Anarcho-communism is a political philosophy and anarchist school of thought which advocates the abolition of the state, wage labour and private property in favor of common ownership of the means of production, direct democracy, equal distribution of valuables, a horizontal network of workers' councils with production and consumption based on the guiding principle: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs". Some forms of anarchist communism, such as insurrectionary anarchism, are influenced by egoism and radical individualism, believing anarcho-communism is the best social system for the realization of individual freedom. Most anarcho-communists view anarcho-communism as a way of reconciling the opposition between the individual and society. Anarcho-communism developed out of radical socialist currents after the French Revolution, but was first formulated as such in the Italian section of the First International; the theoretical work of Peter Kropotkin took importance as it expanded and developed pro-organizationalist and insurrectionary anti-organizationalist sections.
To date, the best-known examples of an anarchist communist society are the anarchist territories during the Spanish Revolution and the Free Territory during the Russian Revolution. Through the efforts and influence of the Spanish anarchists during the Spanish Revolution within the Spanish Civil War, starting in 1936 anarchist communism existed in most of Aragon, parts of the Levante and Andalusia as well as in the stronghold of anarchist Catalonia before being crushed by the combined forces of the regime that won the war, Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, Spanish Communist Party repression as well as economic and armaments blockades from the capitalist countries and the Spanish Republic itself. During the Russian Revolution, anarchists such as Nestor Makhno worked to create and defend—through the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine—anarchist communism in the Free Territory of the Ukraine from 1919 before being conquered by the Bolsheviks in 1921. Anarchist communist currents appeared during the English Civil War and the French Revolution of the 17th and 18th centuries, respectively.
Gerrard Winstanley, part of the radical Diggers movement in England, wrote in his 1649 pamphlet, The New Law of Righteousness, that there "shall be no buying or selling, no fairs nor markets, but the whole earth shall be a common treasury for every man," and "there shall be none Lord over others, but every one shall be a Lord of himself". The Diggers themselves resisted tyranny of the ruling class and of kings, instead operating in a cooperative fashion in order to get work done, manage supplies, increase economic productivity. Due to the communes established by the Diggers being free from private property, along with economic exchange, their communes could be called early, functioning communist societies, spread out across the rural lands of England. Prior to the Industrial Revolution, common ownership of land and property was much more prevalent across the European continent, but the Diggers were set apart by their struggle against monarchical rule, they sprung up by means of workers' self-management after the fall of Charles I.
In 1703, Louis Armand, Baron de Lahontan wrote the novel New Voyages to North America where he outlined how indigenous communities of the North American continent cooperated and organised. The author found the agrarian societies and communities of pre-colonial North America to be nothing like the monarchical, unequal states of Europe, both in their economic structure and lack of any state, he wrote that the life natives lived was "anarchy", this being the first usage of the term to mean something other than chaos. He wrote that there were no priests, laws, ministers of state, no distinction of property, no way to differentiate rich from poor, as they were all equal and thriving cooperatively. During the French Revolution, Sylvain Maréchal, in his Manifesto of the Equals, demanded "the communal enjoyment of the fruits of the earth" and looked forward to the disappearance of "the revolting distinction of rich and poor, of great and small, of masters and valets, of governors and governed". Maréchal was critical not only of the unequal distribution of property, but how religion would be used to justify evangelical immorality.
He viewed the link between religion and what came to be known as capitalism as two sides of the same corrupted coin. He had once "Do not be afraid of your God - be afraid of yourself. You are the creator of your own joys. Heaven and hell are in your own soul". Sylvain Maréchal was involved with the Conspiracy of the Equals, a failed attempt at overthrowing the monarchy of France and establishing a stateless, agrarian socialist utopia, he worked with Gracchus Babeuf in not only writing about what an anarchist country might look like, but how it will be achieved. The two of them were friends, though didn't always see eye to eye with Maréchal's statement on equality being more important than the arts. An early anarchist communist was Joseph Déjacque, the first person to describe himself as "libertarian". Unlike Proudhon, he argued that, "it is not the product of his or her labor that the worker has a right to, but to the satisfaction of
Wilhelm Christian Weitling was a German-born tailor and radical political activist. Weitling gained fame in Europe as a social theorist before emigrating to the United States. In addition to his extensive political writing, Weitling was a successful inventor of attachments for commercial sewing machines, including devices for double-stitching and the creation of button holes. Wilhelm Christian Weitling was born in Magdeburg, the son of Christiane Weitling and Guilliaume Terijon. Weitling's father was a young French officer, billeted in occupied Prussia, who met and fell in love with Weitling's mother, a household maid, his parents never married, with his father dying in the ill-fated 1812 French invasion of Russia. Weitling was raised in dire poverty in the care of others while his mother eked out a meager living as a maid and cook, his formal education was minimal, limited to elementary study in the public school of Magdeburg and such reading as he was able to do on his own at the local library.
He was raised as a Roman Catholic through the age of 12, read the Bible attentively, retaining an ability to quote scripture throughout his life. In keeping with the dual ethnicity of his birth, Weitling was bilingual in French and German, learning English as well as the basics of Italian in his life. Weitling was apprenticed to a tailor at an early age, living with his master and learning the skill of tailoring garments for women and men thoroughly, he became a journeyman at the age of 18, leaving his hometown to travel across the German states in search of employment. He landed in the city of Leipzig in 1830, where he began to take an interest in politics and to try his hand at the writing of satirical poetry, he made his way to Dresden in the fall of 1832 and from there to Vienna in 1834, where he worked fabricating artificial flowers and decorations for women's clothing. In the fall of 1837 Weitling emigrated to Paris, a city which he had visited two years before, he would remain there for four years, becoming involved in the radical political ideas of the day, in particular the writings of Fourier and Cabet.
After joining the League of the Just in 1837, Weitling joined Parisian workers in protests and street battles in 1839. Tristram Hunt called his doctrine "a emotional mix of Babouvist communism, chiliastic Christianity, millenarian populism": In conformity with the work of the Christian radical Felicité de Lamennais, Weitling urged installing communism by physical force with the help of a 40,000-strong army of ex-convicts. A prelapsarian community of goods and societal harmony would ensue, directed by Weitling himself. While Marx and Engels struggled with the intricacies of industrial capitalism and modern modes of production, Weitling revived the apocalyptic politics of the sixteenth-century Münster Anabaptists and their gory attempts to usher in the Second Coming. Much to Marx and Engels's annoyance, Weitling's giddy blend of evangelism and protocommunism attracted thousands of dedicated disciples across the Continent. In 1838, he published his first work, Die Menschheit, wie sie ist und wie sie sein sollte, translated into Hungarian and other languages.
In 1841, after the abortive rebellion of the Blanquists, he went to Switzerland, visiting Geneva and Langenthal in the Canton of Berne, settling in Zurich in 1843. At all these places, he promoted the doctrines of communism with his preaching and publications, including the 1842 work Garantien der Harmonie und Freiheit. Weitling's work Das Evangelium eines armen Sünders came out in 1845, but by this time the attention of the Swiss authorities had been attracted, he was arrested and prosecuted for revolutionary agitation, including blasphemy on account of having published a text which depicted Jesus Christ as both a communist and the illegitimate child of Mary. Found guilty, he was given a six-month sentence. On his release, he was deported back to Prussia, he resided for a time in Hamburg, but left on a journey which took him to London, Treves and New York City. In Weitling's 1847 book Gospel of Poor Sinners, he traced communism back to early Christianity. Upon the outbreak of the revolutions of 1848 in Germany, Weitling returned to Germany, preaching his communism to little effect.
When the revolutions failed in 1849, he returned to New York thus becoming one of the Forty-Eighters. His book Guarantees of Harmony and Freedom was praised by Bruno Bauer, Ludwig Feuerbach and Mikhail Bakunin, the latter of whom Weitling was to meet in Zürich in 1843. Karl Marx, in an article from 1844, referred to Weitling's work as the "vehement and brilliant literary debut of the German workers," Although John Spargo suggested that "what won from Marx this high-sounding praise was the fact that Weitling's appeals were addressed to the workers as a class", Marx himself emphasized Weitling's theoretical and philosophical "brilliance," which compared favorably to the more "economically" inclined English workers and the more practical "politically" oriented French workers. Weitling continued his activism on behalf of communism in the United States. In January 1850, he began the publication of Die Republik der Arbeiter. By the end of the year, it had a circulation of 4,000. Toward the end of his life he turned from activism to astronomical studies.
For seven years, he was register at Castle Garden. He received nine patents for improvements to sewing machines, among which were double stitch, button hole and embroidery attachments, he received a patent for a dress-trimming crimper which he had worked on for 17 years, on his deat
In political science, Marxism–Leninism was the official state ideology of the Soviet Union, of the parties of the Communist International, after their Bolshevisation, is the ideology of Stalinist political parties. As Stalin's synthesis of Leninism, the political praxis of Lenin, of Marxism, the politico-economic theories of Karl Marx, the purpose of Marxism–Leninism is the transformation of a capitalist state into a socialist state, by way of two-stage revolution and led by a vanguard party of professional revolutionaries, drawn from the proletariat. To realise the two-stage transformation of the state, the vanguard party establishes the dictatorship of the proletariat, which determines policy with democratic centralism. Politically, the Marxist–Leninist communist party is the vanguard for the organisation of a capitalist society into a socialist society, the lower stage of socio-economic development, progress towards the upper-stage communist society, stateless and classless. In the late 1920s, after the death of Lenin, Stalin established universal ideologic orthodoxy among the Communist Party, the USSR, the Communist International, with his coinage Marxism–Leninism, a term which redefined theories of Lenin and Marx to establish universal Marxist–Leninist praxis for the exclusive, geopolitical benefit of the USSR.
In the late 1930s, Stalin's official textbook The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, made the term Marxism–Leninism common, political-science usage among communists and non-communists. Critical of Stalin's political economy and single-party government in the USSR, the Italian Left-communist Amadeo Bordiga said that Marxism–Leninism was a form of political opportunism, which preserved rather than destroyed capitalism, because of the claim that the exchange of commodities would occur under socialism; the American Marxist Raya Dunayevskaya dismissed Marxism–Leninism as a type of state capitalism because: state ownership of the means of production is a form of state capitalism. In 1929, within five years of the death of Lenin, Stalin was the Government of the Soviet Union, a ruler who flouted and applied the socialist principles of Lenin and Marx as political expediencies used to realise his plans for the USSR and for world socialism. Stalin justified his régime's deviations from Lenin's practices with the book Concerning Questions of Leninism, in which Stalin represented Marxism–Leninism as a separate communist ideology, which featured an omniscient leader, hierarchies of one global communist party and communist vanguard parties in each country of the world.
Stalin's interpretations of Lenin and Marx became Stalinism, the official state ideology of the Soviet Union. As the Left Opposition to Stalin within the Communist Party and the Soviet government, Leon Trotsky and the Trotskyists argued that Stalin's Marxist–Leninist ideology contradicted Marxism and Leninism in theory and in practice, thus was illegitimate socialist philosophy for the practical implementation of Socialism in Russia. Moreover, within the Party, the Trotskyists identified their communist ideology as Bolshevik–Leninism, to politically differentiate their ideology from the ideology Stalin used to justify and implement his theory of Socialism in One Country. In Marxist political discourse the term Marxism–Leninism and connoting the theory and praxis of Stalinism, has two usages: praise of Joseph Stalin, by Stalinists who believe Stalin developed Lenin's legacy. Consequent to the Sino-Soviet split, in each socialist country, the Communist Party of China and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union each claimed to be the sole heir-and-successor to Stalin, regarding the correct interpretation of Marxism–Leninism, thus ideological leader of world communism.
In that vein, the History of the People's Republic of China represents Maoism as Mao Zedong's fundamental up-dating and adaptation of Leninism to Chinese conditions, in which revolutionary praxis is primary and ideologic orthodoxy is secondary. The Sino-Albanian split was caused by Socialist Albania's rejection of the PRC's Realpolitik of Sino–American rapprochement the Mao–Nixon meeting, which the anti-revisionist Albanian Labor Party perceived as an ideological betrayal of Mao's own Three Worlds Theory, which excluded such political relations of rapprochement. To the Albanians, the Chinese dealings with the U. S. were a lessening of Mao's practical commitments to proletarian internationalism. Enver Hoxha, the head of the Albanian Labor Party, theorised an anti-revisionist Marxism-Leninism referred to as Hoxhaism, which attempted to retain an'authentic' socialism in comparison to the post-Stalinist Soviet Union
International Workingmen's Association
The International Workingmen's Association called the First International, was an international organization which aimed at uniting a variety of different left-wing socialist and anarchist groups and trade unions that were based on the working class and class struggle. It was founded in 1864 in a workmen's meeting held in London, its first congress was held in 1866 in Geneva. In Europe, a period of harsh reaction followed the widespread Revolutions of 1848; the next major phase of revolutionary activity began twenty years with the founding of the IWA in 1864. At its peak, the IWA reported having 8 million members. In 1872, it split in two over conflicts between statist and anarchist factions and dissolved in 1876; the Second International was founded in 1889. Following the January Uprising in Poland in 1863, French and British workers started to discuss developing a closer working relationship. Henri Tolain, Joseph Perrachon and Charles Limousin visited London in July 1863, attending a meeting held in St. James's Hall in honour of the Polish uprising.
Here, there was discussion of the need for an international organization, which would amongst other things prevent the import of foreign workers to break strikes. In September 1864, some French delegates again visited London with the concrete aim of setting up a special committee for the exchange of information upon matters of interest to the workers of all lands. On 28 September, a great international meeting for the reception of the French delegates took place in St. Martin’s Hall in London; the meeting was attended by a wide array of European radicals, including English Owenites, followers of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Louis Auguste Blanqui and Polish nationalists, Italian republicans and German socialists. Included among the last-mentioned of this eclectic band was a somewhat obscure 46-year-old émigré journalist Karl Marx, who would soon come to play a decisive role in the organisation; the positivist historian Edward Spencer Beesly, a professor at London University, was in the chair. His speech pilloried the violent proceedings of the governments and referred to their flagrant breaches of international law and advocated a union of the workers of the world for the realisation of justice on earth.
George Odger, Secretary of the London Trades Council, read a speech calling for international co-operation. The meeting unanimously decided to found an international organisation of workers; the centre was to be in London, directed by a committee of 21, instructed to draft a programme and constitution. Most of the British members of the committee were drawn from the Universal League for the Material Elevation of the Industrious Classes and were noted trade-union leaders like Odger, George Howell, Cyrenus Osborne Ward and Benjamin Lucraft and included Owenites and Chartists; the French members were Victor Le Lubez and Bosquet. Italy was represented by Fontana. Other members were Louis Wolff, Johann Eccarius and at the foot of the list Marx, who participated in his individual capacity and did not speak during the meeting; this executive committee in turn selected a subcommittee to do the actual writing of the organisational programme—a group which included Marx and which met at his home about a week after the conclusion of the St. Martin's Hall assembly.
This subcommittee deferred the task of collective writing in favor of sole authorship by Marx and it was he who drew up the fundamental documents of the new organisation. On 5 October, the General Council was formed with co-opted additional members representing other nationalities, it was based at the headquarters of the Universal League for the Material Elevation of the Industrious Classes at 18 Greek Street. Different groups offered proposals for the organisation. Louis Wolff offered a proposal based on the rules and constitution of the Italian Workingmen’s Association and John Weston, an Owenite tabled a programme. Wolff left for Lubez rewrote it in a way which appalled Marx. Through deft manipulation of the sub-committee, Marx was left with all the papers and set about writing the Address to the Working Classes to, attached a simplified set of rules. At first, the IWA had male membership, although in April 1865 it was agreed that women could become members; the initial leadership was male.
At the IWA General Council meeting on 16 April 1867, a letter from the secularist speaker Harriet Law about women's rights was read and it was agreed to ask her if she would be willing to attend council meetings. On 25 June 1867, Law was admitted to the General Council and for the next five years was the only woman representative. Due to the wide variety of philosophies present in the First International, there was conflict from the start; the first objections to Marx's influence came from the mutualists, who opposed communism and statism. However, shortly after Mikhail Bakunin and his followers joined in 1868, the First International became polarised into two camps, with Marx and Bakunin as their respective figureheads; the clearest differences between the groups emerged over their proposed strategies for achieving their visions of socialism. The anarchists grouped around Bakunin favoured "direct economical struggle against capitalism, without interfering in the political parliamentary agitation".
Marxist thinking at that time focused on parliamentary activity. For example, when the new German Empire of 1871 introduced male suffrage, many German socialists became active in t
François-Noël Babeuf, known as Gracchus Babeuf, was a French political agitator and journalist of the French Revolutionary period. His newspaper Le tribun du peuple was best known for his advocacy for the poor and calling for a popular revolt against the Directory, the government of France, he was a leading advocate for democracy, the abolition of private property and the equality of results. He angered the authorities. In spite of the efforts of his Jacobin friends to save him, Babeuf was executed for his role in the Conspiracy of the Equals; the "Gracchus" nickname likened him to the ancient Roman tribunes of the people. Although the words "anarchist" and "communist" did not exist in Babeuf's lifetime, they have both been used by scholars to describe his ideas; the word "communism" was first used in English by Goodwyn Barmby in a conversation with those he described as the "disciples of Babeuf". He has been called "The First Revolutionary Communist." Babeuf was born at St. Nicaise near the town of Saint-Quentin.
His father, Claude Babeuf, had deserted the French Royal Army in 1738 for that of Maria Theresa of Austria rising to the rank of major. Amnestied in 1755, he returned to France, but soon sank into poverty, had to work as a casual labourer to support his wife and family; the hardships endured by Babeuf during his early years contributed to the development of his political opinions. His father gave him a basic education, but until the outbreak of the Revolution, he was a domestic servant, from 1785 occupied the office of commissaire à terrier, assisting the nobles and priests in the assertion of their feudal rights over the peasants. Accused of abandoning the feudal aristocracy, he would say that "the sun of the French Revolution" had brought him to view his "mother, the feudal system" as a "hydra with a hundred heads." Babeuf was working for a land surveyor at Roye. His father had died in 1780, he now had to provide for his wife and two children, as well as for his mother and sisters, he was a prolific writer, the signs of his future socialism are contained in a letter of 21 March 1787, one of a series on literature and addressed to the secretary of the Academy of Arras.
In 1789 he drew up the first article of the cahier of the electors of the bailliage of Roye, demanding the abolition of feudal rights. From July to October 1789, he lived in Paris, superintending the publication of his first work: Cadastre perpetuel, dedié a l'assemblée nationale, l'an 1789 et le premier de la liberté française, written in 1789 and issued in 1790; the same year he published a pamphlet against feudal aids and the gabelle, for which he was denounced and arrested, but provisionally released. In October, on his return to Roye, he founded the Correspondant Picard, a political journal that would have 40 issues. Babeuf used his journal to agitate for a progressive taxation system, condemned the "census suffrage" planned for the 1791 elections to the Legislative Assembly in which citizen votes would be weighted by their social standing. Due to his political activities, he was arrested on 19 May 1790, but released in July before the Fête de la Fédération, thanks to pressure exerted nationally by Jean-Paul Marat.
In November Babeuf was expelled. In March 1791, Babeuf was appointed commissioner to report on the national property in the town, in September 1792 was elected a member of the council-general of the département of the Somme. A rivalry with the principal administrator and deputy to the Convention, André Dumont, forced Babeuf to transfer to the post of administrator of the district of Montdidier. There he was accused of fraud for having altered a name in a deed of transfer of national lands; the error was due to negligence. Meanwhile he had been appointed secretary to the relief committee of the Paris Commune; the judges of Amiens pursued him with a warrant for his arrest, which took place in Brumaire of the year II. The Court of Cassation quashed the sentence, through defect of form, sent Babeuf for a new trial before the Aisne tribunal, which acquitted him on 18 July 1794, only days before the Thermidorian Reaction. Babeuf returned to Paris, on 3 September 1794 published the first issue of his Journal de la Liberté de la Presse, whose title was changed on 5 October 1794 to Le Tribun du Peuple.
The execution of Maximilien Robespierre on 28 July 1794 had ended the Reign of Terror and begun the White Terror. Babeuf – now self-styled Gracchus Babeuf – defended the fallen Terror politicians with the stated goal of achieving equality "in fact" and not only "by proclamation"; however about the Terror, he said "I object to this particular aspect of their system." Babeuf attacked the leaders of the Thermidorian Reaction and, from a socialist point of view, the economic outcome of the Revolution. He argued for the inclusion of women into the political clubs; this was an attitude which had few supporters in the Jacobin Club, in October Babeuf was arrested and imprisoned at Arras. Here he was influenced by political prisoners, notably Philippe Buonarroti, Simon Duplay, René-François Lebois, editor of the Journal de l'Égalité and afterwards of the L'Ami du peuple papers of Leclerc which carried on the traditions of Jean-Paul Marat. B
World revolution is the Marxist concept of overthrowing capitalism in all countries through the conscious revolutionary action of the organized working class. These revolutions would not occur but where and when local conditions allowed a revolutionary party to replace bourgeois ownership and rule, install a workers' state based on social ownership of the means of production. In most Marxist schools, such as Trotskyism, the international character of the class struggle and the necessity of global scope are critical elements and a chief explanation of the failure of socialism in one country; the end goal of such internationally oriented revolutionary socialism is to achieve world socialism, stateless communism. The October Revolution of 1917 in Russia sparked a revolutionary wave of socialist and communist uprisings across Europe, most notably the German Revolution, the Hungarian Revolution, Biennio Rosso and the revolutionary war in Finland with the short lived Finnish Socialist Workers' Republic, which made large gains and met with considerable success in the early stages.
In the years 1918-1919, it seemed plausible that capitalism would soon be swept from the European continent forever. Given the fact that European powers controlled the majority of Earth's land surface at the time, such an event could have meant the end of capitalism not just in Europe, but everywhere. Additionally, the Comintern, founded in March 1919, began as an independent international organization of communists from various countries around the world that evolved after the Russian Civil War into an Soviet-sponsored agency responsible for coordinating the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism worldwide. With the prospect of world revolution so close at hand, Marxists were dominated by a feeling of overwhelming optimism, which in the end proved to be quite premature; the European revolutions were crushed one by one, until the Russian revolutionaries found themselves to be the only survivors. Since they had been relying on the idea that an underdeveloped and agrarian country like Russia would be able to build socialism with help from successful revolutionary governments in the more industrialized parts of Europe, they found themselves in a crisis once it became clear that no such help would arrive.
After those events and up until the present day, the international situation never came quite so close to a world revolution again. As fascism grew in Europe in the 1930s, instead of immediate revolution, the Comintern opted for a Popular Front with liberal capitalists against fascism. A new upsurge of revolutionary feeling swept across Europe in the aftermath of World War II, though it was not as strong as the one triggered by World War I which resulted in failed revolution in Germany and a successful one in Russia. Communist parties in countries such as Greece and Italy had acquired significant prestige and public support due to their activity as leaders of anti-fascist resistance movements during the war. However, none managed to form a government. Communist parties in Eastern Europe, though they did win elections at around the same time, Western media criticized the lack of liberal democratic elements in their rise to power. Nonetheless, Communist movements in Eastern Europe proliferated with some local cases independent of the USSR, such as the Yugoslav Partisans, who were integral in repelling fascism during World War II.
Revolts across the world in the 1960s and early 1970s, coupled with the Chinese Cultural Revolution, the establishment of the New Left together with the Civil Rights Movement, the militancy of the Black Panther Party and similar armed/insurrectionary "Liberation Front" groups around the globe, a bit of a resurgence in the labor movement for a time once again made it seem to some as though world revolution was not only possible, but imminent. However, this radical left spirit ebbed by the mid-1970s, in 1980s and 1990s there was a return to certain right-wing, economically conservative ideologies and free-market reforms in China and in Vietnam. Within Marxist theory, Lenin's concept of the labor aristocracy and his description of imperialism, – separately, but not unrelatedly – Trotsky's theories regarding the deformed workers' state, offer several explanations as to why the world revolution has not occurred to the present day. Many groups still explicitly pursue the goal of worldwide communist revolution, calling it the truest expression of proletarian internationalism.
Communist revolution Permanent Revolution Proletarian internationalism Revolutionary wave Stateless communism Social Patriotism Workers of the world, unite! World communism
Libertarian Marxism refers to a broad scope of economic and political philosophies that emphasize the anti-authoritarian aspects of Marxism. Early currents of libertarian Marxism, known as left communism, emerged in opposition to Marxism–Leninism and its derivatives, such as Stalinism, Ceaușism and Maoism. Libertarian Marxism is often critical of reformist positions, such as those held by social democrats. Libertarian Marxist currents draw from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels' works the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France. Along with anarchism, libertarian Marxism is one of the main currents of libertarian socialism. Libertarian Marxism includes such currents as council communism, De Leonism, Socialisme ou Barbarie, Lettrism/Situationism and workerism/autonomism and parts of the New Left. Libertarian Marxism has had a strong influence on both post-left and social anarchists. Notable theorists of libertarian Marxism have included Anton Pannekoek, Raya Dunayevskaya, C. L. R. James, E. P. Thompson, Rosa Luxemburg, Antonio Negri, Cornelius Castoriadis, Maurice Brinton, Guy Debord, Daniel Guérin, Fredy Perlman, Ernesto Screpanti and Raoul Vaneigem.
Marxism started to develop a libertarian strand of thought after specific circumstances. "One does find early expressions of such perspectives in Morris and the Socialist Party of Great Britain again around the events of 1905, with the growing concern at the bureaucratisation and de-radicalisation of international socialism". William Morris established the Socialist League in December 1884, encouraged by Friedrich Engels and Eleanor Marx; as the leading figure in the organization Morris embarked on a relentless series of speeches and talks on street corners, in working men's clubs and lecture theatres across England and Scotland. From 1887, anarchists began to outnumber Marxists in the Socialist League; the 3rd Annual Conference of the League held in London on 29 May 1887 marked the change, with a majority of the 24 branch delegates voting in favor of an anarchist-sponsored resolution declaring: "This conference endorses the policy of abstention from parliamentary action, hitherto pursued by the League, sees no sufficient reason for altering it".
Morris played peacemaker, but sided with the anti-parliamentarians, who won control of the League, which lost the support of Engels and saw the departure of Eleanor Marx and her partner Edward Aveling to form the separate Bloomsbury Socialist Society. However, "the most important ruptures are to be traced to the insurgency during and after the First World War. Disillusioned with the capitulation of the social democrats, excited by the emergence of workers' councils, distanced from Leninism, many communists came to reject the claims of socialist parties and to put their faith instead in the masses". For these socialists, "he intuition of the masses in action can have more genius in it than the work of the greatest individual genius". Luxemburg's workerism and spontaneism are exemplary of positions taken up by the far-left of the period—Pannekoek, Roland Holst and Gorter in the Netherlands, Sylvia Pankhurst in Britain, Gramsci in Italy and Lukacs in Hungary. In these formulations, the dictatorship of the proletariat was to be the dictatorship of a class, "not of a party or of a clique".
However, within this line of thought, "he tension between anti-vanguardism and vanguardism has resolved itself in two diametrically opposed ways: the first involved a drift towards the party. The first course is exemplified most in Gramsci and Lukacs.... The second course is illustrated in the tendency, developing from the Dutch and German far-lefts, which inclined towards the complete eradication of the party form". In the emerging Soviet state, there appeared left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks which were a series of rebellions and uprisings against the Bolsheviks led or supported by left wing groups including Socialist Revolutionaries, Left Socialist Revolutionaries and anarchists; some were in support of the White Movement. The uprisings started in 1918 and continued through the Russian Civil War and after until 1922. In response, the Bolsheviks abandoned attempts to get these groups to join the government and suppressed them with force. For "many Marxian libertarian socialists, the political bankruptcy of socialist orthodoxy necessitated a theoretical break.
This break took a number of forms. The Bordigists and the SPGB championed a super-Marxian intransigence in theoretical matters. Other socialists made a return'behind Marx' to the anti-positivist programme of German idealism. Libertarian socialism has linked its anti-authoritarian political aspirations with this theoretical differentiation from orthodoxy.... Karl Korsch... remained a libertarian socialist for a large part of his life and because of the persistent urge towards theoretical openness in his work. Korsch rejected the eternal and static, he was obsessed by the essential role of practice in a theory's truth. For Korsch, no theory could escape history, not Marxism. In this vein, Korsch credited the stimulus for Marx's Capital to the movement of the oppressed classes". In rejecting both capitalism and the state, some libertarian socialists align themselves with anarchists in opposition to both capitalist representative democracy and to authoritarian forms of Marxism. Although anarchists and Marxists share an ultimate goal of a stateless society, anarchists critic