Origin of speech
The origin of speech refers to the more general problem of the origin of language in the context of the physiological development of the human speech organs such as the tongue and vocal organs used to produce phonological units in all human languages. Although related to the more general problem of the origin of language, the evolution of distinctively human speech capacities has become a distinct and in many ways separate area of scientific research; the topic is a separate one because language is not spoken: it can be written or signed. Speech is in this sense optional. Uncontroversially, monkeys and humans, like many other animals, have evolved specialised mechanisms for producing sound for purposes of social communication. On the other hand, no monkey or ape uses its tongue for such purposes. Our species' unprecedented use of the tongue and other moveable parts seems to place speech in a quite separate category, making its evolutionary emergence an intriguing theoretical challenge in the eyes of many scholars.
The term modality means the chosen representational format for encoding and transmitting information. A striking feature of language is. Should an impaired child be prevented from hearing or producing sound, its innate capacity to master a language may find expression in signing. Sign languages of the deaf are independently invented and have all the major properties of spoken language except for the modality of transmission. From this it appears that the language centres of the human brain must have evolved to function optimally irrespective of the selected modality. "The detachment from modality-specific inputs may represent a substantial change in neural organization, one that affects not only imitation but communication. This feature is extraordinary. Animal communication systems combine visible with audible properties and effects, but not one is modality-independent. No vocally impaired whale, dolphin or songbird, for example, could express its song repertoire in visual display. Indeed, in the case of animal communication and modality are not capable of being disentangled.
Whatever message is being conveyed stems from intrinsic properties of the signal. Modality independence should not be confused with the ordinary phenomenon of multimodality. Monkeys and apes rely on a repertoire of species-specific "gesture-calls" — expressive vocalisations inseparable from the visual displays which accompany them. Humans have species-specific gesture-calls — laughs, sobs and so forth — together with involuntary gestures accompanying speech. Many animal displays are polymodal in that each appears designed to exploit multiple channels simultaneously; the human linguistic property of "modality independence" is conceptually distinct from this. It allows the speaker to encode the informational content of a message in a single channel, while switching between channels as necessary. Modern city-dwellers switch effortlessly between the spoken word and writing in its various forms — handwriting, typing, e-mail and so forth. Whichever modality is chosen, it can reliably transmit the full message content without external assistance of any kind.
When talking on the telephone, for example, any accompanying facial or manual gestures, however natural to the speaker, are not necessary. When typing or manually signing, there's no need to add sounds. In many Australian Aboriginal cultures, a section of the population — women observing a ritual taboo — traditionally restrict themselves for extended periods to a silent version of their language; when released from the taboo, these same individuals resume narrating stories by the fireside or in the dark, switching to pure sound without sacrifice of informational content. Speaking is the default modality for language in all cultures. Humans' first recourse is to encode our thoughts in sound — a method which depends on sophisticated capacities for controlling the lips and other components of the vocal apparatus; the speech organs, everyone agrees, evolved in the first instance not for speech but for more basic bodily functions such as feeding and breathing. Nonhuman primates with different neural controls.
Apes use their flexible, maneuverable tongues for eating but not for vocalizing. When an ape is not eating, fine motor control over its tongue is deactivated. Either it is performing gymnastics with its tongue or it is vocalising. Since this applies to mammals in general, Homo sapiens is exceptional in harnessing mechanisms designed for respiration and ingestion to the radically different requirements of articulate speech; the word "language" derives from the Latin lingua, "tongue". Phoneticians agree. A natural language can be viewed as a particular way of using the tongue to express thought; the human tongue has an unusual shape. In most mammals, it's a long, flat structure contained within the mouth, it is attached at the rear to the hyoid bone, situated below oral level in the pharynx. In humans, the tongue has an circular sagittal contour, much of it lying vertically down an extended pharynx, where it is attached to a hyoid bone in a lowered position; as a result of this, the horizontal and vertical tubes forming the supralaryngeal vocal tract are equal in length (whereas in other species, the vertical se
Pragmatics is a subfield of linguistics and semiotics that studies the ways in which context contributes to meaning. Pragmatics encompasses speech act theory, conversational implicature, talk in interaction and other approaches to language behavior in philosophy, sociology and anthropology. Unlike semantics, which examines meaning, conventional or "coded" in a given language, pragmatics studies how the transmission of meaning depends not only on structural and linguistic knowledge of the speaker and listener, but on the context of the utterance, any pre-existing knowledge about those involved, the inferred intent of the speaker, other factors. In this respect, pragmatics explains how language users are able to overcome apparent ambiguity, since meaning relies on the manner, time, etc. of an utterance. The ability to understand another speaker's intended meaning is called pragmatic competence; the word pragmatics derives via Latin pragmaticus from the Greek πραγματικός, meaning amongst others "fit for action", which comes from πρᾶγμα, "deed, act", that from πράσσω, "to do, to act, to pass over, to practise, to achieve".
Pragmatics was a reaction to structuralist linguistics. In many cases, it expanded upon his idea that language has an analyzable structure, composed of parts that can be defined in relation to others. Pragmatics first engaged only in synchronic study, as opposed to examining the historical development of language. However, it rejected the notion that all meaning comes from signs existing purely in the abstract space of langue. Meanwhile, historical pragmatics has come into being; this field only gained linguists' attention in the 70s. This is; the study of the speaker's meaning, not focusing on the phonetic or grammatical form of an utterance, but instead on what the speaker's intentions and beliefs are. The study of the meaning in context, the influence that a given context can have on the message, it requires knowledge of the speaker's identities, the place and time of the utterance. The study of implicatures, i.e. the things that are communicated though they are not explicitly expressed. The study of relative distance, both social and physical, between speakers in order to understand what determines the choice of what is said and what is not said.
The study of what is not meant, as opposed to the intended meaning, i.e. that, unsaid and unintended, or unintentional. Information structure, the study of how utterances are marked in order to efficiently manage the common ground of referred entities between speaker and hearer Formal Pragmatics, the study of those aspects of meaning and use for which context of use is an important factor, by using the methods and goals of formal semantics; the sentence "You have a green light" is ambiguous. Without knowing the context, the identity of the speaker or the speaker's intent, it is difficult to infer the meaning with certainty. For example, it could mean: the space that belongs to you has green ambient lighting; the sentence "Sherlock saw the man with binoculars" could mean that Sherlock observed the man by using binoculars, or it could mean that Sherlock observed a man, holding binoculars. The meaning of the sentence depends on an understanding of the speaker's intent; as defined in linguistics, a sentence is an abstract entity—a string of words divorced from non-linguistic context—as opposed to an utterance, a concrete example of a speech act in a specific context.
The more conscious subjects stick to common words, idioms and topics, the more others can surmise their meaning. This suggests that sentences do not have intrinsic meaning, that there is no meaning associated with a sentence or word, that either can only represent an idea symbolically; the cat sat on the mat is a sentence in English. If someone were to say to someone else, "The cat sat on the mat," the act is itself an utterance; this implies that a sentence, expression or word cannot symbolically represent a single true meaning. By contrast, the meaning of an utterance can be inferred through knowledge of both its linguistic and non-linguistic contexts. In mathematics, with Berry's paradox, there arises a similar systematic ambiguity with the word "definable"; the referential uses of language are. A sign is the link or relationship between a signified and the signifier as defined by Saussure and Huguenin; the signified is some concept in the world. The signifier represents the signified. An example would be: Signified: the concept cat Signifier: the word "cat"The relationship between the two gives the sign meaning.
This relationship can be further explained by considering what we mean by "meaning." In pragmatics, there are two different types of meaning to consider: semantico-referential meaning and indexical meaning. Semantico-referential meaning refers to the aspect of meaning, which describes events in the world that are independent of the circumstance they are uttered in. An example would be propositions s
Computational linguistics is an interdisciplinary field concerned with the statistical or rule-based modeling of natural language from a computational perspective, as well as the study of appropriate computational approaches to linguistic questions. Traditionally, computational linguistics was performed by computer scientists who had specialized in the application of computers to the processing of a natural language. Today, computational linguists work as members of interdisciplinary teams, which can include regular linguists, experts in the target language, computer scientists. In general, computational linguistics draws upon the involvement of linguists, computer scientists, experts in artificial intelligence, logicians, cognitive scientists, cognitive psychologists, psycholinguists and neuroscientists, among others. Computational linguistics has applied components. Theoretical computational linguistics focuses on issues in theoretical linguistics and cognitive science, applied computational linguistics focuses on the practical outcome of modeling human language use.
The Association for Computational Linguistics defines computational linguistics as:...the scientific study of language from a computational perspective. Computational linguists are interested in providing computational models of various kinds of linguistic phenomena. Computational linguistics is grouped within the field of artificial intelligence, but was present before the development of artificial intelligence. Computational linguistics originated with efforts in the United States in the 1950s to use computers to automatically translate texts from foreign languages Russian scientific journals, into English. Since computers can make arithmetic calculations much faster and more than humans, it was thought to be only a short matter of time before they could begin to process language. Computational and quantitative methods are used in attempted reconstruction of earlier forms of modern languages and subgrouping modern languages into language families. Earlier methods such as lexicostatistics and glottochronology have been proven to be premature and inaccurate.
However, recent interdisciplinary studies which borrow concepts from biological studies gene mapping, have proved to produce more sophisticated analytical tools and more trustworthy results. When machine translation failed to yield accurate translations right away, automated processing of human languages was recognized as far more complex than had been assumed. Computational linguistics was born as the name of the new field of study devoted to developing algorithms and software for intelligently processing language data; the term "computational linguistics" itself was first coined by David Hays, founding member of both the Association for Computational Linguistics and the International Committee on Computational Linguistics. When artificial intelligence came into existence in the 1960s, the field of computational linguistics became that sub-division of artificial intelligence dealing with human-level comprehension and production of natural languages. In order to translate one language into another, it was observed that one had to understand the grammar of both languages, including both morphology and syntax.
In order to understand syntax, one had to understand the semantics and the lexicon, something of the pragmatics of language use. Thus, what started as an effort to translate between languages evolved into an entire discipline devoted to understanding how to represent and process natural languages using computers. Nowadays research within the scope of computational linguistics is done at computational linguistics departments, computational linguistics laboratories, computer science departments, linguistics departments; some research in the field of computational linguistics aims to create working speech or text processing systems while others aim to create a system allowing human-machine interaction. Programs meant for human-machine communication are called conversational agents. Just as computational linguistics can be performed by experts in a variety of fields and through a wide assortment of departments, so too can the research fields broach a diverse range of topics; the following sections discuss some of the literature available across the entire field broken into four main area of discourse: developmental linguistics, structural linguistics, linguistic production, linguistic comprehension.
Language is a cognitive skill. This developmental process has been examined using a number of techniques, a computational approach is one of them. Human language development does provide some constraints which make it harder to apply a computational method to understanding it. For instance, during language acquisition, human children are only exposed to positive evidence; this means that during the linguistic development of an individual, only evidence for what is a correct form is provided, not evidence for what is not correct. This is insufficient information for a simple hypothesis testing procedure for information as complex as language, so provides certain boundaries for a computational approach to modeling language development and acquisition in an individual. Attempts have been made to model the developmental process of language acquisition in children from a computational angle, leading to both statistical grammars and connectionist models. Work in this realm has been proposed as a method to explain the evolution of language through history.
Using models, it has been shown that languages
In linguistics, morphology is the study of words, how they are formed, their relationship to other words in the same language. It analyzes the structure of words and parts of words, such as stems, root words and suffixes. Morphology looks at parts of speech and stress, the ways context can change a word's pronunciation and meaning. Morphology differs from morphological typology, the classification of languages based on their use of words, lexicology, the study of words and how they make up a language's vocabulary. While words, along with clitics, are accepted as being the smallest units of syntax, in most languages, if not all, many words can be related to other words by rules that collectively describe the grammar for that language. For example, English speakers recognize that the words dog and dogs are related, differentiated only by the plurality morpheme "-s", only found bound to noun phrases. Speakers of English, a fusional language, recognize these relations from their innate knowledge of English's rules of word formation.
They infer intuitively. By contrast, Classical Chinese has little morphology, using exclusively unbound morphemes and depending on word order to convey meaning; these are understood as grammars. The rules understood by a speaker reflect specific patterns or regularities in the way words are formed from smaller units in the language they are using, how those smaller units interact in speech. In this way, morphology is the branch of linguistics that studies patterns of word formation within and across languages and attempts to formulate rules that model the knowledge of the speakers of those languages. Phonological and orthographic modifications between a base word and its origin may be partial to literacy skills. Studies have indicated that the presence of modification in phonology and orthography makes morphologically complex words harder to understand and that the absence of modification between a base word and its origin makes morphologically complex words easier to understand. Morphologically complex words are easier to comprehend.
Polysynthetic languages, such as Chukchi, have words composed of many morphemes. The Chukchi word "təmeyŋəlevtpəγtərkən", for example, meaning "I have a fierce headache", is composed of eight morphemes t-ə-meyŋ-ə-levt-pəγt-ə-rkən that may be glossed; the morphology of such languages allows for each consonant and vowel to be understood as morphemes, while the grammar of the language indicates the usage and understanding of each morpheme. The discipline that deals with the sound changes occurring within morphemes is morphophonology; the history of morphological analysis dates back to the ancient Indian linguist Pāṇini, who formulated the 3,959 rules of Sanskrit morphology in the text Aṣṭādhyāyī by using a constituency grammar. The Greco-Roman grammatical tradition engaged in morphological analysis. Studies in Arabic morphology, conducted by Marāḥ al-arwāḥ and Aḥmad b. ‘alī Mas‘ūd, date back to at least 1200 CE. The linguistic term "morphology" was coined by August Schleicher in 1859; the term "word" has no well-defined meaning.
Instead, two related terms are used in morphology: word-form. A lexeme is a set of inflected word-forms, represented with the citation form in small capitals. For instance, the lexeme eat contains the word-forms eat, eats and ate. Eat and eats are thus considered. Eat and Eater, on the other hand, are different lexemes. Thus, there are three rather different notions of ‘word’. Here are examples from other languages of the failure of a single phonological word to coincide with a single morphological word form. In Latin, one way to express the concept of'NOUN-PHRASE1 and NOUN-PHRASE2' is to suffix'-que' to the second noun phrase: "apples oranges-and", as it were. An extreme level of this theoretical quandary posed by some phonological words is provided by the Kwak'wala language. In Kwak'wala, as in a great many other languages, meaning relations between nouns, including possession and "semantic case", are formulated by affixes instead of by independent "words"; the three-word English phrase, "with his club", where'with' identifies its dependent noun phrase as an instrument and'his' denotes a possession relation, would consist of two words or just one word in many languages.
Unlike most languages, Kwak'wala semantic affixes phonologically attach not to the lexeme they pertain to semantically, but to the preceding lexeme. Consider the following example:kwixʔid-i-da bəgwanəmai-χ-a q'asa-s-isi t'alwagwayu Morpheme by morpheme translation: kwixʔid-i-da = clubbed-PIVOT-DETERMINERbəgwanəma-χ-a = man-ACCUSATIVE-DETERMINERq'asa-s-is = otter-INSTRUMENTAL-3SG-POSSESSIVEt'alwagwayu = club"the man clubbed the otter with his club."That is, to the speaker of Kwak'wala, the sentence does not contain the "words"'him-the-otter' or'with-his-club' Instead, the markers -i-da, referring to "man", attaches not to the noun bəgwanəma but to the verb.
Forensic linguistics, legal linguistics, or language and the law, is the application of linguistic knowledge and insights to the forensic context of law, crime investigation and judicial procedure. It is a branch of applied linguistics. There are principally three areas of application for linguists working in forensic contexts: understanding language of the written law, understanding language use in forensic and judicial processes, the provision of linguistic evidence; the discipline of forensic linguistics is not homogenous. The phrase forensic linguistics first appeared in 1968 when Jan Svartvik, a professor of linguistics, used it in an analysis of statements by Timothy John Evans, it was in regard to re-analyzing the statements given to police at Notting Hill police station, England, in 1949 in the case of an alleged murder by Evans. Evans was tried and hanged for the crime. Yet, when Svartvik studied the statements given by Evans, he found that there were different stylistic markers involved, Evans did not give the statements to the police officers as had been stated at the trial.
Sparked by this case, early forensic linguistics in the UK were focused on questioning the validity of police interrogations. As seen in numerous famous cases, many of the major concerns were of the statements police officers used. Numerous times, the topic of police register came up – this meaning the type of stylist language and vocabulary used by officers of the law when transcribing witness statements. Moving to the US and the beginnings of the field of forensic linguistics, the field began with the 1963 case of Ernesto Miranda, his case led to the creation of Miranda Rights and pushed focus of forensic linguistics on witness questioning rather than police statements. Various cases came about that challenged whether or not suspects understood what their rights meant – leading to a distinction of coercive versus voluntary interrogations. During the early days of forensic linguistics in the United Kingdom, the legal defense for many criminal cases questioned the authenticity of police statements.
At the time, customary police procedure for taking suspects' statements dictated that it be in a specific format, rather than in the suspect's own words. Statements by witnesses are seldom made in a coherent or orderly fashion, with speculation and backtracking done out loud; the delivery is too fast-paced, causing important details to be left out. Forensic linguistics can be traced back as early as a 1927 to a ransom note in New York; as the Associated Press reported in "Think Corning Girl Wrote Ransom Note" "Duncan McLure, of Johnson City uncle of the girl, is the only member of the family to spell his name'McLure' instead of'McClure.' The letter he received from the kidnappers, was addressed to him by the proper name, indicating that the writer was familiar with the difference in spelling." Other work of forensic linguistics in the United States concerned the rights of individuals with regard to understanding their Miranda rights during the interrogation process. An early application of forensic linguistics in the United States was related to the status of trademarks as words or phrases in the language.
One of the bigger cases involved fast food giant McDonald's claiming that it had originated the process of attaching unprotected words to the'Mc' prefix and was unhappy with Quality Inns International's intention of opening a chain of economy hotels to be called'McSleep'. In the 1980s, Australian linguists discussed the application of linguistics and sociolinguistics to legal issues, they discovered. Aboriginal people have their own understanding and use of'English', something, not always appreciated by speakers of the dominant version of English, i.e.'white English'. The Aboriginal people bring their own culturally-based interactional styles to the interview; the 2000s saw a considerable shift in the field of forensic linguistics, described as a coming-of-age of the discipline. Not only does the field have professional associations such as the International Association of Forensic Linguistics founded in 1993, the Austrian Association for Legal Linguistics founded in 2017, it can now provide the scientific community with a range of textbooks such as Coulthard and Johnson and Olsson.
The range of topics within forensic linguistics is diverse, but research occurs in the following areas: The study of the language of legal texts encompasses a wide range of forensic texts. That includes the study of text forms of analysis. Any text or item of spoken language can be a forensic text when it is used in a legal or criminal context; this includes analysing the linguistics of documents as diverse as Acts of Parliament, private wills, court judgements and summonses and the statutes of other bodies, such as States and government departments. One important area is that of the transformative effect of Norman French and Ecclesiastic Latin on the development of the English common law, the evolution of the legal specifics associated with it, it can refer to the ongoing attempts at making legal language more comprehensible to laypeople. A forensic linguistics understanding of the relationship between language and law has been voiced by Leisser who states that "It is indeed hard to deny that the rule of law is in fact the rule of language.
It seems that there cannot be law witho
Phonology is a branch of linguistics concerned with the systematic organization of sounds in spoken languages and signs in sign languages. It used to be only the study of the systems of phonemes in spoken languages, but it may cover any linguistic analysis either at a level beneath the word or at all levels of language where sound or signs are structured to convey linguistic meaning. Sign languages have a phonological system equivalent to the system of sounds in spoken languages; the building blocks of signs are specifications for movement and handshape. The word'phonology' can refer to the phonological system of a given language; this is one of the fundamental systems which a language is considered to comprise, like its syntax and its vocabulary. Phonology is distinguished from phonetics. While phonetics concerns the physical production, acoustic transmission and perception of the sounds of speech, phonology describes the way sounds function within a given language or across languages to encode meaning.
For many linguists, phonetics belongs to descriptive linguistics, phonology to theoretical linguistics, although establishing the phonological system of a language is an application of theoretical principles to analysis of phonetic evidence. Note that this distinction was not always made before the development of the modern concept of the phoneme in the mid 20th century; some subfields of modern phonology have a crossover with phonetics in descriptive disciplines such as psycholinguistics and speech perception, resulting in specific areas like articulatory phonology or laboratory phonology. The word phonology comes from phōnḗ, "voice, sound," and the suffix - logy. Definitions of the term vary. Nikolai Trubetzkoy in Grundzüge der Phonologie defines phonology as "the study of sound pertaining to the system of language," as opposed to phonetics, "the study of sound pertaining to the act of speech". More Lass writes that phonology refers broadly to the subdiscipline of linguistics concerned with the sounds of language, while in more narrow terms, "phonology proper is concerned with the function and organization of sounds as linguistic items."
According to Clark et al. it means the systematic use of sound to encode meaning in any spoken human language, or the field of linguistics studying this use. Early evidence for a systematic study of the sounds in a language appears in the 4th century BCE Ashtadhyayi, a Sanskrit grammar composed by Pāṇini. In particular the Shiva Sutras, an auxiliary text to the Ashtadhyayi, introduces what may be considered a list of the phonemes of the Sanskrit language, with a notational system for them, used throughout the main text, which deals with matters of morphology and semantics; the study of phonology as it exists today is defined by the formative studies of the 19th-century Polish scholar Jan Baudouin de Courtenay, who shaped the modern usage of the term phoneme in a series of lectures in 1876-1877. The word phoneme had been coined a few years earlier in 1873 by the French linguist A. Dufriche-Desgenettes. In a paper read at the 24th of May meeting of the Société de Linguistique de Paris, Dufriche-Desgenettes proposed that phoneme serve as a one-word equivalent for the German Sprachlaut.
Baudouin de Courtenay's subsequent work, though unacknowledged, is considered to be the starting point of modern phonology. He worked on the theory of phonetic alternations, may have had an influence on the work of Saussure according to E. F. K. Koerner. An influential school of phonology in the interwar period was the Prague school. One of its leading members was Prince Nikolai Trubetzkoy, whose Grundzüge der Phonologie, published posthumously in 1939, is among the most important works in the field from this period. Directly influenced by Baudouin de Courtenay, Trubetzkoy is considered the founder of morphophonology, although this concept had been recognized by de Courtenay. Trubetzkoy developed the concept of the archiphoneme. Another important figure in the Prague school was Roman Jakobson, one of the most prominent linguists of the 20th century. In 1968 Noam Chomsky and Morris Halle published The Sound Pattern of English, the basis for generative phonology. In this view, phonological representations are sequences of segments made up of distinctive features.
These features were an expansion of earlier work by Roman Jakobson, Gunnar Fant, Morris Halle. The features describe aspects of articulation and perception, are from a universally fixed set, have the binary values + or −. There are at least two levels of representation: underlying representation and surface phonetic representation. Ordered phonological rules govern how underlying representation is transformed into the actual pronunciation. An important consequence of the influence SPE had on phonological theory was the downplaying of the syllable and the emphasis on segments. Furthermore, the generativists folded morphophonology into phonology, which both solved and created problems. Natural phonology is a theory based on the publications of its proponent David Stampe in 1969 and in 1979. In this view, phonology is based on a set of universal phonological p