The Progressive Era was a period of widespread social activism and political reform across the United States that spanned from the 1890s to the 1920s. The main objectives of the Progressive movement were eliminating problems caused by industrialization, urbanization and political corruption; the movement targeted political machines and their bosses. By taking down these corrupt representatives in office, a further means of direct democracy would be established, they sought regulation of monopolies and corporations through antitrust laws, which were seen as a way to promote equal competition for the advantage of legitimate competitors. Many progressives supported prohibition of alcoholic beverages, ostensibly to destroy the political power of local bosses based in saloons, but others out of a religious motivation. At the same time, women's suffrage was promoted to bring a "purer" female vote into the arena. A third theme was building an Efficiency Movement in every sector that could identify old ways that needed modernizing, bring to bear scientific and engineering solutions.
The middle class was in charge for helping reform the Progressive Era, they got stuck with all of the burdens of this reformation. In Michael McGerr's book A Fierce Discontent, Jane Addams stated that she believed in the necessity of "association" of stepping across the social boundaries of industrial America. Many activists joined efforts to reform local government, public education, finance, industry, railroads and many other areas. Progressives transformed and made "scientific" the social sciences history and political science. In academic fields the day of the amateur author gave way to the research professor who published in the new scholarly journals and presses; the national political leaders included Republicans Theodore Roosevelt, Robert M. La Follette Sr. and Charles Evans Hughes and Democrats William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson and Al Smith. Leaders of the movement existed far from presidential politics: Jane Addams, Grace Abbott, Edith Abbott and Sophonisba Breckinridge were among the most influential non-governmental Progressive Era reformers.
The movement operated chiefly at local level, but it expanded to state and national levels. Progressives drew support from the middle class, supporters included many lawyers, physicians and business people; some Progressives supported scientific methods as applied to economics, industry, medicine, theology and the family. They followed advances underway at the time in Western Europe and adopted numerous policies, such as a major transformation of the banking system by creating the Federal Reserve System in 1913 and the arrival of cooperative banking in the US with the founding of the first credit union in 1908. Reformers felt that old-fashioned ways meant waste and inefficiency, eagerly sought out the "one best system". Disturbed by the waste, stubbornness and injustices of the Gilded Age, the Progressives were committed to changing and reforming every aspect of the state and economy. Significant changes enacted at the national levels included the imposition of an income tax with the Sixteenth Amendment, direct election of Senators with the Seventeenth Amendment, Prohibition with the Eighteenth Amendment, election reforms to stop corruption and fraud, women's suffrage through the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.
S. Constitution. A main objective of the Progressive Era movement was to eliminate corruption within the government, they made it a point to focus on family and many other important aspects that still are enforced today. The most important political leaders during this time were Theodore Roosevelt, Robert M. La Follette Sr. Charles Evans Hughes, Herbert Hoover; some democratic leaders included William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson, Al Smith. This movement targeted the regulations of huge corporations; this was done through antitrust laws to promote equal competition amongst every business. This was done through the Sherman Act of 1890, the Clayton Act of 1914, the Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914. A hallmark group of the Progressive Era, the middle class became the driving force behind much of the thought and reform that took place in this time. With an increasing disdain for the upper class and aristocracy of the time, the middle class is characterized by their rejection of the individualistic philosophy of the upper ten.
They had a growing interest in the communication and role between classes, those of which are referred to as the upper class, working class and themselves, sought to define these terms. Along these lines, the founder off Hull-House, Jane Addams, coined the term "association" as a counter to Individualism, with association referring to the search for a relationship between the classes. Additionally, the middle class began to move away from prior Victorian era domestic values. Divorce rates increased as women preferred to seek freedom from the home. Victorianism was pushed aside in favor of the rise of the Progressives. Magazines experienced a boost in popularity in 1900, with some attaining circulations in the hundreds of thousands of subscribers. In the beginning of the age of Mass media the rapid expansion of national advertising led to the cover price of popular magazines falling to about 10 cents, lessening the financial barrier to consuming them. Another factor contributing to the dramatic upswing in magazine circulation was the prominent cover
International Workers' Day
International Workers' Day known as Workers' Day, May Day or Labour Day in some countries and referred to as May Day, is a celebration of labourers and the working classes, promoted by the international labour movement which occurs every year on May Day, an ancient European spring festival. The date was chosen by a pan-national organization of socialist and communist political parties to commemorate the Haymarket affair, which occurred in Chicago on 4 May 1886; the 1904 Sixth Conference of the Second International, called on "all Social Democratic Party organisations and trade unions of all countries to demonstrate energetically on the First of May for the legal establishment of the 8-hour day, for the class demands of the proletariat, for universal peace."The first of May is a national public holiday in many countries worldwide, in most cases as "Labour Day", "International Workers' Day" or some similar name – although some countries celebrate a Labour Day on other dates significant to them, such as the United States, which celebrates Labor Day on the first Monday of September.
Beginning in the late 19th century, as the trade union and labour movements grew, a variety of days were chosen by trade unionists as a day to celebrate labour. In the United States and Canada, a September holiday, called Labor or Labour Day, was first proposed in the 1880s. In 1882, Matthew Maguire, a machinist, first proposed a Labor Day holiday on the first Monday of September while serving as secretary of the Central Labor Union of New York. Others argue that it was first proposed by Peter J. McGuire of the American Federation of Labor in May 1882, after witnessing the annual labour festival held in Toronto, Canada. In 1887, Oregon was the first state of the United States to make it an official public holiday. By the time it became an official federal holiday in 1894, thirty US states celebrated Labor Day, thus by 1887 in North America, Labour Day was an established, official holiday but in September, not on 1 May. 1 May was chosen to be International Workers' Day to commemorate the 1886 Haymarket affair in Chicago.
In that year beginning on 1 May, there was a general strike for the eight-hour workday. On 4 May, the police acted to disperse a public assembly in support of the strike when an unidentified person threw a bomb; the police responded by firing on the workers. The event lead to the death of eight and injury of sixty police officers as well as an unknown number of civilian killed or wounded. Hundreds of labour leaders and sympathizers were rounded-up and four were executed by hanging, after a trial, seen as a miscarriage of justice; the following day on 5 May in Milwaukee Wisconsin, the state militia fired on a crowd of strikers killing seven, including a schoolboy and a man feeding chickens in his yard. In 1889, a meeting in Paris was held by the first congress of the Second International, following a proposal by Raymond Lavigne that called for international demonstrations on the 1890 anniversary of the Chicago protests. May Day was formally recognized as an annual event at the International's second congress in 1891.
Subsequently, the May Day riots of 1894 occurred. The International Socialist Congress, Amsterdam 1904 called on "all Social Democratic Party organisations and trade unions of all countries to demonstrate energetically on the First of May for the legal establishment of the 8-hour day, for the class demands of the proletariat, for universal peace." The congress made it "mandatory upon the proletarian organisations of all countries to stop work on 1 May, wherever it is possible without injury to the workers." May Day has been a focal point for demonstrations by various socialist and anarchist groups since the Second International. May Day is one of the most important holidays in communist countries such as the People's Republic of China, North Korea and the former Soviet Union countries. May Day celebrations in these countries feature elaborate workforce parades, including displays of military hardware and soldiers. In 1955, the Catholic Church dedicated 1 May to "Saint Joseph the Worker". Saint Joseph is the patron saint of craftsmen, among others.
During the Cold War, May Day became the occasion for large military parades in Red Square by the Soviet Union and attended by the top leaders of the Kremlin the Politburo, atop Lenin's Mausoleum. It became an enduring symbol of that period. Today, the majority of countries around the world celebrate a workers' day on 1 May. In Algeria, 1 May is a public holiday. 1 May is celebrated in Algeria as Labour Day and has been a paid bank holiday since 1962. 1 May is considered a paid holiday. The President of Egypt traditionally presides over the official May Day celebrations in Cairo. In Ethiopia, 1 May celebrated as the Worker's Day. 1 May is a holiday in Ghana. It is a day to celebrate all workers across the country, it is celebrated with a parade by trade unions and labour associations. The parades are addressed by the Secretary General of the trade union congress and by regional secretaries in the regions. Workers from different workplaces through banners and T-shirts identify their companies. In Kenya, 1 May celebrated as the Labour Day.
It is a big day addressed by the leaders of the workers' umbrella union body - Central Organisation of Trade Unions COTU. The Minister for Labour address the workers; each year, the government approves the minimum wage on Labour Day. International Workers' Day was declared a national public holiday by the National Transitional Council in 2012 the first year of the post-Qaddafi era. On 1 May 1978 Libyan leader Colonel Mu'ammar Al-Qaddafi addressed the nation
Voltairine de Cleyre
Voltairine de Cleyre was an American anarchist known for being a prolific writer and speaker who opposed capitalism, the state and the domination of religion over sexuality and women's lives. She is characterized as a major early feminist because of her views. Born and raised in small towns in Michigan and schooled in a Sarnia, Ontario Catholic convent, de Cleyre began her activist career in the freethought movement, she was drawn to individualist anarchism, but evolved through mutualism to what she called anarchism without adjectives, prioritizing a stateless society without the use of force above all else. She was a contemporary of Emma Goldman, with whom she maintained a relationship of respectful disagreement on many issues. Many of her essays were collected in the Selected Works of Voltairine de Cleyre, published posthumously in 1914 by Goldman's magazine Mother Earth. Born in the small town of Leslie, she moved with her family to St. Johns, where she lived with her unhappily married parents in extreme poverty.
Her father Hector Auguste de Cleyre named her after the famed French Enlightenment author Voltaire. At age 12, her father placed her in a Catholic convent school in Sarnia, Ontario because he thought it would give her a better education than the public schools; this experience resulted in her embracing atheism rather than Christianity. Of her time spent there, she said "it had been like the Valley of the Shadow of Death, there are white scars on my soul, where ignorance and superstition burnt me with their hell fire in those stifling days", she tried to run away by swimming across the St. Clair River to Port Huron and hiking 17 miles, but she met friends of her family, they sent her back to the convent. Family ties to the abolitionist movement and the Underground Railroad, the harsh and unrelenting poverty of her childhood and being named after the philosopher Voltaire, all contributed to the radical rhetoric that she developed shortly after adolescence. After schooling in the convent, de Cleyre moved to Michigan.
She got involved in the anti-clerical freethought movement by lecturing and contributing articles to freethought periodicals becoming the editor of freethought newspaper The Progressive Age. During her time in the freethought movement in the mid and late 1880s, de Cleyre was influenced by Thomas Paine, Mary Wollstonecraft and Clarence Darrow. Other influences were labor leaders Big Bill Haywood and Eugene Debs. After the 1887 execution of several Haymarket protesters in Chicago, although the police were documented as causing the deaths at the riot, she became an anarchist. "Till I believed in the essential justice of the American law of trial by jury", she wrote in an autobiographical essay, "After that I never could". She was known as writer. Biographer Paul Avrich said that she was "a greater literary talent than any other American anarchist", she was known as a tireless advocate for the anarchist cause whose "religious zeal", according to Goldman, "stamped everything she did."She became pregnant by James B.
Elliot, another freethinker, giving birth to their son Harry on June 12, 1890. As de Cleyre and Elliot agreed, their son lived with Elliot and de Cleyre had no part in his upbringing, she was close to and inspired by Dyer Lum. Her relationship with him ended shortly before he committed suicide in 1893. De Cleyre based her operations from 1889 to 1910 in Philadelphia, where she lived among poor Jewish immigrants and where sympathy for anarchist beliefs was common. There, she learned to speak and write in Yiddish. Throughout her life, de Cleyre was plagued by illness. Goldman said that she had "some disease of the nervous system which she had developed in early childhood" and suffered from depression, attempting suicide on at least two occasions, she survived an assassination attempt on December 19, 1902. Her assailant Herman Helcher was a former pupil who had earlier been rendered insane by a fever and whom she forgave as she wrote: "It would be an outrage against civilization if he were sent to jail for an act, the product of a diseased brain".
The attack left her with chronic ear pain and a throat infection that adversely affected her ability to speak or concentrate. During the spring of 1911, she was encouraged by the revolution in Mexico by the activities of anarchist Ricardo Flores Magón, her last poem was dedicated to the Mexican activists. De Cleyre died from septic meningitis on June 20, 1912 at St. Mary of Nazareth Hospital in Chicago, Illinois, she is interred near the Haymarket defendants and other social activists at the Waldheim Cemetery in Forest Park, a suburb west of Chicago. Goldman was buried in this area of the cemetery as well. De Cleyre changed her political perspective during her life, she became a strong proponent of anarchism without adjectives, according to historian George Richard Esenwein a doctrine "without any qualifying labels such as communist, mutualist, or individualist. For others, was understood as an attitude that tolerated the coexistence of different anarchist schools". For several years, de Cleyre associated with American individualist anarchism.
Distinguishing herself from Emma Goldman and expanding on her support for individualist anarchism, de Cleyre wrote: Miss Goldman is a communist. She wishes to destroy the right of property, I wish to assert it. I make my war upon privilege and authority, whereby the right of property, the true right in that which is
The Icarians were a French-based utopian socialist movement, established by the followers of politician and author Étienne Cabet. In an attempt to put his economic and social theories into practice, Cabet led his followers to the United States of America in 1848, where the Icarians established a series of egalitarian communes in the states of Texas, Iowa and California; the movement split several times due to factional disagreements. The last community of Icarians, located a few miles outside Corning, disbanded voluntarily in 1898; the 46 years of tenure at this location made the Corning Icarian Colony one of the longest-lived non-religious communal living experiments in US history. Étienne Cabet was born in France in 1788 to a middle-class family of artisans. Cabet attended a Roman Catholic secondary school and continued his education earning a Doctorate of Law degree in 1812. Cabet was not inclined towards jurisprudence, preferring the rough and tumble of politics and journalism. Following the fall of Napoleon Bonaparte in 1815, Cabet became active in the struggle against conservative theocratic monarchism, participating in political groups which espoused a constitutional and republican form of government under monarchical leadership.
In 1820 Cabet moved to the political center of the French nation. There he continued to participate at considerable personal risk, it took a decade for this underground political effort to bear fruit when in July 1830 revolution erupted seeking the fundamental change of the conservative regime which had gained power in the Bourbon Restoration following the fall of Napoleon. This Revolution of 1830 in a matter of a few frenzied days forced the abdication of the conservative monarch Charles X and returned constitutional government to France. Cabet played a leading role in the revolution as a leading member of the so-called "Insurrection Committee," activity for which he was recognized with appointment as Attorney-General for Corsica following the coronation of Louis Philippe as king. Historian Morris Hillquit has argued that the posting of Cabet to Corsica was a calculated "shrewd move on the part of the government" to remove a prominent radical critic from the political hothouse of Paris "under the guise of a reward for his services during the revolution."
Be that as it may, despite his employment as a government functionary in Corsica, Cabet moved into criticism of the new Orléanist regime for its conservatism and half-measures with respect to constitutional rule and the democratic rights of the people. This brought about Cabet's prompt removal from office by the new regime in Paris, at whose pleasure Cabet served. Following his dismissal as Corsican Attorney-General, Cabet turned his hand to writing, authoring a four volume history of the French Revolution, he remained active in politics and was elected as a deputy to the lower chamber of the National Assembly in 1834. Cabet emerged as a fierce opponent of the new conservative regime and a potential revolutionary leader, drawing the attention of the regime and its repressive mechanism. In an effort to eliminate the dangerous democratic agitator, Cabet was given the choice of two years' imprisonment or five years in foreign exile, he decided upon the latter punishment and went into exile in England.
During his five years of English exile, Cabet dedicated himself to philosophical and economic study considering the relationship between political structures and economic welfare throughout history. Cabet's findings were summarized thus by one of his acolytes: Studying, pondering the history of all ages and countries, he at length arrived at the conclusion that mere political reforms are powerless to give to society the... welfare which it obstinately seeks.... He found at all epochs the same phenomena: society sundered in twain. To change all this, to find the means of preventing one portion of humanity from being eternally the prey of the other — such was his desire, the goal of all his efforts. Cabet turned to the idea of reorganization of society on a communal basis — known as "Communism" in the terminology of the day, his ideas for the modification of society paralleled those of a man he met in English exile, Robert Owen. In 1839, his five years' exile in England completed, Cabet returned to his native France.
Upon his return he began writing a book to expound his economic and social ideas, following the example of Thomas More and using the form of an allegorical novel which allowed not only the exposition of the ideal form of administration but an opportunity for cloaked criticism of the existing regime. The result of Cabet's writing was published in 1840 as Voyage en Icarie. A rough translation by Cabet was serialized in Icarian periodicals of the 1850s. A basic plot outline was published by Morris Hillquit in 1903: Lord Carisdall, a young English nobleman, has by chance learned of the existence of a remote and isolated country known as Icaria; the unusual mode of life and form of government of the Icarians excite his lordship's curiosity, he decides to visit their country. Voyage en Icarie purports to be a journal in which our traveler records his remarkable experiences and discoveries in the strange country; the first part of the book contains a glowing account of the blessings of the cooperative system of industry of the Icarians, their varied occupations and accomplishments, comfortable mode of life
Alexander Berkman was a leading member of the anarchist movement in the early 20th century, famous for both his political activism and his writing. Berkman was born in Vilna in the Russian Empire and immigrated to the United States in 1888, he lived in New York City. He was the one-time lover and lifelong friend of anarchist Emma Goldman. In 1892, undertaking an act of propaganda of the deed, Berkman made an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate businessman Henry Clay Frick, for which he served 14 years in prison, his experience in prison was the basis for Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist. After his release from prison, Berkman served as editor of Goldman's anarchist journal, Mother Earth, established his own journal, The Blast. In 1917, Berkman and Goldman were sentenced to two years in jail for conspiracy against the newly instated draft. After their release from prison, they were arrested—along with hundreds of others—and deported to Russia. Supportive of that country's Bolshevik revolution and Goldman soon became disillusioned, voicing their opposition to the Soviets' use of terror after seizing power and their repression of fellow revolutionaries.
They left the Soviet Union in late 1921 and in 1925, Berkman published a book about his experiences, The Bolshevik Myth. While living in France, Berkman continued his work in support of the anarchist movement, producing the classic exposition of anarchist principles and After: The ABC of Communist Anarchism. Suffering from ill health, Berkman committed suicide in 1936. Berkman was born Ovsei Osipovich Berkman in the Lithuanian city of Vilnius, he was the youngest of four children born into a well-off Jewish family. Berkman's father, Osip Berkman, was a successful leather merchant, his mother, Yetta Berkman, came from a prosperous family. In 1877, Osip Berkman was granted the right, as a successful businessman, to move from the Pale of Settlement to which Jews were restricted in the Russian Empire; the family moved to Saint Petersburg, a city off-limits to Jews. There, Ovsei adopted the more Russian name Alexander; the Berkmans lived comfortably, with a summer house. Berkman attended the gymnasium, where he received a classical education with the youth of Saint Petersburg's elite.
As a youth, Berkman was influenced by the growing radicalism, spreading among workers in the Russian capital. A wave of political assassinations culminated in a bomb blast that killed Tsar Alexander II in 1881. While his parents worried—correctly, as it turned out—that the tsar's death might result in repression of the Jews and other minorities, Berkman became intrigued by the radical ideas of the day, including populism and nihilism, he became upset when his favorite uncle, his mother's brother Mark Natanson, was sentenced to death for revolutionary activities. Soon after Berkman turned 12, his father died; the business had to be sold, the family lost the right to live in Saint Petersburg. Yetta moved the family to Kovno. Berkman had shown great promise as a student at the gymnasium, but his studies began to falter as he spent his time reading novels. One of the books that interested him was Ivan Turgenev's novel Fathers and Sons, with its discussion of nihilist philosophy, but what moved him was Nikolay Chernyshevsky's 1863 novel, What Is to Be Done?, Berkman felt inspired by Rakhmetov, its puritanical protagonist, willing to sacrifice personal pleasure and family ties in single-minded pursuit of his revolutionary aims.
Soon, Berkman joined a group at school, reading and discussing revolutionary literature, prohibited under the new tsar, Alexander III. He distributed banned material to other students and wrote some radical tracts of his own, which he printed using supplies pilfered from the school, he turned in a paper titled "There Is No God", which resulted in a one-year demotion as punishment on the basis of "precocious godlessness, dangerous tendencies and subordination". Berkman's mother died in 1887, his uncle Nathan Natanson became responsible for him. Berkman had contempt for Natanson for his desire to avoid conflict. Natanson could not understand what Berkman found appealing in his radical ideas, he worried that Berkman would bring shame to the family. Late that year, Berkman was caught bribing a handyman, he was expelled and labelled a "nihilist conspirator". Berkman decided to emigrate to the United States; when his brother left for Germany in early 1888 to study medicine, Berkman took the opportunity to accompany him and from there made his way to New York City.
Soon after his arrival in New York, where he knew nobody and spoke no English, Berkman became an anarchist through his involvement with groups that had formed to campaign to free the men convicted of the 1886 Haymarket bombing. He joined the Pioneers of Liberty, the first Jewish anarchist group in the U. S; the group was affiliated with the International Working People's Association, the organization to which the Haymarket defendants had belonged, they regarded the Haymarket men as martyrs. Since most of its members worked in the garment industry, the Pioneers of Liberty took part in strikes against sweatshops and helped establish some of the first Jewish labor unions in the city. Before long, Berkman was one of the prominent members of the organization. Berkman soon came under the influence of Johann Most, the best known anarchist in the United States and an advocate of propa
The New Left was a broad political movement in the 1960s and 1970s consisting of activists in the Western world who campaigned for a broad range of social issues such as civil and political rights, gay rights, abortion rights, gender roles and drug policy reforms. Some saw the New Left as an oppositional reaction to earlier Marxist and labor union movements for social justice that focused on dialectical materialism and social class, while others who used the term saw the movement as a continuation and revitalization of traditional leftist goals; some who self-identified as "New Left" rejected involvement with the labor movement and Marxism's historical theory of class struggle, although others gravitated to their own takes on established forms of Marxism, such as the New Communist movement in the United States or the K-Gruppen in the German Sprachraum. In the United States, the movement was associated with the anti-war college-campus protest movements, including the Free Speech Movement; the origins of the New Left have been traced to several factors.
Prominently, the confused response of the Communist Party of the USA and the Communist Party of Great Britain to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 led some Marxist intellectuals to develop a more democratic approach to politics, opposed to what they saw as the centralised and authoritarian politics of the pre-war leftist parties. Those Communists who became disillusioned with the Communist Parties due to their authoritarian character formed the "new left", first among dissenting Communist Party intellectuals and campus groups in the United Kingdom, alongside campus radicalism in the United States and in the Western Bloc; the term "nouvelle gauche" was current in France in the 1950s, associated with France Observateur, its editor Claude Bourdet, who attempted to form a third position, between the dominant Stalinist and social democratic tendencies of the left, the two Cold War blocs. It was from this French "new left"; the German-Jewish critical theorist Herbert Marcuse is referred to as the "Father of the New Left".
He rejected the theory of the Marxist concern with labor. According to Leszek Kołakowski, Marcuse argued that since "all questions of material existence have been solved, moral commands and prohibitions are no longer relevant", he regarded the realization of man's erotic nature, or Eros, as the true liberation of humanity, which inspired the utopias of Jerry Rubin and others. However, Marcuse believed the concept of Logos, which involves one's reason, would absorb Eros over time as well. Another prominent New Left thinker, Ernst Bloch, believed that socialism would prove the means for all human beings to become immortal and create God; the writings of sociologist C. Wright Mills, who popularized the term New Left in a 1960 open letter, would give great inspiration to the movement. Mills' biographer, Daniel Geary, writes that his writings had a "particularly significant impact on New Left social movements of the 1960s." The New Left in Latin America can be loosely defined as the collection of political parties, radical grassroots social movements, guerilla organizations and other organizations that comprised the left between 1959 and 1990.
Influential Latin American thinkers such as Francisco de Oliveira argued that the United States used Latin American countries as "peripheral economies" at the expense of Latin American society and economic development, which many saw as an extension of neo-colonialism and neo-imperialism. This shift in thinking led to a surge of dialogue related to how Latin America could assert its social and economic independence from the United States. Many scholars argued; the New Left emerged in Latin America, a group which sought to go beyond existing Marxist–Leninist efforts at achieving economic equality and democracy to include social reform and address issues unique to Latin America such as racial and ethnic equality, indigenous rights, the rights of the environment, demands for radical democracy, international solidarity, anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism and other aims. Notable New Left movements in Latin America include the Cuban Revolution of 1959, the victory of the Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua of 1979, the Partido dos Trabalhadores government in Porto Alegre of 1990, among others.
As a result of Nikita Khrushchev's Secret Speech denouncing Joseph Stalin many abandoned the Communist Party of Great Britain and began to rethink its orthodox Marxism. Some joined the Labour Party; the Marxist historians E. P. Thompson and John Saville of the Communist Party Historians Group published a dissenting journal within the CPGB called Reasoner. Refusing to discontinue the publication at the behest of the CPGB, the two were suspended from party membership and relaunched the journal as The New Reasoner in the summer of 1957. Thompson was important in bringing the concept of a "New Left" to the United Kingdom in the Summer of 1959 with a New Reasoner lead essay, in which he described "... generation which never looked upon the Soviet Union as a weak but heroic Workers' State.
Occupy Wall Street
Occupy Wall Street was a left-wing protest movement that began on September 17, 2011, in Zuccotti Park, located in New York City's Wall Street financial district, against economic inequality. The Canadian anti-consumerist and pro-environment group/magazine Adbusters initiated the call for a protest; the main issues raised by Occupy Wall Street were social and economic inequality, greed and the undue influence of corporations on government—particularly from the financial services sector. The OWS slogan, "We are the 99%", refers to income and wealth inequality in the U. S. between the wealthiest 1% and the rest of the population. To achieve their goals, protesters acted on consensus-based decisions made in general assemblies which emphasized redress through direct action over the petitioning to authorities; the protesters were forced out of Zuccotti Park on November 15, 2011. Protesters turned their focus to occupying banks, corporate headquarters, board meetings, foreclosed homes, college and university campuses.
The original protest was initiated by Kalle Lasn and Micah White of Adbusters, a Canadian anti-consumerist publication, who conceived of a September 17 occupation in Lower Manhattan. The first such proposal appeared on the Adbusters website on February 2, 2011, under the title "A Million Man March on Wall Street." Lasn registered the OccupyWallStreet.org web address on June 9. That same month, Adbusters emailed its subscribers saying "America needs its own Tahrir." White said the reception of the idea "snowballed from there". In a blog post on July 13, 2011, Adbusters proposed a peaceful occupation of Wall Street to protest corporate influence on democracy, the lack of legal consequences for those who brought about the global crisis of monetary insolvency, an increasing disparity in wealth; the protest was promoted with an image featuring a dancer atop Wall Street's iconic Charging Bull statue. Meanwhile, several similar proposals were being explored by independent groups, as reported by journalist Nathan Schneider in his book Thank You, Anarchy: Notes from the Occupy Apocalypse.
Thousands of people, organized by a group of labor unions marched on Wall Street 12. C. which became known as Occupy Washington, D. C. On August 1, 2011 a month prior to the major media event, a group of artists were arrested after a series of days protesting nude as an art performance on Wall Street; this event may have triggered the major event to follow. This was a protest by the 49 participants on American Institutions and was titled "Ocularpation: Wall Street" by artist Zefrey Throwell. In an unrelated incident, a group called New Yorkers Against Budget Cuts was formed, which promoted a "sleep in" in lower Manhattan called "Bloombergville", in July 2011, preceding OWS, provided a number of activists to begin organizing. Activist and anthropologist David Graeber and several of his associates attended the NYAB general assembly but, disappointed that the event was intended to be a precursor to marching on Wall Street with predetermined demands and his small group created their own general assembly, which developed into the New York General Assembly.
The group began holding weekly meetings to work out issues and the movement's direction, such as whether or not to have a set of demands, forming working groups and whether or not to have leaders. The Internet group Anonymous created a video encouraging its supporters to take part in the protests; the U. S. Day of Rage, a group that organized to protest "corporate influence corrupts our political parties, our elections, the institutions of government" joined the movement; the protest itself began on September 17. By mid-October, Facebook listed 125 Occupy-related pages; the original location for the protest was One Chase Manhattan Plaza, with Bowling Green Park and Zuccotti Park as alternate choices. Police discovered this before the protest fenced off two locations. Since the park was private property, police could not force protesters to leave without being requested to do so by the property owner. At a press conference held the same day the protests began, New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg explained, "people have a right to protest, if they want to protest, we'll be happy to make sure they have locations to do it."Because of its connection to the financial system, lower Manhattan has seen many riots and protests since the 1800s, OWS has been compared to other historical protests in the United States.
Commentators have put OWS within the political tradition of other movements that made themselves known by occupation of public spaces, such as Coxey's Army in 1894, the Bonus Marchers in 1932, the May Day protesters in 1971. More recent prototypes for OWS include the British student protests of 2010, 2009-2010 Iranian election protests, the Arab Spring protests, more related, protests in Chile, Greece and India; these antecedents have in common with OWS a reliance on social media and electronic messaging, as well as the belief that financial institutions and the political elite have been malfeasant in their behavior toward youth and the middle class. Occupy Wall Street, in turn, gave rise to the Occupy movement in the United States. David Graeber has argued that the Occupy movement, in its anti-hierarchical and anti-authoritarian consensus-based politics, its refusal to accept the legitimacy of the existing legal and politica