorney. The labor leader portrayed in the film, Bob Hawke, became prime minister of Australia from 1983-91. Sinatra's hotel in 1974 was the Boulevard in Sydney, where his suite and those of his entourage were on the 23rd floor, his tour, his first in Australia in 15 years and billed as "Ol' Blue Eyes Is Back," was scheduled to include two shows in Melbourne, followed by three in Sydney. In his first show, according to news reports from 1974, Sinatra referred on stage to the media as "parasites" and "bums" and to women as "the broads of the press, the hookers of the press," adding, "I might offer them a buck and a half, I'm not sure."

The character of Rod Blue in the film is fictional. Robert Raymond was the 1974 tour's promoter; the Night We Called It a Day was the first song Frank Sinatra recorded in 1942. The film's title was changed in North America to All the Way, a song Sinatra recorded in 1957. Sinatra's singing voice for this film was provided by the Australian actor Tom Burlinson, who had recreated the vocals for a 1992 American television miniseries called Sinatra produced by the singer's daughter, Tina Sinatra; the Night We Called It a Day grossed $502,561 at the box office in Australia. Cinema of Australia The Night We Called It a Day on IMDb The Night We Called It a Day at Rotten Tomatoes The Night We Called It a Day at the National Film and Sound Archive

Radi Annab

Radi Hassan Annab was the first Arab commander of the Arab Legion when it concurrently became the Jordanian Armed Forces. Radi Annab was born in 1897 in Nablus part of the Ottoman Empire, his father was an officer of the Ottoman Army. Annab's father instilled in him the values of military service and professionalism. Although Annab, like his father, enlisted in the Ottoman army, he defected to join Sharif Hussein's British-backed Arab Revolt against the Ottomans in 1916. In 1923, Annab was among the Arab officers who formed the core of the British-led Arab Legion of the Emirate of Transjordan, ostensibly ruled by Sharif Hussein's son, Emir Abdullah I. Annab was the chief of police for the Balqa District in 1930, as well as the Arab Legion's chief of public security. In 1937 he was assigned chief of police of Karak District, before being reassigned to Balqa the following year. In 1941, Annab was reassigned chief of public security and posted as the chief of police in Amman and Ajloun in 1943 and 1944, respectively.

As the Jerusalem District's police chief, Annab was present with King Abdullah I during the latter's assassination at the al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem by a Palestinian shooter opposed to the king's policies. In the ensuing firefight with the shooter, shot dead, Annab was wounded. On 29 June 1953, Annab met with Israeli general Moshe Dayan where they discussed ways to put an end to attempts by Palestinian refugees to infiltrate into the Israeli side of the Green Line, a cause of consternation for Israel; the Jordanian Armed Forces was formed on 1 March 1956 out of the Arab Legion. King Hussein, at the time, sought to distance himself from Jordan's former colonial power, the British, disprove the contention of Arab nationalists that Glubb Pasha, the Arab Legion's commander, was the actual ruler of Jordan. Hussein Arabized the Army command, Glubb was dismissed on the same date and replaced with Annab, who became the Arab Legion's first Arab commander. Prior to his appointment, Annab had only held police posts.

Annab retired two months on 24 May 1956, was succeeded by Major Colonel Ali Abu Nuwar. During his lifetime, he was decorated with Jordan's Medal of Independence and Order of the Renaissance

Deep state

A deep state known as a state within a state, is a form of clandestine government made up of hidden or covert networks of power operating independently of a state's political leadership, in pursuit of their own agenda and goals. Examples include organs such as the armed forces or public authorities. A deep state can take the form of entrenched, career civil servants acting in a non-conspiratorial manner, to further their own interests; the intent of a deep state can include continuity of the state itself, job security for its members, enhanced power and authority, the pursuit of ideological objectives. It can operate in opposition to the agenda of elected officials, by obstructing and subverting their policies and directives, it can take the form of government-owned corporations or private companies that act independently of regulatory or governmental control. The modern concept of a deep state is associated with Turkey and the secret network established in 1923 by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Similar ideas are older.

The Greek language κράτος ἐν κράτει, was adopted into Latin as imperium in imperio or status in statu). In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries political debate surrounding the separation of church and state revolved around the perception that if left unchecked the Church might turn into a kind of State within a State, an illegitimate encroachment of the State's natural civil power. In the field of political science, this pop culture concept is studied within the literature on the state. Current literature on the state traces a lineage to Bringing the State Back In and remains an active body of scholarly research to this day. Within this literature, the state is understood as both venue as well as actor. An example of a non-conspiratorial version of the'state as actor' from the empirical scholarly literature would be "doing truth to power" as studied by Todd La Porte. Under this dual understanding, the conspiratorial version of the deep state concept would be one version of the'state as actor' while the non-conspiratorial version would be another version of the'state as venue.'

The fundamental takeaway from the scholarly literature on the dual nature of the state is that the'state as actor' is a characteristic of all states which can have both good and bad effects and should not be seen as bad by default. The Soviet secret police have been described by historians as a "state within a state". According to Yevgenia Albats, most KGB leaders, including Lavrenty Beria, Yuri Andropov, Vladimir Kryuchkov, always competed for power with the Communist Party and manipulated communist leaders. According to Abdurakhman Avtorkhanov in 1991, "It is not true that the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party is a supreme power; the Political Bureau is only a shadow of the real supreme power that stands behind the chair of every Bureau member... The real power thinks and dictates for all of us; the name of the power is NKVD—MVD—MGB. The Stalin regime is based not on the Soviets, Party ideals, the power of the Political Bureau or Stalin's personality, but on the organization and the techniques of the Soviet political police where Stalin plays the role of the first policeman."

However, he noted that "To say that NKVD is ‘a state within the state’ means to belittle the importance of the NKVD because this question allows two forces – a normal state and a supernormal NKVD – whereas the only force is Chekism". According to Ion Mihai Pacepa in 2006, "In the Soviet Union, the KGB was a state within a state. Now former KGB officers are running the state, they have custody of the country's 6,000 nuclear weapons, entrusted to the KGB in the 1950s, they now manage the strategic oil industry renationalized by Putin. The KGB successor, rechristened FSB, still has the right to electronically monitor the population, control political groups, search homes and businesses, infiltrate the federal government, create its own front enterprises, investigate cases, run its own prison system; the Soviet Union had one KGB officer for every 428 citizens. Putin's Russia has one FSB-ist for every 297 citizens. According to Julia Ioffe, the Russian Federal Subject of Chechnya, under leadership of Ramzan Kadyrov, has become a state within a state.

The Civil Service has been called a "deep state" by senior politicians in the United Kingdom. Tony Blair said of the Civil Service, "You cannot underestimate how much they believe it's their job to run the country and to resist the changes put forward by people they dismiss as'here today, gone tomorrow' politicians, they genuinely see themselves as the true guardians of the national interest, think that their job is to wear you down and wait you out." The efforts of the Civil Service to frustrate elected politicians is the subject of the popular satiric BBC TV comedy, Yes Minister. In the United States of America, the "deep state" is used to describe "a hybrid association of government elements and parts of top-level industry and finance, able to govern the United States without reference to the consent of the governed as expressed through the formal political process." Intelligence agencies such as the CIA have been accused by elements of the Donald Trump administration of attempting to thwart its policy goals.

Writing for The New York Times, the analyst Issandr El Amani warned against the "growing discord between a president and his bureaucratic rank-and-file", while analysts of