Fort Ancient is a name for a Native American culture that flourished from Ca. 1000-1750 CE and predominantly inhabited land near the Ohio River valley in the areas of modern-day southern Ohio, northern Kentucky, southeastern Indiana and western West Virginia. Although a contemporary of the Mississippian Culture, they are considered a "sister culture" and distinguished from the Mississippian Culture. Although far from agreed upon, there is evidence to suggest that the Fort Ancient Culture were not the direct descendants of the Hopewellian Culture], it is suspected. The Fort Ancient Culture were most the builders of the Great Serpent Mound; the name of the culture originates from the Fort Ohio archeological site. However, the Fort Ancient Site is now thought to have been built by Ohio Hopewellian people, it was occupied by the succeeding Fort Ancient culture. The site is located on a hill above the Little Miami River, close to Ohio. Despite its name, most archaeologists do not believe that Fort Ancient was used as a fortress by either the Ohio Hopewell culture or the Fort Ancient culture.
Starting in about 1000 CE, terminal Late Woodland groups in the Middle Ohio Valley adopted maize agriculture. They began settling in small, year-round nuclear family households and settlements of no more than 40 to 50 individuals; these small scattered settlements, located along terraces that overlooked rivers and sometimes on flood plains, would be occupied for short periods before the groups moved on to new locations. By 1200 the small villages began to coalesce into larger settlements of up to 300 people, they were occupied for longer periods up to 25 years. During the Early and Middle Fort Ancient period, the houses were designed as single-family dwellings. Fort Ancient buildings are larger multi-family dwellings. Settlements were permanent, as the people moved to a new location after one or two generations, when the natural resources surrounding the old village were exhausted; the people laid out the villages around an open oval central plaza, surrounded by circular and/or rectangular domestic structures facing the plaza.
The arrangement of buildings in Fort Ancient settlements is thought to have served as a sort of solar calendar, marking the positions of the solstices and other significant dates. The people began to build low platform mounds for ceremonial purposes, many villages added defensive palisades to their boundaries; the plaza was the center of village life: the place where ceremonies and other social events were held. The Late Fort Ancient period from 1400 to 1750 is the protohistoric era in the Middle Ohio Valley. During this era, the dispersed populations began to coalesce; the Gist-phase villages became much larger than during the preceding period, with populations as high as 500. Archaeologists have speculated that the larger villages and palisades are evidence that after 1450, warfare and intergroup strife increased, leading the people to consolidate their villages for better protection; this era showed increased contact with Mississippian peoples. The Madisonville horizon of artifacts after 1400 includes high proportions of bowls, salt pans, triangular strap handles, negative painted pottery and beaded rims, some effigies, all items and styles that are associated with the Mississippian cultures of the Lower Ohio Valley, at sites such as Angel Mounds and Kincaid Mounds.
These sites were abandoned during this time period. During the Montour phase, the people inhabited their villages year-round, although less densely in the winter than in the summer months; this may indicate that during the winter, family groups and hunting parties may have returned to the regions occupied by their ancestors. Such a pattern was observed for example, among the Miami and Potawatomi. By their trading, the Fort Ancient people had access to European trade items, such as glass, iron and copper, which have been found as grave goods at sites such as Lower Shawneetown and Hardin Village; such artifacts appeared and were used in the area before the arrival of European explorers or settlers. Although the Fort Ancient peoples did not encounter Europeans at this time, like other groups in the interior of the continent, may have suffered high fatalities from their diseases, transmitted among Native Americans by trade contacts; the next-known inhabitants of the area, who were encountered by French and English explorers, were the historic Shawnee tribe.
Scholars believe that the Fort Ancient society, like the Mississippian cultures to the south and west, may have been disrupted by waves of infectious disease epidemics from the first Spanish explorers in the mid-16th century. After 1525 at the Madisonville Site, the type site for the Madisonville Phase, dwellings were built on a smaller scale and in fewer number; this change indicated the culture was less attached to a sedentary life. Scholars believe that similarities in material culture, art and Shawnee oral history link the historic tribe to the Fort Ancient people; the Fort Ancient culture can be divided into Early, Middle & Late Phases. It is not believed that they merged into a singular society until close to the end of the Middle Phase. At this time, Fort Ancients were poor sedentary societies, they lived. The locals farmed corn, beans & sunflower-- the last of which being a plant
Cupisnique was a pre-Columbian culture which flourished from ca. 1500 to 500 BC along what is now Peru's northern Pacific Coast. The culture had a distinctive style of adobe clay architecture but shared artistic styles and religious symbols with the Chavin culture which arose in the same area at a date; the relationship between Chavin and Cupisnique is not well understood, the names are sometimes used interchangeably. For instance, the scholar Alana Cordy-Collins treats as Cupisnique a culture lasting from 1000 – 200 BC, which are the dates some associate with the Chavin culture. Izumi Shimada calls Cupisnique a possible ancestor of Mochica culture with no mention of Chavin. Anna C. Roosevelt refers to "the coastal manifestation of the Chavin Horizon...dominated by the Cupisnique style". A Cupisnique adobe temple was discovered in 2008 in the Lambayeque valley in the area of the archaeological site of Ventarron; the newly discovered temple is close to the Ventarron temple. This temple sheds some light on the connection between the Cupisnique and the Chavin because of shared iconography.
In fact, some other related temples have been discovered in the area recently. The Chavin people who came after the Cupisnique built a temple adjacent to Collud about three hundred years later. All three temples are close together, form a single archaeological site. There are many shared elements between all three locations. For example, one common element is that of the Spider Creator god with his net; this motif appears to persevere from the 4,000-year-old temple of Ventarrón all the way to the Moche culture. The temple found in 2008 includes imagery of the "spider god", thought to be associated with rainfall and warfare; the spider god image combines a spider's neck and head, with the mouth of a large cat and the beak of a bird. The only decapitator creature that by nature decapitates its victims heads is the spider. According to the team leader Walter Alva, "Cupisnique and Chavin shared the same gods and the same architectural and artistic forms, showing intense religious interaction among the cultures of the Early Formative Period from the north coast to the Andes and down to the central Andes."
The reason the Moche and the Cupisnique are sometimes referred to interchangeably is due to their similarities in ceramic designs. The Moche were the most “vibrant” in incorporating the cupisnique society of the emerging cultures that had a base population of farming and fishing along with a middle and elite class; the main connection between the Cupisnique and the Moche is the incorporation of the decapitation theme where there exists a decapitator and a decapitated character. In the Cupisnique society, “the decapitators appear in five supernatural guises: human, bird and spider…” Moche decapitators are the same five plus two additional characters: the crab and the scorpion. Below are images of the main five decpitators from the Moche culture. Scholars believe that the parallelism between Moche and Cupisnique iconography is not just coincidental; the Cupisnique people are sometimes spoken of as a cult due to two main reasons. The first reason being that there had been “little direct evidence of their patterns of social organization, demography, or subsistence strategies”.
The second reason being the buildings embellished with painted, incised stucco relief work depicting surreal creatures”. The Cupisnique seem to be rooted by religion, which seemed to have influenced into emerging character cultures such as the Salinar, Gallinazo, as mentioned the Moche culture. One of the most important Cupisnique sites was Caballo Muerto in the Moche Valley. Archaeologists excavated the Cupisnique site of Limoncarro in the Guadalupe District, Pacasmayo, La Libertad Region of northern Peru coast. Two phases of construction were identified. Kuntur Wasi is another site, influenced by the Cupisnique culture. Archaeological mirrors from Cupisnique sites have been identified, dating to 900-200 BC, they provide high quality images. Cultural periods of Peru Pre-Columbian population Columbian Exchange Ancient Peruvian ceramics: the Nathan Cummings collection by Alan R. Sawyer, an exhibition catalog from The Metropolitan Museum of Art, which contains material on Cupisnique
Agriculture is the science and art of cultivating plants and livestock. Agriculture was the key development in the rise of sedentary human civilization, whereby farming of domesticated species created food surpluses that enabled people to live in cities; the history of agriculture began thousands of years ago. After gathering wild grains beginning at least 105,000 years ago, nascent farmers began to plant them around 11,500 years ago. Pigs and cattle were domesticated over 10,000 years ago. Plants were independently cultivated in at least 11 regions of the world. Industrial agriculture based on large-scale monoculture in the twentieth century came to dominate agricultural output, though about 2 billion people still depended on subsistence agriculture into the twenty-first. Modern agronomy, plant breeding, agrochemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers, technological developments have increased yields, while causing widespread ecological and environmental damage. Selective breeding and modern practices in animal husbandry have increased the output of meat, but have raised concerns about animal welfare and environmental damage.
Environmental issues include contributions to global warming, depletion of aquifers, antibiotic resistance, growth hormones in industrial meat production. Genetically modified organisms are used, although some are banned in certain countries; the major agricultural products can be broadly grouped into foods, fibers and raw materials. Food classes include cereals, fruits, meat, milk and eggs. Over one-third of the world's workers are employed in agriculture, second only to the service sector, although the number of agricultural workers in developed countries has decreased over the centuries; the word agriculture is a late Middle English adaptation of Latin agricultūra, from ager, "field", which in its turn came from Greek αγρός, cultūra, "cultivation" or "growing". While agriculture refers to human activities, certain species of ant and ambrosia beetle cultivate crops. Agriculture is defined with varying scopes, in its broadest sense using natural resources to "produce commodities which maintain life, including food, forest products, horticultural crops, their related services".
Thus defined, it includes arable farming, animal husbandry and forestry, but horticulture and forestry are in practice excluded. The development of agriculture enabled the human population to grow many times larger than could be sustained by hunting and gathering. Agriculture began independently in different parts of the globe, included a diverse range of taxa, in at least 11 separate centres of origin. Wild grains were eaten from at least 105,000 years ago. From around 11,500 years ago, the eight Neolithic founder crops and einkorn wheat, hulled barley, lentils, bitter vetch, chick peas and flax were cultivated in the Levant. Rice was domesticated in China between 11,500 and 6,200 BC with the earliest known cultivation from 5,700 BC, followed by mung and azuki beans. Sheep were domesticated in Mesopotamia between 11,000 years ago. Cattle were domesticated from the wild aurochs in the areas of modern Turkey and Pakistan some 10,500 years ago. Pig production emerged in Eurasia, including Europe, East Asia and Southwest Asia, where wild boar were first domesticated about 10,500 years ago.
In the Andes of South America, the potato was domesticated between 10,000 and 7,000 years ago, along with beans, llamas and guinea pigs. Sugarcane and some root vegetables were domesticated in New Guinea around 9,000 years ago. Sorghum was domesticated in the Sahel region of Africa by 7,000 years ago. Cotton was domesticated in Peru by 5,600 years ago, was independently domesticated in Eurasia. In Mesoamerica, wild teosinte was bred into maize by 6,000 years ago. Scholars have offered multiple hypotheses to explain the historical origins of agriculture. Studies of the transition from hunter-gatherer to agricultural societies indicate an initial period of intensification and increasing sedentism. Wild stands, harvested started to be planted, came to be domesticated. In Eurasia, the Sumerians started to live in villages from about 8,000 BC, relying on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and a canal system for irrigation. Ploughs appear in pictographs around 3,000 BC. Farmers grew wheat, vegetables such as lentils and onions, fruits including dates and figs.
Ancient Egyptian agriculture relied on its seasonal flooding. Farming started in the predynastic period at the end of the Paleolithic, after 10,000 BC. Staple food crops were grains such as wheat and barley, alongside industrial crops such as flax and papyrus. In India, wheat and jujube were domesticated by 9,000 BC, soon followed by sheep and goats. Cattle and goats were domesticated in Mehrgarh culture by 8,000–6,000 BC. Cotton was cultivated by the 5th-4th millennium BC. Archeological evidence indicates an animal-drawn plough from 2,500 BC in the Indus Valley Civilisation. In China, from the 5th century BC there was a nationwide granary system and widespread silk farming. Water-powered grain mills were in use followed by irrigation. By the late 2nd century, heavy ploughs had been developed with iron mouldboards; these spread westwards across Eurasia. Asian rice was domesticated 8,200–13,500 years ago – depending on the molecular clock estimate, used – on the Pearl River in southern China with a single genetic origin from the wild rice Oryza rufipogon
Las Haldas or Las Aldas is a large archaeological complex from before and during the initial ceramic period of Peru. Las Haldas is located on the Pacific coast 300 kilometres north of Lima and about 20 kilometres south of the Casma river valley, noted for the extensive ruins of the Casma/Sechin culture. Las Haldas, a coastal community, coexisted with the inland agricultural communities in the Casma River Valley for most of its history. Distinguishing characteristics of Las Haldas are both its size and age as one of the earliest ruins of the ceramic period, its dependence upon maritime resources for subsistence, the lack of agriculture, its distance from any source of fresh water. Las Haldas is in a coastal area in; the Casma valley archaeological sites are a few miles north and the Norte Chico civilization is about 60 miles to the south. Las Haldas has since been studied by many archaeologists, it was not discovered earlier because of its unlikely location, far from sources of fresh water and land which could be irrigated for agriculture.
Las Haldas is located on a terrace near but above the rocky coastline of the ocean at an elevation of about 120 feet. The area around Las Haldas is nearly devoid of vegetation; this coastal area near receives less than 1 inch of precipitation annually. The ruins cover about 40 hectares, consisting of a 370-meter long, U-shaped central area with a large mound at one end and four slightly-elevated plazas; the largest of the plazas has a circular court. Around the central area are 18 additional smaller mounds, each with its plaza and one with another circular court. Residential areas are found to either side of the monumental ruins. Las Haldas is isolated from other contemporary archaeological sites, the nearest being the inland agricultural sites in the Casma River valley 12 miles to the north, the nearest source of fresh water. Throughout its history, Las Haldas traded maritime products to the Casma River settlements for agricultural products. Agricultural products collected at Las Haldas include cotton, including lima beans, chile peppers, lucuma.
All of these products were imported from the Casma River valley. Maize has not been found at Las Haldas; the ruins at Las Haldas date from the Initial Ceramic Period of 1800 BCE to 1000 BCE. However, the site was occupied in the Late Pre-Ceramic Period from 3000 BCE to 1800 BCE and continued to be occupied in the Early Horizon Period of 1000 BCE to 200 BCE. Most of the monumental construction occurred during two phases, the first beginning about 2000 BCE and lasting 300 to 400 years and the second phase brief, beginning about 1400 BCE, during which time Las Haldas reached its apex as a community. Phase 2 construction appears to have been modeled on the Sechin Alto complex in the Casma River valley. In the Phase 2 period, architectural of Las Haldas extended north to a weakening Sechin Alto and nearby coastal communities. After 1000 BCE, Las Haldas was abandoned as the importance of irrigation agriculture grew and coastal settlements became smaller and subsidiary to inland agricultural communities in river valleys.
It has long been an article of faith by scholars that the rise of civilization was based on intensive agriculture of at least one cereal. The production of agricultural surpluses is seen as essential in promoting population density and the emergence of complex society. Anthropologist Michael E. Moseley challenged this view in the 1970s, asserting that the earliest civilizations in Peru were based not on agriculture, but on exploitation of the rich maritime resources of the Peruvian coastline at sites such as Las Haldas which practiced little or no agriculture. Reinforcing Moseley's theory, Los Haldas, according to radiocarbon dating, appears to be older than many nearby inland agricultural sites in the Casma and Sechin Valleys. Investigations and earlier dating of other sites, notably nearby Sechin Bajo, have called Moseley's hypothesis into question, but in 2004 he still maintained that "Peruvian fisherman can be credited for creating the earliest civilizations in the Americas." Given the distance to the nearest source of drinking water, Las Haldas would seem undesirable as a location for a settlement.
Some anthropologists have argued. The Pozorski's, a husband and wife team, argued to the contrary. Many early fishing settlements, they said, were located distant from sources of water because fish and shellfish resources are more abundant away from the fresh water near the mouths of coastal rivers, they argued that the requirements for drinking water would be small given the mild temperatures and the water content of seafood and that much cooking could have been done with sea water. It was feasible, they claimed, for the inhabitants of Las Haldas to have hauled drinking water from the Casma Valley. Casma/Sechin culture Cerro Sechin Chankillo Mojeque Sechin Alto Sechin Bajo SHELIA POZORSKI AND THOMAS POZORSKI, The Sechin Alto Complex and Its Place Within Casma Valley Initial Period Development. In Andean Archaeology I, William H. Isbell, Helaine Silverman, Springer Science & Business Media, 2002 ISBN 0306467720 doi:10.1007/978-1-4615-0639-3_2
Caddoan Mississippian culture
The Caddoan Mississippian culture was a prehistoric Native American culture considered by archaeologists as a variant of the Mississippian culture. The Caddoan Mississippians covered a large territory, including what is now Eastern Oklahoma, Western Arkansas, Northeast Texas, Northwest Louisiana. Archaeological evidence that the cultural continuity is unbroken from prehistory to the present; the Caddoan Mississippians are thought to be an descendants of Woodland period groups, the Fourche Maline culture and Mossy Grove culture peoples who were living in the area around 200 BCE to 800 CE. They were linked to other peoples across much of the Eastern Woodlands through trade networks; this time period saw the introduction of pottery making from peoples to their east, by 500 CE the bow and arrow from the Southwest. By 800 CE early Caddoan society began to coalesce into one of the earlier Mississippian cultures; some villages began to gain prominence as ritual centers, with elite residences and temple mound constructions.
The mounds were arranged around open plazas, which were kept swept clean and were used for ceremonial occasions. As complex religious and social ideas developed, some people and family lineages gained prominence over others; this hierarchical structure is marked in the archaeological record by the appearance of large tombs with exotic grave offerings of obvious symbols of authority and prestige. By 1000 CE a society now known as "Caddoan" had emerged; this included the increased prominence of ritual centers and the development of a more stratified social hierarchy with some lineage and kin groups exerting more control over the community. This is evidenced by the tomb burials of people thought to be leaders, accompanied by elaborate grave goods and sacrificial retainer burials of family members and followers. Major sites such as Spiro and the Battle Mound Site are in the Arkansas River Valley and the Red River Valley these valleys being the largest and most fertile areas in the Caddoan region, where maize agriculture would have been the most productive.
The Caddoans had developed a distinct type of pottery making described by the de Soto expedition as some of the finest they had seen in their European homeland. By 1200, the numerous villages and farmsteads established throughout the Caddo world had begun extensive maize agriculture. Recent excavations have revealed more cultural diversity within the region than had been expected by scholars in sites along the Arkansas River. Caddoan Mississippian towns had a more irregular layout of earthen mounds and associated villages than did towns in the Middle Mississippian heartland to the east, they lacked the wooden palisade fortifications found in the major Middle Mississippian towns. Living on the western edge of the Mississippian world, the Caddoans may have faced fewer military threats from their neighbors, their societies may have had a somewhat lower level of social stratification. The location of the western edge of the Eastern Woodlands may account for these differences; the climate west of the woodlands was drier, hindering maize production, the lower population on the plains to the west may have meant fewer neighboring chiefdoms with whom to compete and contend.
However, around 1400 CE, Caddoan populations had peaked. After this point many ritual centers begin to decline in population. A more dispersed settlement system developed, with the bulk of the people living on scattered homesteads and small farms rather than in large villages. By this time the earlier broad cultural unity of the area began to break down, with many distinct local variations developing. Caddoan Mississippian peoples were connected to the larger Mississippian world to the east and other cultures to the southwest by trade networks which spanned the North American continent. Artifacts found in "The Great Mortuary" at the Spiro site included wood, conch shell, basketry, woven fabric, fur and carved stone statues; some artifacts came from as far away as Cahokia in Illinois and Ocmulgee in Georgia, Moundville in Alabama. Many featured the elaborate symbolism of the Southeastern Ceremonial Complex, a multiregional and pan-linguistic trade and religious network. Exotic material from other regions found at Caddoan Mississippian sites included colored flint from New Mexico, copper from the Great Lakes, conch shells from the Gulf Coast, mica from the Carolinas.
The Spiro site is the only Mississippian site. This is a piece of black obsidian from Mexico reaching this site through Caddoan Mississippian trade with peoples to the southwest. Using these valued materials, Mississippian artists created exquisite works of art expressing their cultural identity and their complex spiritual beliefs; the Caddoan Mississippians were speakers of many Caddoan languages. The Caddoan languages once had a broad geographic distribution; the modern languages in the Caddoan family include Pawnee. Both are now spoken by tribal elders; when the Spanish conquistador Hernando de Soto led an expedition into what is now the southeastern United States in the 1540s, they encountered Native American groups recorded as the Naguatex, Nishone and Nondacao. They are now believed to be Caddo villages, it is estimated that in 1520, the many tribes of people numbered about 250,000. Over the next 250 years the population of these Caddoan-speaking peoples was reduced by epidemics of diseases inadvertently brought