Everett M. "Ev" Rogers was an eminent American communication theorist and sociologist, who originated the diffusion of innovations theory and introduced the term early adopter. He was Distinguished Professor Emeritus in the Department of Communication and Journalism at the University of New Mexico. Rogers was born on his family's Pinehurst Farm in Carroll, Iowa, in 1931, his father loved electromechanical farm innovations, but was reluctant to utilize biological–chemical innovations, so he resisted adopting the new hybrid seed corn though it yielded 25% more crop and was resistant to drought. During the Iowa drought of 1936, while the hybrid seed corn stood tall on the neighbor's farm, the crop on the Rogers' farm wilted. Rogers' father was convinced. Rogers had no plans to attend university until a school teacher drove him and some classmates to Ames to visit Iowa State University. Rogers decided to pursue a degree there, he received a B. S. in Agriculture in 1952. He served in the Korean War for two years.
He returned to Iowa State University to earn a M. S. in 1955 and a Ph. D. in 1957 both in Rural Sociology. Rogers held faculty positions at Ohio State University, Michigan State University, the University of Michigan, he was the Janet M. Peck Professor of International Communication at Stanford University and the Walter H. Annenberg Professor and Associate Dean for Doctoral Studies in the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Southern California; as Fulbright Lecturer, Rogers taught the National University of Colombia in Bogotá and at the University of Paris in France. He was Distinguished Visiting Professor at New Mexico State University, Visiting Professor at Ibero-American University in Mexico, Ludwig Erhard Professor at the University of Bayreuth in Germany, Wee Kim Wee Professor and Nanyang Professor at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, Visiting Professor at Johns Hopkins University, he served as President of the International Communication Association and Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences in Stanford, California.
In 1993, Rogers moved to the University of New Mexico as Chair of the Department of Communication and Journalism. He had become fond of Albuquerque, he helped the UNM launch a doctoral program in communication with a special emphasis on cross-cultural and intercultural contexts. Rogers suffered from kidney disease and retired from the UNM in the summer of 2004, he died a few months survived by his wife, Dr. Corinne Shefner-Rogers, two sons: David Rogers and Everett King. During his 47-year academic career, Rogers authored over 500 articles; when the first edition of Diffusion of Innovations was published in 1962, Rogers was an assistant professor of rural sociology at Ohio State University. He was becoming a renowned academic figure. In the mid-2000s, The Diffusion of Innovations became the second most-cited book in the social sciences.. The fifth edition addresses the spread of the Internet, how it has transformed the way human beings communicate and adopt new ideas. Rogers proposes that adopters of any new innovation or idea can be categorized as innovators, early adopters, early majority, late majority and laggards, based on the mathematically based Bell curve.
These categories, based on standard deviations from the mean of the normal curve, provide a common language for innovation researchers. Each adopter's willingness and ability to adopt an innovation depends on their awareness, evaluation and adoption. People can fall into different categories for different innovations—a farmer might be an early adopter of mechanical innovations, but a late majority adopter of biological innovations or VCRs; when graphed, the rate of adoption formed what came to typify the Diffusion of Innovations model, a logistic curve) The graph shows a cumulative percentage of adopters over time–slow at the start, more rapid as adoption increases leveling off until only a small percentage of laggards have not adopted. His research and work became accepted in communications and technology adoption studies, found its way into a variety of other social science studies. Rogers was able to relate his communications research to practical health problems, including hygiene, family planning, cancer prevention, drunk driving.
In the early 1990s Rogers turned his attention to the field of Entertainment-Education. With funding from Population Communications International, he evaluated a radio drama designed to improve public health in Tanzania called Twende na Wakati. With Arvind Singhal of Ohio University he co-wrote Entertainment Education: A Communication Strategy for Social Change. To commemorate his contributions to the field, the University of Southern California's Norman Lear Center established the Everett M. Rogers Award for Achievement in Entertainment-Education, which recognizes outstanding practice or research in the field of entertainment education. Rogers, E. M.. Diffusion of innovations. New York, NY: Free Press. Rogers, E. M.. Modernization among peasants: The impact of communication. New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Rogers, E. M.. Communication strategies for family planning. New York, NY: Free Press. Rogers, E. M... Communication and development: Critical perspe
The Closing of the American Mind
The Closing of the American Mind: How Higher Education Has Failed Democracy and Impoverished the Souls of Today's Students is a 1987 book by the philosopher Allan Bloom, in which the author criticizes the "openness" of relativism, in academia and society in general, as leading paradoxically to the great "closing" referenced in the book's title. In Bloom's view, "openness" and absolute understanding undermine critical thinking and eliminate the "point of view" that defines cultures. Bloom's book became an unexpected best seller selling close to half a million copies in hardback, but drew divided reactions from reviewers. Bloom critiques the contemporary American university and how he sees it as failing its students, criticizing modern movements in philosophy and the humanities. Throughout the book, he attacks the "moral relativism" that he claims has taken over American universities for the barrier it constructs to the notions of truth, critical thinking, genuine knowledge. Bloom claims that students in the 1980s have prioritized the immediate, blind relegation of prejudice as inferiority of thought, therefore have "closed" their minds, as the title suggests, to asking the right questions, so that prejudice may be eradicated through logic and critical thinking, as opposed to empty, baseless instinct.
Bloom writes, "Prejudices, strong prejudices, are visions about the way things are... Error is indeed our enemy, but it alone points to the truth and therefore deserves our respectful treatment; the mind that has no prejudices at the outset is empty." In part one, titled "Students", Bloom details how the young American mindset, the books, music and other aspects of American popular culture contribute to the sanctimony of what he perceives to be dull, lazy minds in American universities today. Bloom contends that the "clean slate" with which students enter universities at first made them more susceptible to genuinely embracing the studies of philosophy and logic, but soon, because of "he improved education of the vastly expanded middle class weakened the family's authority", there came a "gradual stilling of the old political and religious echoes" in the students Bloom encountered in his teaching career. He credits the flattening of the American college experience to these phenomena. Bloom delves into what he believes is the "Great Books" dilemma.
He believes that the "great books" of Western thought have been devalued as a source of wisdom—but more that "our students have lost the practice of and the taste of reading". Because of this, students are unable to derive their beliefs from evidence, from central texts, or any print source at all. Bloom contends that without an understanding of important older texts, such as Plato's Republic or Niccolò Machiavelli's The Prince, modern students lack any reference point with which they can critically think about or address current events. Students are instead left with vague and abstract ideas of "good" and "evil". Bloom notes that the "addiction to music" he observes in modern students is unparalleled, has been for centuries, but this, he says, contributes to the closing of the young American mind. He notes that fewer and fewer students have a surface level, let alone nuanced, understanding of classical music, that instead, "rock music is as unquestioned and un-problematic as the air the students breathe."
Pop music, he believes, employs sexual images and language to enthrall the young and to persuade them that their petty rebelliousness is authentic politics, when, in fact, they are being controlled by the money-managers whom successful performers like Mick Jagger serve. He regards the ubiquity of overly sexual overtones in 1980s rock music and what he perceives to be a subsequent corruption of young minds as a signal of "parents' loss of control over the children's moral education at a time when no one else is concerned with it." Bloom's conclusion about the effects of music on education is that its oversexualization in the late 20th century makes it "very difficult for to have a passionate relationship with the art and thought that are the substance of liberal education, t only artificially induces the exaltation attached to the completion of the greatest endeavors... Like discovery of the truth." Students no longer seek pleasure from the pursuit of learning. Bloom concludes in "Students" that because of the relationships students have with popular culture, their family, their peers, they no longer come to university asking questions, seeking instruction, or with imagination.
Bloom titles the second part of the book "Nihilism, American Style". He introduces in further detail the concept of "value relativism", mentioned only in the introduction. Value relativism, plagues most elite institutions of higher learning. For Bloom, this dissolved into nihilism, he notices. For students, he writes, "values are not discovered by reason, it is fruitless to seek them, to find the truth or the good life." When travelling this path without reason, Bloom opines, students still "adopt strong poses and fanatic resolutions."Bloom criticizes his fellow philosophy professors those involved in ordinary language analysis or logical positivism, for disregarding important "humanizing" ethical and political issues and failing to pique the interest of students. Literature professors involved in deconstructionism promote irrationalism and skepticism of standards of truth and thereby dissolve the moral imperatives which are communicated through genuine philosophy and which elevate and broaden the intellects of those who engage with these imperatives.
To a great extent, Bloom's critique extends beyond the un
David Émile Durkheim was a French sociologist. He formally established the academic discipline and—with W. E. B. Du Bois, Karl Marx and Max Weber—is cited as the principal architect of modern social science. Much of Durkheim's work was concerned with how societies could maintain their integrity and coherence in modernity, an era in which traditional social and religious ties are no longer assumed, in which new social institutions have come into being, his first major sociological work was The Division of Labour in Society. In 1895, he published The Rules of Sociological Method and set up the first European department of sociology, becoming France's first professor of sociology. In 1898, he established the journal L'Année Sociologique. Durkheim's seminal monograph, Suicide, a study of suicide rates in Catholic and Protestant populations, pioneered modern social research and served to distinguish social science from psychology and political philosophy; the Elementary Forms of the Religious Life presented a theory of religion, comparing the social and cultural lives of aboriginal and modern societies.
Durkheim was deeply preoccupied with the acceptance of sociology as a legitimate science. He refined the positivism set forth by Auguste Comte, promoting what could be considered as a form of epistemological realism, as well as the use of the hypothetico-deductive model in social science. For him, sociology was the science of institutions, if this term is understood in its broader meaning as "beliefs and modes of behaviour instituted by the collectivity" and its aim being to discover structural social facts. Durkheim was a major proponent of structural functionalism, a foundational perspective in both sociology and anthropology. In his view, social science should be purely holistic, he remained a dominant force in French intellectual life until his death in 1917, presenting numerous lectures and published works on a variety of topics, including the sociology of knowledge, social stratification, law and deviance. Durkheimian terms such as "collective consciousness" have since entered the popular lexicon.
Emile Durkheim was born in Épinal in the son of Mélanie and Moïse Durkheim. He came from a long line of devout French Jews, he began his education in a rabbinical school, but at an early age, he decided not to follow in his family's footsteps and switched schools. Durkheim led a secular life. Much of his work was dedicated to demonstrating that religious phenomena stemmed from social rather than divine factors. While Durkheim chose not to follow in the family tradition, he did not sever ties with his family or with the Jewish community. Many of his most prominent collaborators and students were Jewish, some were blood relations. Marcel Mauss, a notable social anthropologist of the pre-war era, was his nephew. One of his nieces was Claudette Bloch, a marine biologist and mother of Maurice Bloch, who became a noted anthropologist. A precocious student, Durkheim entered the École Normale Supérieure in 1879, at his third attempt; the entering class that year was one of the most brilliant of the nineteenth century and many of his classmates, such as Jean Jaurès and Henri Bergson, would go on to become major figures in France's intellectual history.
At the ENS, Durkheim studied under the direction of Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges, a classicist with a social scientific outlook, wrote his Latin dissertation on Montesquieu. At the same time, he read Herbert Spencer, thus Durkheim became interested in a scientific approach to society early on in his career. This meant the first of many conflicts with the French academic system, which had no social science curriculum at the time. Durkheim found humanistic studies uninteresting, turning his attention from psychology and philosophy to ethics and sociology, he obtained his agrégation in philosophy in 1882, though finishing next to last in his graduating class owing to serious illness the year before. The opportunity for Durkheim to receive a major academic appointment in Paris was inhibited by his approach to society. From 1882 to 1887 he taught philosophy at several provincial schools. In 1885 he decided to leave for Germany, where for two years he studied sociology at the universities of Marburg and Leipzig.
As Durkheim indicated in several essays, it was in Leipzig that he learned to appreciate the value of empiricism and its language of concrete, complex things, in sharp contrast to the more abstract and simple ideas of the Cartesian method. By 1886, as part of his doctoral dissertation, he had completed the draft of his The Division of Labour in Society, was working towards establishing the new science of sociology. Durkheim's period in Germany resulted in the publication of numerous articles on German social science and philosophy. Durkheim's articles gained recognition in France, he received a teaching appointment in the University of Bordeaux in 1887, where he was to teach the university's first social science course, his official title was Chargé d'un Cours de Science Sociale et de Pédagogie and thus he taught both pedagogy and sociology. The appointment of the social scientist to the humanistic faculty was an important sign of the change of times, the growing importance and recognition of the social sciences.
From this position Durkheim helped reform th
Simon & Schuster
Simon & Schuster, Inc. a subsidiary of CBS Corporation, is an American publishing company founded in New York City in 1924 by Richard Simon and Max Schuster. As of 2016, Simon & Schuster was publishing 2,000 titles annually under 35 different imprints. In 1924, Richard Simon's aunt, a crossword puzzle enthusiast, asked whether there was a book of New York World crossword puzzles, which were popular at the time. After discovering that none had been published and Max Schuster decided to launch a company to exploit the opportunity. At the time, Simon was a piano salesman and Schuster was editor of an automotive trade magazine, they pooled US$8,000, equivalent to $117 thousand today, to start a company that published crossword puzzles. The new publishing house used "fad" publishing to publish books that exploited current fads and trends. Simon called this "planned publishing". Instead of signing authors with a planned manuscript, they came up with their own ideas, hired writers to carry them out. In the 1930s, the publisher moved to what has been referred to as "Publisher's Row" on Park Avenue in Manhattan, New York.
In 1939, Simon & Schuster financially backed Robert Fair de Graff to found Pocket Books, America's first paperback publisher. In 1942, Simon & Schuster and Western Printing launched the Little Golden Books series in cooperation with the Artists and Writers Guild. In 1944, Marshall Field III, owner of the Chicago Sun, purchased Pocket Books; the company was sold back to Schuster following his death. In the 1950s and 1960s, many publishers including Simon & Schuster turned toward educational publishing due to the baby boom market. Pocket Books focused on paperbacks for the educational market instead of textbooks and started the Washington Square Press imprint in 1959. By 1964 it had published over 200 titles and was expected to put out another 400 by the end of that year. Books published under the imprint included classic reprints such as Lorna Doone, Tom Sawyer, Huckleberry Finn, Robinson Crusoe. In 1966, Max Schuster sold his half of Simon & Schuster to Leon Shimkin. Shimkin merged Simon & Schuster with Pocket Books under the name of Simon & Schuster.
In 1968, editor-in-chief Robert Gottlieb, who worked at Simon & Schuster since 1955 and edited several bestsellers including Joseph Heller's Catch-22, left abruptly to work at competitor Knopf, taking other influential S&S employees, Nina Bourne, Tony Schulte. In 1979, Richard Snyder was named CEO of the company. Over the next several years he would help grow the company substantially. After the 1983 death of Charles Bluhdorn, head of Gulf+Western who acquired Simon in Schuster in 1976, the company made the decision to diversify. Bluhdorn's successor Martin Davis told The New York Times, "Society was undergoing dramatic changes, so that there was a greater need for textbooks and educational information. We saw the opportunity to diversify into those areas, which are more stable and more profitable than trade publishing."In 1984, Simon & Schuster with CEO Richard E. Snyder acquired Esquire Corporation, buying everything but the magazine for $180 million. Prentice Hall was brought into the company fold in 1985 for over $700 million and was viewed by some executives to be a catalyst for change for the company as a whole.
This acquisition was followed by Silver Burdett in 1986, mapmaker Gousha in 1987 and Charles E. Simon in 1988. Part of the acquisition included educational publisher Allyn & Bacon which, according to editor and chief Michael Korda, became the "nucleus of S&S's educational and informational business." Three California educational companies were purchased between 1988 and 1990—Quercus, Fearon Education and Janus Book Publishers. In all, Simon & Schuster spent more than $1 billion in acquisitions between 1983 and 1991. In the 1980s, Snyder made an unsuccessful bid toward video publishing, believed to have led to the company's success in the audio book business. Snyder was dismayed to realize that Simon & Schuster did not own the video rights to Jane Fonda's Workout Book, a huge bestseller at the time, that the video company producing the VHS was making more money on the video; this prompted Snyder to ask editors to obtain video rights for every new book. Agents were reluctant to give these up—which meant the S&S Video division never took off.
According to Korda, the audio rights expanded into the audio division which by the 1990s would be a major business for Simon & Schuster. In 1989, Gulf and Western Inc. owner of Simon & Schuster, changed its name to Paramount Communications Inc. In 1990, The New York Times described Simon & Schuster as the largest book publisher in the United States with sales of $1.3 billion the previous year. That same year, Schuster acquired the children's publisher Green Tiger Press. In 1994, was fired from S&S and was replaced by the company's president and chief operating officer Jonathan Newcomb; that year, Paramount was sold to Viacom. In 1998, Viacom sold Simon & Schuster's educational operations, including Prentice Hall and Macmillan, to Pearson PLC, the global publisher and owner of Penguin and the Financial Times; the professional and reference operations were sold to Hicks Muse Furst. In 2002, Simon & Schuster acquired its Canadian distributor Distican. Simon & Schuster began publishing in Canada in 2013.
At the end of 2005, Viacom split into two companies: CBS Corporation, the other retaining the Viacom name. In 2005, Simon & Schuster acquired Strebor Books International, founded in 1999 by author Kristina Laferne Roberts, who has written under the pseudonym "Zane." A year in 2006, Simon & Schuster launched the conservative imprint Threshold Editions. In 2009, Simon & Schuster
The White Tiger
The White Tiger is the debut novel by Indian author Aravind Adiga. It was first won the 40th Man Booker Prize in the same year; the novel provides a darkly humorous perspective of India's class struggle in a globalized world as told through a retrospective narration from Balram Halwai, a village boy. In detailing Balram's journey first to Delhi, where he works as a chauffeur to a rich landlord, to Bangalore, the place to which he flees after killing his master and stealing his money, the novel examines issues of religion, loyalty and poverty in India. Balram transcends his sweet-maker caste and becomes a successful entrepreneur, establishing his own taxi service. In a nation proudly shedding a history of poverty and underdevelopment, he represents, as he himself says, "tomorrow." The novel has been well-received, making the New York Times bestseller list in addition to winning the Man Booker Prize. Aravind Adiga, 33 at the time, was the second youngest writer as well as the fourth debut writer to win the prize in 2008.
Adiga says his novel "attempt to catch the voice of the men you meet as you travel through India — the voice of the colossal underclass." According to Adiga, the exigence for The White Tiger was to capture the unspoken voice of people from "the Darkness" – the impoverished areas of rural India, he "wanted to do so without sentimentality or portraying them as mirthless humorless weaklings as they are usually." Balram Halwai narrates his life in a letter, written in seven consecutive nights and addressed to the Chinese Premier, Wen Jiabao. In his letter, Balram explains how he, the son of a puller, escaped a life of servitude to become a successful businessman, describing himself as an entrepreneur. Balram was born in the rural village of Laxmangarh, where he lived with his grandmother, parents and extended family, he is a smart child but is forced to leave school in order to help pay for his cousin's dowry and begins to work in a teashop with his brother in Dhanbad. While working there he begins to learn about India's government and economy from the customers' conversations.
Balram decides to become a driver. After learning how to drive, Balram finds a job driving Ashok, the son of one of Laxmangarh's landlords, he takes from a small car to a heavy-luxury described Honda City. He stops sending money back to his family and disrespects his grandmother during a trip back to his village. Balram moves to his wife Pinky Madam. Throughout their time in Delhi, Balram is exposed to extensive corruption in the government. In Delhi, the contrast between the poor and the wealthy is made more evident by their proximity to one another. One night Pinky Madam takes the wheel from Balram, while drunk, hits something in the road and drives away. Ashok's family puts pressure on Balram to confess. Ashok becomes involved in bribing government officials for the benefit of the family coal business. Balram decides that killing Ashok will be the only way to escape India's Rooster Coop. After bludgeoning Ashok with a bottle and stealing a large bribe, Balram moves to Bangalore, where he bribes the police in order to help start his own taxi business.
Ashok too is portrayed to be trapped in the metaphorical Rooster Coop: his family controls what he does and society dictates how he acts. Just like Ashok, Balram killed. Balram explains that his own family was certainly killed by Ashok's relatives as retribution for his murder. At the end of the novel, Balram rationalizes his actions and considers that his freedom is worth the lives of his family and of Ashok, and thus ends the letter to Jiabao, letting the reader think of the dark humour of the tale, as well as the idea of life as a trap introduced by the writer. The White Tiger takes place in a time in which increased technology has led to world globalization, India is no exception. In the past decade, India has had one of the fastest booming economies. Americanization in India has played its role in the plot, since it provides an outlet for Balram to alter his caste. To satisfy Pinky's want for American culture, Ashok and Balram move to Gurugram, new delhi instead of back to America. Globalization has assisted in the creation of an American atmosphere in India.
Ashok justifies this move by explaining ``. American Express, all the big American companies have offices there; the main road is full of shopping malls—each mall has a cinema inside! So if Pinky Madam missed America, this was the best place to bring her". By blackmailing Ram Persad, the other driver, Balram is promoted and drives Ashok and Pinky to their new home. Ashok is convinced India is surpassing the US, "There are so many more things I could do here than in New York now... The way things are changing in India now, this place is going to be like America in ten years". Balram is noticing the rapid growth as well. From the beginning of his story he knows that in order to rise above his caste he should become an entrepreneur. Although his taxi service is not an international business, Balram plans to keep up with the pace of globalization and change his trade when need be. "I‘m always a man who sees ‘tomorrow’ when others see ‘today.’" Balram's recognition of the increasing competition resulting from globalization contributes to his corruption.
Throughout the book, there are references to how Balram is different from those back in his home environment. He is referred to as the "white tiger" (which happens to be the
Economy and Society
Economy and Society is a book by political economist and sociologist Max Weber, published posthumously in Germany in 1922 by his wife Marianne. Alongside The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, it is considered to be one of Weber's most important works. Broad in scope, the book covers numerous themes including religion, politics, public administration, sociology. A complete translation of the work was not published in English until 1968. In 1998, the International Sociological Association listed this work as the most important sociological book of the 20th century. Sociology...is a science concerning itself with the interpretive understanding of social action and thereby with a causal explanation of its course and consequences. We shall speak of "action" insofar as the acting individual attaches a subjective meaning to his behavior... For the purposes of a typological scientific analysis it is convenient to treat all irrational, affectually determined elements of behavior as factors of deviation from a conceptually pure type of rational action.
For example a panic on the stock exchange can be most conveniently analysed by attempting to determine first what the course of action would have been if it had not been influenced by irrational affects. Only in this way is it possible to assess the causal significance of irrational factors as accounting for the deviation of this type; the construction of a purely rational course of action in such cases serves the sociologist as a type which has the merit of clear understandability and lack of ambiguity. By comparison with this it is possible to understand the ways in which actual action is influenced by irrational factors of all sorts, such as affects and errors, in that they account for the deviation from the line of conduct which would be expected on hypothesis that the action were purely rational. Social action, like all action, may be oriented in four ways: instrumentally rational, that is, determined by expectations as to the behavior of objects in the environment and of other human beings.
In Economy and Society, Weber distinguished three ideal types of religious activity: world-flying mysticism, world-rejecting asceticism, inner-worldly asceticism. He separated magic as pre-religious activity. Max Weber, 1922. Economy and Society, 2 v. Description and scroll to chapter-preview links. Camic, Philip S. Gorski, David M. Trubek. 2005. Max Weber's Economy and Society: A Critical Companion. Stanford University Press. 403 pp. Google Print Economy and Society at the Internet Archive