The Progressive Era was a period of widespread social activism and political reform across the United States that spanned from the 1890s to the 1920s. The main objectives of the Progressive movement were eliminating problems caused by industrialization, urbanization and political corruption; the movement targeted political machines and their bosses. By taking down these corrupt representatives in office, a further means of direct democracy would be established, they sought regulation of monopolies and corporations through antitrust laws, which were seen as a way to promote equal competition for the advantage of legitimate competitors. Many progressives supported prohibition of alcoholic beverages, ostensibly to destroy the political power of local bosses based in saloons, but others out of a religious motivation. At the same time, women's suffrage was promoted to bring a "purer" female vote into the arena. A third theme was building an Efficiency Movement in every sector that could identify old ways that needed modernizing, bring to bear scientific and engineering solutions.
The middle class was in charge for helping reform the Progressive Era, they got stuck with all of the burdens of this reformation. In Michael McGerr's book A Fierce Discontent, Jane Addams stated that she believed in the necessity of "association" of stepping across the social boundaries of industrial America. Many activists joined efforts to reform local government, public education, finance, industry, railroads and many other areas. Progressives transformed and made "scientific" the social sciences history and political science. In academic fields the day of the amateur author gave way to the research professor who published in the new scholarly journals and presses; the national political leaders included Republicans Theodore Roosevelt, Robert M. La Follette Sr. and Charles Evans Hughes and Democrats William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson and Al Smith. Leaders of the movement existed far from presidential politics: Jane Addams, Grace Abbott, Edith Abbott and Sophonisba Breckinridge were among the most influential non-governmental Progressive Era reformers.
The movement operated chiefly at local level, but it expanded to state and national levels. Progressives drew support from the middle class, supporters included many lawyers, physicians and business people; some Progressives supported scientific methods as applied to economics, industry, medicine, theology and the family. They followed advances underway at the time in Western Europe and adopted numerous policies, such as a major transformation of the banking system by creating the Federal Reserve System in 1913 and the arrival of cooperative banking in the US with the founding of the first credit union in 1908. Reformers felt that old-fashioned ways meant waste and inefficiency, eagerly sought out the "one best system". Disturbed by the waste, stubbornness and injustices of the Gilded Age, the Progressives were committed to changing and reforming every aspect of the state and economy. Significant changes enacted at the national levels included the imposition of an income tax with the Sixteenth Amendment, direct election of Senators with the Seventeenth Amendment, Prohibition with the Eighteenth Amendment, election reforms to stop corruption and fraud, women's suffrage through the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.
S. Constitution. A main objective of the Progressive Era movement was to eliminate corruption within the government, they made it a point to focus on family and many other important aspects that still are enforced today. The most important political leaders during this time were Theodore Roosevelt, Robert M. La Follette Sr. Charles Evans Hughes, Herbert Hoover; some democratic leaders included William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson, Al Smith. This movement targeted the regulations of huge corporations; this was done through antitrust laws to promote equal competition amongst every business. This was done through the Sherman Act of 1890, the Clayton Act of 1914, the Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914. A hallmark group of the Progressive Era, the middle class became the driving force behind much of the thought and reform that took place in this time. With an increasing disdain for the upper class and aristocracy of the time, the middle class is characterized by their rejection of the individualistic philosophy of the upper ten.
They had a growing interest in the communication and role between classes, those of which are referred to as the upper class, working class and themselves, sought to define these terms. Along these lines, the founder off Hull-House, Jane Addams, coined the term "association" as a counter to Individualism, with association referring to the search for a relationship between the classes. Additionally, the middle class began to move away from prior Victorian era domestic values. Divorce rates increased as women preferred to seek freedom from the home. Victorianism was pushed aside in favor of the rise of the Progressives. Magazines experienced a boost in popularity in 1900, with some attaining circulations in the hundreds of thousands of subscribers. In the beginning of the age of Mass media the rapid expansion of national advertising led to the cover price of popular magazines falling to about 10 cents, lessening the financial barrier to consuming them. Another factor contributing to the dramatic upswing in magazine circulation was the prominent cover
Victor L. Berger
Victor Luitpold Berger was a founding member of the Social Democratic Party of America and its successor, the Socialist Party of America. Born in Austria-Hungary, Berger immigrated to the United States as a young man and became an important and influential socialist journalist in Wisconsin, he helped establish the so-called Sewer Socialist movement. A politician, in 1910, he was elected as the first Socialist to the U. S. House of Representatives, representing a district in Wisconsin. In 1919, Berger was convicted of violating the Espionage Act for publicizing his anti-interventionist views and as a result was denied the seat to which he had been twice elected in the House of Representatives; the verdict was overturned by the Supreme Court in 1921, Berger was elected to three successive terms in the 1920s. Berger was born into a Jewish family on February 28, 1860, in Austria-Hungary, he was the son of Ignatz Berger. He attended the Gymnasium at Leutschau, the major universities of Budapest and Vienna.
In 1878 he immigrated to the United States with his parents, settling near Connecticut. Berger's wife, Meta Schlichting claimed that Berger had left Austria-Hungary to avoid conscription into the military. In 1881 Berger settled in Milwaukee, home to a large population of German Americans and a active labor movement. Berger joined the Socialist Labor Party, became the editor of two newspapers: the Vorwärts and Die Wahrheit. Berger taught German in the public school system, his future father-in-law was the school commissioner. Berger married Meta Schlichting, an active socialist organizer in Milwaukee. For many years, Meta Berger was a member of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents. Berger was credited by trade union leader Eugene V. Debs for having won him over to the cause of socialism. Jailed for six months for violating a federal anti-strike injunction in the 1894 strike of the American Railway Union, Debs turned to reading: Books and pamphlets and letters from socialists came by every mail and I began to read and think and dissect the anatomy of the system in which workingmen, however organized, could be shattered and battered and splintered on a single stroke It was at this time, when the first glimmerings of socialism were beginning to penetrate, that Victor L. Berger — and I have loved him since — came to Woodstock, as if a providential instrument, delivered the first impassioned message of socialism I had heard — the first to set the wires humming in my system.
As a souvenir of that visit there is in my library a volume of Capital by Karl Marx, inscribed with the compliments of Victor L. Berger, which I cherish as a token of priceless value. In 1896, Berger was a delegate to the People's Party Convention in St. Louis. In 1897, he married Meta Schlichting; the couple raised two daughters and Elsa, speaking only German in the home. The parents were oriented to European culture. Berger was short and stocky, with a studious demeanor, had both a self-deprecating sense of humor and a volatile temper. Although loyal to friends, he was opinionated and intolerant of dissenting views, his ideological sparring partner and comrade Morris Hillquit recalled of Berger that He was sublimely egotistical, but somehow his egotism did not smack of conceit and was not offensive. It was the expression of deep and naive faith in himself, this unshakable faith was one of the mainsprings of his power over men. Berger was a founding member of the Social Democracy of America in 1897 and led the split of the "political action" faction of that organization to form the Social Democratic Party of America in 1898.
He was a member of the governing National Executive Committee of the SDP for its entire duration. Berger was a founder of the Socialist Party of America in 1901 and played a critical role in the negotiations with an east coast dissident faction of the Socialist Labor Party in the establishment of this new political party. Berger was regarded as one of the party's leading revisionist Marxists, an advocate of the trade union-oriented and incremental politics of Eduard Bernstein, he advocated the use of electoral politics to implement reforms and thus build a collectivist society. Berger was a man of the written word and back room negotiation, not a notable public speaker, he had a voice which did not project well. As a rule he did not accept outdoor speaking engagements and was a poor campaigner, preferring one-on-one relationships to mass oratory. Berger was, however. Throughout his life he published and edited a number of different papers, including the German language Vorwärts, the Social-Democratic Herald, the Milwaukee Leader.
Berger ran for Congress and lost in 1904 before winning Wisconsin's 5th congressional district seat in 1910 as the first Socialist to serve in the United States Congress. In Congress, he focused on issues related to the District of Columbia and more radical proposals, including eliminating the President's veto, abolishing the Senate, the social takeover of major industries. Berger gained national publicity for his old-age pension bill, the first of its kind introduced into Congress. Less than two weeks after the Titanic passenger ship disaster, Berger introduced a bill in Congress providing for the nationalization of the radio-wireless systems. A practical socialist, Berger argued that the wireless chaos, one of th
History of the socialist movement in the United States
Socialism in the United States began with utopian communities in the early 19th century such as the Shakers, the activist visionary Josiah Warren and intentional communities inspired by Charles Fourier. Labor activists—usually British, German, or Jewish immigrants—founded the Socialist Labor Party in 1877; the Socialist Party of America was established in 1901. By that time, anarchism established itself around the country while socialists of different tendencies were involved in early American labor organizations and struggles which reached a high point in the Haymarket affair in Chicago which started International Workers' Day as the main workers holiday around the world and making the 8-hour day a worldwide objective by workers organizations and socialist parties worldwide. Under Socialist Party of America presidential candidate Eugene V. Debs, socialist opposition to World War I led to the governmental repression collectively known as the First Red Scare; the Socialist Party declined in the 1920s, but nonetheless ran Norman Thomas for President.
In the 1930s, the Communist Party USA took importance in labor and racial struggles while it suffered a split which converged in the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party. In the 1950s, socialism was affected by McCarthyism and in the 1960s it was revived by the general radicalization brought by the New Left and other social struggles and revolts. In the 1960s, Michael Harrington and other socialists were called to assist the Kennedy administration and the Johnson administration's War on Poverty and Great Society while socialists played important roles in the Civil Rights Movement. Socialism in the United States has been composed of many tendencies in important disagreements with each other; the socialist movement in the United States has been weak. Unlike socialist parties in Europe and Oceania, a major social democratic party never materialized in the United States and the socialist movement remains marginal, "almost unique in its powerlessness among the Western democracies". In the United States, socialism "brings considerable stigma, in large part for its association with authoritarian communist regimes".
A June 2015 Gallup poll revealed that 47% of respondents would vote for a socialist President while 50% would not. Willingness to vote for a socialist President was 59% among Democrats, 49% among independents and 26% among Republicans. An October 2015 poll found that 49% of Democrats had a favorable view of socialism compared to 37% for capitalism. According to a 2013 article in The Guardian: "Contrary to popular belief, Americans don't have an innate allergy to socialism. Milwaukee has had several socialist mayors. In 1920, Socialist Party presidential candidate Eugene V. Debs won nearly 1m votes". Utopian socialism was the American first socialist movement. Utopians attempted to develop model socialist societies to demonstrate the virtues of their brand of beliefs. Most utopian socialist ideas originated in Europe, but the United States was most the site for the experiments themselves. Many utopian experiments occurred in the 19th century as part of this movement, including Brook Farm, the New Harmony, the Shakers, the Amana Colonies, the Oneida Community, The Icarians, Bishop Hill Commune, Aurora and Bethel, Missouri.
Robert Owen, a wealthy Welsh industrialist, turned to social reform and socialism and in 1825 founded a communitarian colony called New Harmony in southwestern Indiana. The group fell apart in 1829 due to conflict between utopian ideologues and non-ideological pioneers. In 1841, transcendentalist utopians founded Brook Farm, a community based on Frenchman Charles Fourier's brand of socialism. Nathaniel Hawthorne was a member of this short-lived community, Ralph Waldo Emerson had declined invitations to join; the group had trouble reaching financial stability and many members left as their leader George Ripley turned more and more to Fourier's doctrine. All hope for its survival was lost when the expensive, Fourier-inspired main building burnt down while under construction; the community dissolved in 1847. Fourierists attempted to establish a community in Monmouth County, New Jersey; the North American Phalanx community built a Phalanstère—Fourier's concept of a communal-living structure—out of two farmhouses and an addition that linked the two.
The community lasted from 1844 to 1856, when a fire destroyed the community's flour and saw-mills and several workshops. The community had begun to decline after an ideological schism in 1853. French socialist Étienne Cabet, frustrated in Europe, sought to use his Icarian movement to replace capitalist production with workers cooperatives, he became the most popular socialist advocate of his day, with a special appeal to English artisans were being undercut by factories. In the 1840s, Cabet led groups of emigrants to found utopian communities in Illinois. However, his work was undercut by his many feuds with his own followers. Utopian socialism reached the national level fictionally in Edward Bellamy's 1888 novel Looking Backward, a utopian depiction of a socialist United States in the year 2000; the book sold millions of copies and became one of the best-selling American books of the nineteenth century. By one estimation, only Uncle Tom's Cabin surpassed it in sales; the book sparked a following of Bellamy Clubs and influenced socialist and labor leaders, including Eugene V. Debs.
Upton Sinclair's masterpiece The Jungle was first published in the socialist newspaper Appeal to Reason, criticized capitalism as b
University of Chicago
The University of Chicago is a private research university in Chicago, Illinois. Founded in 1890 by John D. Rockefeller, the school is located on a 217-acre campus in Chicago's Hyde Park neighborhood, near Lake Michigan; the University of Chicago holds top-ten positions in various international rankings. The university is composed of an undergraduate college as well as various graduate programs and interdisciplinary committees organized into five academic research divisions. Beyond the arts and sciences, Chicago is well known for its professional schools, which include the Pritzker School of Medicine, the Booth School of Business, the Law School, the School of Social Service Administration, the Harris School of Public Policy Studies, the Divinity School and the Graham School of Continuing Liberal and Professional Studies; the university has additional campuses and centers in London, Beijing and Hong Kong, as well as in downtown Chicago. University of Chicago scholars have played a major role in the development of many academic disciplines, including sociology, economics, literary criticism and the behavioralism school of political science.
Chicago's physics department and the Met Lab helped develop the world's first man-made, self-sustaining nuclear reaction beneath the viewing stands of university's Stagg Field, a key part of the classified Manhattan Project effort of World War II. The university research efforts include administration of Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory and Argonne National Laboratory, as well as the Marine Biological Laboratory; the university is home to the University of Chicago Press, the largest university press in the United States. With an estimated completion date of 2021, the Barack Obama Presidential Center will be housed at the university and include both the Obama presidential library and offices of the Obama Foundation; the University of Chicago has produced faculty members and researchers. As of 2018, 98 Nobel laureates have been affiliated with the university as professors, faculty, or staff, making it a university with one of the highest concentrations of Nobel laureates in the world. 34 faculty members and 18 alumni have been awarded the MacArthur "Genius Grant".
In addition, Chicago's alumni and faculty include 54 Rhodes Scholars, 26 Marshall Scholars, 9 Fields Medalists, 4 Turing Award Winners, 24 Pulitzer Prize winners, 20 National Humanities Medalists, 16 billionaire graduates and a plethora of members of the United States Congress and heads of state of countries all over the world. The University of Chicago was incorporated as a coeducational institution in 1890 by the American Baptist Education Society, using $400,000 donated to the ABES to match a $600,000 donation from Baptist oil magnate and philanthropist John D. Rockefeller, including land donated by Marshall Field. While the Rockefeller donation provided money for academic operations and long-term endowment, it was stipulated that such money could not be used for buildings; the Hyde Park campus was financed by donations from wealthy Chicagoans like Silas B. Cobb who provided the funds for the campus' first building, Cobb Lecture Hall, matched Marshall Field's pledge of $100,000. Other early benefactors included businessmen Charles L. Hutchinson, Martin A. Ryerson Adolphus Clay Bartlett and Leon Mandel, who funded the construction of the gymnasium and assembly hall, George C. Walker of the Walker Museum, a relative of Cobb who encouraged his inaugural donation for facilities.
The Hyde Park campus continued the legacy of the original university of the same name, which had closed in 1880s after its campus was foreclosed on. What became known as the Old University of Chicago had been founded by a small group of Baptist educators in 1856 through a land endowment from Senator Stephen A. Douglas. After a fire, it closed in 1886. Alumni from the Old University of Chicago are recognized as alumni of the present University of Chicago; the university's depiction on its coat of arms of a phoenix rising from the ashes is a reference to the fire and demolition of the Old University of Chicago campus. As an homage to this pre-1890 legacy, a single stone from the rubble of the original Douglas Hall on 34th Place was brought to the current Hyde Park location and set into the wall of the Classics Building; these connections have led the Dean of the College and University of Chicago and Professor of History John Boyer to conclude that the University of Chicago has, "a plausible genealogy as a pre–Civil War institution".
William Rainey Harper became the university's president on July 1, 1891 and the Hyde Park campus opened for classes on October 1, 1892. Harper worked on building up the faculty and in two years he had a faculty of 120, including eight former university or college presidents. Harper was an accomplished scholar and a member of the Baptist clergy who believed that a great university should maintain the study of faith as a central focus. To fulfill this commitment, he brought the Old University of Chicago's Seminary to Hyde Park; this became the Divinity School in the first professional school at the University of Chicago. Harper recruited acclaimed Yale baseball and football player Amos Alonzo Stagg from the Young Men's Christian Association training Shool at Springfield to coach the school's football program. Stagg was given a position on the first such athletic position in the United States. While coaching at the University, Stagg invented the numbered football jersey, the huddle, the lighted playing field.
Stagg is the namesake of the university's Stagg
Brook Farm called the Brook Farm Institute of Agriculture and Education or the Brook Farm Association for Industry and Education, was a utopian experiment in communal living in the United States in the 1840s. It was founded by former Unitarian minister George Ripley and his wife Sophia Ripley at the Ellis Farm in West Roxbury, Massachusetts in 1841 and was inspired in part by the ideals of Transcendentalism, a religious and cultural philosophy based in New England. Founded as a joint stock company, it promised its participants a portion of the profits from the farm in exchange for performing an equal share of the work. Brook Farmers believed that by sharing the workload, ample time would be available for leisure activities and intellectual pursuits. Life on Brook Farm was based on balancing labor and leisure while working together for the benefit of the greater community; each member could choose to do whatever work they found most appealing and all were paid including women. Revenue for the community came from farming and from selling handmade products like clothing as well as through fees paid by the many visitors to Brook Farm.
The main source of income was the school, overseen by Mrs. Ripley. A pre-school, primary school, a college preparatory school attracted children internationally and each child was charged for his or her education. Adult education was offered; the community was never financially stable and had difficulty profiting from its agricultural pursuits. By 1844, the Brook Farmers adopted a societal model based on the socialist concepts of Charles Fourier and began publishing The Harbinger as an unofficial journal promoting Fourierism. Following his vision, the community members began building an ambitious structure called the Phalanstery; when the uninsured building was destroyed in a fire, the community was financially devastated and never recovered. It was closed by 1847. Despite the experimental commune's failure, many Brook Farmers looked back on their experience positively. Critics of the commune included Charles Lane, founder of another utopian community called Fruitlands. Nathaniel Hawthorne was a founding member of Brook Farm, though he was not a strong adherent of the community's ideals.
He fictionalized his experience in his novel The Blithedale Romance. After the community's failure, the property was operated for most of the next 130 years by a Lutheran organization as first an orphanage, a treatment center and school; the buildings of the Transcendentalists were destroyed by fire over the years. In 1988 the State of Massachusetts acquired 148 acres of the farm, now operated by the Massachusetts Department of Conservation and Recreation as a historic site. Brook Farm was one of the first sites in Massachusetts to be listed on the National Register of Historic Places and be designated a National Historic Site. In 1977, the Boston Landmarks Commission designated Brook Farm a Landmark, the city's highest recognition for historic sites. In October 1840, George Ripley announced to the Transcendental Club that he was planning to form a Utopian community. Brook Farm, as it would be called, was based on the ideals of Transcendentalism; the experiment was meant to serve as an example for the rest of the world, based on the principles of "industry without drudgery, true equality without its vulgarity".
At Brook Farm, as in other communities, physical labor was perceived as a condition of mental well-being and health. Brook Farm was one of at least 80 communal experiments active in the United States throughout the 1840s, though it was the first to be secular. Ripley believed, he predicted: "If wisely executed, it will be a light over this age. If not the sunrise, it will be the morning star." As more interested people began to take part in planning, Ripley relocated meetings from his home to the West Street bookshop operated by Elizabeth Palmer Peabody. Ripley and his wife Sophia formed a joint stock company in 1841 along with 10 other initial investors, he sold shares of the company $500 apiece with a promise of five percent of the profits to each investor. Shareholders were allowed a single vote in decision-making and several held director positions; the Ripleys chose to begin their experiment at a dairy farm owned by Charles and Maria Mayo Ellis in West Roxbury, near the home of Theodore Parker.
They began raising money, including holding a meeting at Peabody's bookshop to raise $10,000 for the farm's initial purchase. The site was purchased on October 11, 1841, for $10,500. Though participants had begun moving in as early as April; the 170-acre farm about eight miles from Boston was described in a pamphlet as a "place of great natural beauty, combining a convenient nearness to the city with a degree of retirement and freedom from unfavorable influences unusual in the country". The purchase covered a neighboring Keith farm 22 acres, "consisting altogether of a farm with dwelling house and outbuildings thereon situated"; the first major public notice of the community was published in August 1841. "The Community at West Roxbury, Mass." was written by Elizabeth Palmer Peabody. Though they began with 10 investors some 32 people would become Brook Farmers. Writer and editor Margaret Fuller was invited to Brook Farm and, though she never joined the community, she was a frequent visitor spending New Year's Eve there.
Ripley received many applications to join the community from people who had little money or th
Occupy Wall Street
Occupy Wall Street was a left-wing protest movement that began on September 17, 2011, in Zuccotti Park, located in New York City's Wall Street financial district, against economic inequality. The Canadian anti-consumerist and pro-environment group/magazine Adbusters initiated the call for a protest; the main issues raised by Occupy Wall Street were social and economic inequality, greed and the undue influence of corporations on government—particularly from the financial services sector. The OWS slogan, "We are the 99%", refers to income and wealth inequality in the U. S. between the wealthiest 1% and the rest of the population. To achieve their goals, protesters acted on consensus-based decisions made in general assemblies which emphasized redress through direct action over the petitioning to authorities; the protesters were forced out of Zuccotti Park on November 15, 2011. Protesters turned their focus to occupying banks, corporate headquarters, board meetings, foreclosed homes, college and university campuses.
The original protest was initiated by Kalle Lasn and Micah White of Adbusters, a Canadian anti-consumerist publication, who conceived of a September 17 occupation in Lower Manhattan. The first such proposal appeared on the Adbusters website on February 2, 2011, under the title "A Million Man March on Wall Street." Lasn registered the OccupyWallStreet.org web address on June 9. That same month, Adbusters emailed its subscribers saying "America needs its own Tahrir." White said the reception of the idea "snowballed from there". In a blog post on July 13, 2011, Adbusters proposed a peaceful occupation of Wall Street to protest corporate influence on democracy, the lack of legal consequences for those who brought about the global crisis of monetary insolvency, an increasing disparity in wealth; the protest was promoted with an image featuring a dancer atop Wall Street's iconic Charging Bull statue. Meanwhile, several similar proposals were being explored by independent groups, as reported by journalist Nathan Schneider in his book Thank You, Anarchy: Notes from the Occupy Apocalypse.
Thousands of people, organized by a group of labor unions marched on Wall Street 12. C. which became known as Occupy Washington, D. C. On August 1, 2011 a month prior to the major media event, a group of artists were arrested after a series of days protesting nude as an art performance on Wall Street; this event may have triggered the major event to follow. This was a protest by the 49 participants on American Institutions and was titled "Ocularpation: Wall Street" by artist Zefrey Throwell. In an unrelated incident, a group called New Yorkers Against Budget Cuts was formed, which promoted a "sleep in" in lower Manhattan called "Bloombergville", in July 2011, preceding OWS, provided a number of activists to begin organizing. Activist and anthropologist David Graeber and several of his associates attended the NYAB general assembly but, disappointed that the event was intended to be a precursor to marching on Wall Street with predetermined demands and his small group created their own general assembly, which developed into the New York General Assembly.
The group began holding weekly meetings to work out issues and the movement's direction, such as whether or not to have a set of demands, forming working groups and whether or not to have leaders. The Internet group Anonymous created a video encouraging its supporters to take part in the protests; the U. S. Day of Rage, a group that organized to protest "corporate influence corrupts our political parties, our elections, the institutions of government" joined the movement; the protest itself began on September 17. By mid-October, Facebook listed 125 Occupy-related pages; the original location for the protest was One Chase Manhattan Plaza, with Bowling Green Park and Zuccotti Park as alternate choices. Police discovered this before the protest fenced off two locations. Since the park was private property, police could not force protesters to leave without being requested to do so by the property owner. At a press conference held the same day the protests began, New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg explained, "people have a right to protest, if they want to protest, we'll be happy to make sure they have locations to do it."Because of its connection to the financial system, lower Manhattan has seen many riots and protests since the 1800s, OWS has been compared to other historical protests in the United States.
Commentators have put OWS within the political tradition of other movements that made themselves known by occupation of public spaces, such as Coxey's Army in 1894, the Bonus Marchers in 1932, the May Day protesters in 1971. More recent prototypes for OWS include the British student protests of 2010, 2009-2010 Iranian election protests, the Arab Spring protests, more related, protests in Chile, Greece and India; these antecedents have in common with OWS a reliance on social media and electronic messaging, as well as the belief that financial institutions and the political elite have been malfeasant in their behavior toward youth and the middle class. Occupy Wall Street, in turn, gave rise to the Occupy movement in the United States. David Graeber has argued that the Occupy movement, in its anti-hierarchical and anti-authoritarian consensus-based politics, its refusal to accept the legitimacy of the existing legal and politica
I Have a Dream
"I Have a Dream" is a public speech, delivered by American civil rights activist Martin Luther King Jr. during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom on August 28, 1963, in which he called for civil and economic rights and an end to racism in the United States. Delivered to over 250,000 civil rights supporters from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D. C. the speech was a defining moment of the civil rights movement. Beginning with a reference to the Emancipation Proclamation, which freed millions of slaves in 1863, King said "one hundred years the Negro still is not free". Toward the end of the speech, King departed from his prepared text for a improvised peroration on the theme "I have a dream", prompted by Mahalia Jackson's cry: "Tell them about the dream, Martin!" In this part of the speech, which most excited the listeners and has now become its most famous, King described his dreams of freedom and equality arising from a land of slavery and hatred. Jon Meacham writes that, "With a single phrase, Martin Luther King Jr. joined Jefferson and Lincoln in the ranks of men who've shaped modern America".
The speech was ranked the top American speech of the 20th century in a 1999 poll of scholars of public address. The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom was intended to demonstrate mass support for the civil rights legislation proposed by President Kennedy in June. Martin Luther King and other leaders therefore agreed to keep their speeches calm to avoid provoking the civil disobedience which had become the hallmark of the Civil Rights Movement. King designed his speech as a homage to Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, timed to correspond with the centennial of the Emancipation Proclamation. King had been preaching about dreams since 1960, when he gave a speech to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People called "The Negro and the American Dream"; this speech discusses the gap between the American dream and reality, saying that overt white supremacists have violated the dream, that "our federal government has scarred the dream through its apathy and hypocrisy, its betrayal of the cause of justice".
King suggests that "It may well be that the Negro is God's instrument to save the soul of America." In 1961, he spoke of the Civil Rights Movement and student activists' "dream" of equality—"the American Dream... a dream as yet unfulfilled"—in several national speeches and statements, took "the dream" as the centerpiece for these speeches. On November 27, 1962, King gave a speech at Booker T. Washington High School in Rocky Mount, North Carolina; that speech was longer than the version which he would deliver from the Lincoln Memorial. And while parts of the text had been moved around, large portions were identical, including the "I have a dream" refrain. After being rediscovered, the restored and digitized recording of the 1962 speech was presented to the public by the English department of North Carolina State University. King had delivered a "dream" speech in Detroit, in June 1963, when he marched on Woodward Avenue with Walter Reuther and the Reverend C. L. Franklin, had rehearsed other parts.
Mahalia Jackson, who sang "How I Got Over", just before the speech in Washington, knew about King's Detroit speech. The March on Washington Speech, known as "I Have a Dream Speech", has been shown to have had several versions, written at several different times, it has no single version draft, but is an amalgamation of several drafts, was called "Normalcy, Never Again". Little of this, another "Normalcy Speech", ended up in the final draft. A draft of "Normalcy, Never Again" is housed in the Morehouse College Martin Luther King Jr. Collection of the Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center and Morehouse College; the focus on "I have a dream" comes through the speech's delivery. Toward the end of its delivery, noted African American gospel singer Mahalia Jackson shouted to King from the crowd, "Tell them about the dream, Martin." King departed from his prepared remarks and started "preaching" improvisationally, punctuating his points with "I have a dream." The speech was drafted with the assistance of Stanley Levison and Clarence Benjamin Jones in Riverdale, New York City.
Jones has said that "the logistical preparations for the march were so burdensome that the speech was not a priority for us" and that, "on the evening of Tuesday, Aug. 27, Martin still didn't know what he was going to say". Leading up to the speech's rendition at the Great March on Washington, King had delivered its "I have a dream" refrains in his speech before 25,000 people in Detroit's Cobo Hall after the 125,000-strong Great Walk to Freedom in Detroit, June 23, 1963. After the Washington, D. C. March, a recording of King's Cobo Hall speech was released by Detroit's Gordy Records as an LP entitled "The Great March To Freedom". Hailed as a masterpiece of rhetoric, King's speech invokes pivotal documents in American history, including the Declaration of Independence, the Emancipation Proclamation, the United States Constitution. Early in his speech, King alludes to Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address by saying "Five score years ago..." In reference to the abolition of slavery articulated in the Emancipation Proclamation, King says: "It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity."
Anaphora is employed throughout the speech. Early in his speech, King urges his audience to seize the moment; the most cited example of anaphora is found in the quoted phrase "I have a dream", repeated eight times as King paints a picture of an integrated and unified Americ