Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention, 1957
Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention, 1957 is an International Labour Organization Convention within the United Nations, established in 1957. Its primary focus is to recognize and protect the cultural, religious and social rights of indigenous and tribal populations within an independent country, to provide a standard framework for addressing the economic issues that many of these groups face. Today this Convention, C107, is considered outdated in the protection of indigenous rights by the ILO organization. In 1989, the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 was written with the purpose of revising it; the new convention has been ratified by twenty countries, including some that denounced the 1957 convention. In the body of the more recent convention, we read, " Considering that the developments which have taken place in international law since 1957, as well as developments in the situation of indigenous and tribal peoples in all regions of the world, have made it appropriate to adopt new international standards on the subject with a view to removing the assimilationist orientation of the earlier standards ".
The convention applies to members of a tribal population whose social and economic conditions are at a less advanced stage than other sections of the nation state and have their own customs and traditions. These tribal populations are people who are regarded as indigenous as they are the descendants of the original inhabitants of the region "...at the time of conquest, or colonization..." and who live more in common with their historical traditions and tribal institutions, than with the institutions of the nation state to which they belong. "Self-identification as indigenous..." is the criteria to which this convention would apply. The convention requires that the nation state work with indigenous groups to create a legal framework for protecting the legal rights of the indigenous groups; these actions include ensuring that the indigenous individuals have the same rights as the non-indigenous, to recognize and help preserve the traditions and cultural identity of the indigenous groups. Further actions include helping to remove economic gaps between the indigenous and other members of the nation state.
The convention maintains that indigenous and tribal peoples shall enjoy human rights and freedoms without discrimination, including gender discrimination. The nation state will adopt protections for the "...safeguarding the persons, property, labour and environment of the peoples concerned." These measures are not to be in conflict with the wishes of the people concerned, such safeguards will not be at the expense of the general rights of citizenship of the indigenous peoples. These articles support articles 1-4, giving methods for carrying out the general policy of the convention; the indigenous and tribal populations shall have right of ownership over lands that they populations have traditionally occupied. 1. The indigenous and tribal populations shall not be removed without their free consent from their historical territories except regarding national laws, national security issues, national economic development, or for the health of the indigenous populations.2. If removal of these populations is necessary, they shall be given lands of equal quality to the lands occupied by them, suitable to provide for their present needs and future development.3.
Persons thus removed shall be compensated for any resulting loss or injury. 1. Traditional customs of the transfer of land ownership rights shall be respected by the nation state "...within the framework of national laws and regulations... and do not hinder their economic and social development."2. "Arrangements shall be made to prevent persons who are not members of the populations concerned from taking advantage of these customs or of lack of understanding of the laws on the part of the members of these populations to secure the ownership or use of the lands belonging to such members". National state farm programs shall provide the necessary land needed for the indigiouns groups to provide "...the essentials of a normal existence", "...promote the development of the lands which these populations possess." This clause deals with the rights of access to full and occupationally safe employment, without fear of discrimination, under the same conditions as of the rest of the population, provides for the right to join legal trade unions, with access to "medical and social assistance..." and adequate housing.
"Persons belonging to the populations concerned shall enjoy the same opportunities as other citizens in respect of vocational training facilities." If there are no vocational training programs in place for this population, the government will provide them. After a careful study of the economic environment and the "...stage of cultural development" and practical needs of the indigenous population, the government shall provide vocational training programs for them. These special training facilities shall be provided for "...only so long as the stage of cultural development of the populations concerned requires them," until they are replaced by the facilities provided for other citizens. 1. Handicrafts and rural industries shall be encouraged for economic development in a manner which will enable these populations to raise their standard of living, "...in a manner which preserves the cultural heritage of these populations and improves their artistic values and particular modes of cultural expression."
Government social security programs shall be extended to all wage earners and other persons belonging to these populations. Governments will provide adequate health services for the populations concerned, based on studies of their social and cultural conditions. Equal educational opportuniti
Indigenous Peoples Council on Biocolonialism
The Indigenous Peoples Council on Biocolonialism is a non-profit organization based in Nixon, Nevada for the purpose of political activism against the emergent field of population genetics for human migration research. The term "biocolonialism" is a neologism —a portmanteau of "bio-" and "colonialism" —used by the IPCB to pejoratively characterise population genetics research as part of invasive and destructive assimilation against indigenous peoples; the group claims to advocate for the interests of indigenous peoples, to assist "in the protection of their genetic resources, indigenous knowledge and human rights from the negative effects of biotechnology." In particular, the IPCB's protests were based on a rejection of participating in scientific research that would negate or otherwise contradict traditional Native American accounts and narratives about their ancestral origins, lend support to other alternate views. IPCB was a signatory of the Indigenous Peoples' Seattle Declaration in 1999.
The IPCB was founded in 1999 by the current Executive Director Debra Harry, following her growing concerns over a perceived impact of genetic colonialism on the lives of indigenous peoples. The organization objects to genetic variation research on isolated populations, as well as its prospective commercial exploration. In 2005 and 2006, the group protested against the National Geographic's Genographic Project. Convention on Biological Diversity George Annas, a director of IPCB Jonathan Marks, a director of IPCB Stuart Newman, a director of IPCB Chris Richards, Interview with Debra Harry and the Indigenous Peoples Council on Biocolonialism, New Internationalist, December 2005 accessed at August 4, 2006 Statements by organizations representing indigenous and local communities, on Convention on Biological Diversity website, accessed at August 4, 2006 IPCB - Official website
Bureau of Indian Affairs
The Bureau of Indian Affairs is an agency of the federal government of the United States within the U. S. Department of the Interior, it is responsible for the administration and management of 55,700,000 acres of land held in trust by the United States for Native Americans in the United States, Native American Tribes and Alaska Natives. The BIA is one of two bureaus under the jurisdiction of the Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs: the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Bureau of Indian Education, which provides education services to 48,000 Native Americans; the BIA’s responsibilities included providing health care to American Indians and Alaska Natives. In 1954 that function was transferred to the Department of Health and Welfare, it is now known as the Indian Health Service. Located in Washington, D. C. the BIA is headed by a bureau director. The current assistant secretary is Tara Sweeney; the BIA oversees 567 federally recognized tribes through 4 offices: Office of Indian Services: operates the BIA’s general assistance, disaster relief, Indian child welfare, tribal government, Indian Self-Determination, Indian Reservation Roads Program.
Office of Justice Services: directly operates or funds law enforcement, tribal courts, detention facilities on federal Indian lands. OJS funded 208 law enforcement agencies, consisting of 43 BIA-operated police agencies, 165 tribally operated agencies under contract, or compact with the OJS; the office has seven areas of activity: Criminal Investigations and Police Services, Detention/Corrections, Inspection/Internal Affairs, Tribal Law Enforcement and Special Initiatives, the Indian Police Academy, Tribal Justice Support, Program Management. The OJS provides oversight and technical assistance to tribal law enforcement programs when and where requested, it operates four divisions: Corrections, Drug Enforcement, the Indian Police Academy, Law Enforcement. Office of Trust Services: works with tribes and individual American Indians and Alaska Natives in the management of their trust lands and resources; the Office of Field Operations: oversees 12 regional offices. Agencies to relate to Native Americans had existed in the U.
S. government since 1775, when the Second Continental Congress created a trio of Indian-related agencies. Benjamin Franklin and Patrick Henry were appointed among the early commissioners to negotiate treaties with Native Americans to obtain their neutrality during the American Revolutionary War. In 1789, the U. S. Congress placed Native American relations within the newly formed War Department. By 1806 the Congress had created a Superintendent of Indian Trade, or "Office of Indian Trade" within the War Department, charged with maintaining the factory trading network of the fur trade; the post was held by Thomas L. McKenney from 1816 until the abolition of the factory system in 1822; the government licensed traders to have some control in Indian territories and gain a share of the lucrative trade. The abolition of the factory system left a vacuum within the U. S. government regarding Native American relations. The Bureau of Indian Affairs was formed on March 11, 1824, by Secretary of War John C.
Calhoun, who created the agency as a division within his department, without authorization from the United States Congress. He appointed McKenney as the first head of the office. McKenney preferred to call it the "Indian Office", whereas the current name was preferred by Calhoun. In 1832 Congress established the position of Commissioner of Indian Affairs. In 1849 Indian Affairs was transferred to the U. S. Department of the Interior. In 1869, Ely Samuel Parker was the first Native American to be appointed as commissioner of Indian affairs. One of the most controversial policies of the Bureau of Indian Affairs was the late 19th to early 20th century decision to educate native children in separate boarding schools, with an emphasis on assimilation that prohibited them from using their indigenous languages and cultures, it emphasized being educated to European-American culture. The bureau was renamed from Office of Indian Affairs to Bureau of Indian Affairs in 1947. With the rise of American Indian activism in the 1960s and 1970s and increasing demands for enforcement of treaty rights and sovereignty, the 1970s were a turbulent period of BIA history.
The rise of activist groups such as the American Indian Movement worried the U. S. government. As a branch of the U. S. government with personnel on Indian reservations, BIA police were involved in political actions such as: The occupation of BIA headquarters in Washington, D. C. in 1972: On November 3, 1972, a group of around 500 American Indians with the AIM took over the BIA building, the culmination of their Trail of Broken Treaties walk. They intended to bring attention to American Indian issues, including their demands for renewed negotiation of treaties, enforcement of treaty rights and improvement in living standards, they occupied the Department of Interior headquarters from November 3 to November 9, 1972. Feeling the government was ignoring them, the protesters vandalized the building. After a week, the protesters left. Many records were lost, destroyed or stolen, including irreplaceable treati
Indigenous rights are those rights that exist in recognition of the specific condition of the indigenous peoples. This includes not only the most basic human rights of physical survival and integrity, but the preservation of their land, language and other elements of cultural heritage that are a part of their existence as a people; this can be used as an expression for advocacy of social organizations or form a part of the national law in establishing the relation between a government and the right of self-determination among the indigenous people living within the borders of Canada, or in international law as a protection against violation of indigenous rights by actions of governments or groups of private interests. Indigenous rights belong to those who, being indigenous peoples, are defined by being the original people of a land, conquested and colonized by outsiders. Who is a part of the indigenous peoples is disputed, but can broadly be understood in relation to colonialism; when we speak of indigenous peoples we speak of those pre-colonial societies that face a specific threat from this phenomenon of occupation, the relation that these societies have with the colonial powers.
The exact definition of who are the indigenous people, the consequent state of rightsholders, varies. It is considered both to be bad to be too inclusive. In the context of modern indigenous people of European colonial powers, the recognition of indigenous rights can be traced to at least the period of Renaissance. Along with the justification of colonialism with a higher purpose for both the colonists and colonized, some voices expressed concern over the way indigenous peoples were treated and the effect it had on their societies. In the Spanish Empire, the crown established the General Indian Court in Mexico and in Peru, with jurisdiction over cases involving the indigenous and aimed at protecting Indians from ill-treatment. Indians' access to the court was enabled by a small tax; the issue of indigenous rights is associated with other levels of human struggle. Due to the close relationship between indigenous peoples' cultural and economic situations and their environmental settings, indigenous rights issues are linked with concerns over environmental change and sustainable development.
According to scientists and organizations like the Rainforest Foundation, the struggle for indigenous peoples is essential for solving the problem of reducing carbon emission, approaching the threat on both cultural and biological diversity in general. The rights and identity of indigenous peoples are apprehended and observed quite differently from government to government. Various organizations exist with charters to in one way or another promote indigenous aspirations, indigenous societies have banded together to form bodies which jointly seek to further their communal interests. There are several non-governmental civil society movements, networks and non-indigenous organizations whose founding mission is to protect indigenous rights, including land rights; these organizations and groups underline that the problems that indigenous peoples are facing is the lack of recognition that they are entitled to live the way they choose, lack of the right to their lands and territories. Their mission is to protect the rights of indigenous peoples without states imposing their ideas of "development".
These groups say that each indigenous culture is differentiated, rich of religious believe systems, way of life and arts, that the root of problem would be the interference with their way of living by state's disrespect to their rights, as well as the invasion of traditional lands by multinational corporations and small businesses for exploitation of natural resources. Indigenous peoples and their interests are represented in the United Nations through the mechanisms of the Working Group on Indigenous Populations. In April 2000 the United Nations Commission on Human Rights adopted a resolution to establish the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues as an advisory body to the Economic and Social Council with a mandate to review indigenous issues. In late December 2004, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed 2005–2014 to be the Second International Decade of the World's Indigenous People; the main goal of the new decade will be to strengthen international cooperation around resolving the problems faced by indigenous peoples in areas such as culture, health, human rights, the environment, social and economic development.
In September 2007, after a process of preparations and negotiations stretching back to 1982, the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The non-binding declaration outlines the individual and collective rights of indigenous peoples, as well as their rights to identity, language, health and other issues. Four nations with significant indigenous populations voted against the declaration: the United States, New Zealand and Australia. All four have since changed their vote in favour. Eleven nations abstained: Azerbaijan, Bhutan, Colombia, Kenya, Russia and Ukraine. Thirty-four nations did not vote. ILO 169 is a convention of the International Labour Organization. Once ratified by a state, it is meant to work as a law protecting tribal people's rights. There are twenty-two physical survival and integrity, but the preservation of their land and religion rights; the ILO is represents indigenous rights as they are the organisation that enforced instruments the deal with
Traditional knowledge, indigenous knowledge and local knowledge refer to knowledge systems embedded in the cultural traditions of regional, indigenous, or local communities. Traditional knowledge includes types of knowledge about traditional technologies of subsistence, midwifery and ecological knowledge, traditional medicine, celestial navigation, ethnoastronomy and others; these kinds of knowledge, crucial for subsistence and survival, are based on accumulations of empirical observation and on interaction with the environment. In many cases, traditional knowledge has been orally passed for generations from person to person; some forms of traditional knowledge find expression in stories, folklore, rituals and laws. Other forms of traditional knowledge are expressed through other means. A report of the International Council for Science Study Group on Science and Traditional Knowledge characterises traditional knowledge as: "a cumulative body of knowledge, know-how and representations maintained and developed by peoples with extended histories of interaction with the natural environment.
These sophisticated sets of understandings and meanings are part and parcel of a cultural complex that encompasses language and classification systems, resource use practices, ritual and worldview." Traditional knowledge distinguishes one community from another. In some communities, traditional knowledge takes on spiritual meanings. Traditional knowledge can reflect a community's interests; some communities depend on their traditional knowledge for survival. This is true of traditional environmental knowledge, which refers to a "particular form of place-based knowledge of the diversity and interactions among plant and animal species, landforms and other qualities of the biophysical environment in a given place". An exemplar of a society with a wealth of traditional ecological knowledge, the South American Kayapo people, have developed an extensive classification system of ecological zones of the Amazonian tropical savannah to better manage the land; some social scientists conceptualise knowledge within a naturalistic framework and emphasize the gradation of recent knowledge into knowledge acquired over many generations.
These accounts use terms like "adaptively acquired knowledge", "socially constructed knowledge," and other terms that emphasize the social aspects of knowledge. Local knowledge and traditional knowledge may be thought of as distinguished by the length of time they have existed - decades to centuries versus millennia. A large number of scholarly studies in the naturalistic tradition demonstrate that traditional knowledge is not a natural category, may reflect power struggles and relationships for land and social control rather than adherence to a claimed ancestry or heritage. On the other hand and local communities themselves may perceive traditional knowledge differently; the knowledge of indigenous and local communities is embedded in a cosmology, any distinction between "intangible" knowledge and physical things can become blurred. Indigenous peoples say that "our knowledge is holistic, cannot be separated from our lands and resources". Traditional knowledge in such cosmologies is inextricably bound to ancestors, ancestral lands.
Knowledge may not be acquired by naturalistic trial and error, but through direct revelation through conversations with "the creator", spirits, or ancestors. Chamberlin writes of a Gitksan elder from British Columbia confronted by a government land-claim: "If this is your land," he asked, "where are your stories?"Indigenous and local communities do not have strong traditions of ownership over knowledge that resemble the modern forms of private ownership. Many have clear traditions of custodianship over knowledge, customary law may guide who may use different kinds of knowledge at particular times and places, specify obligations that accompany the use of knowledge. From an indigenous perspective and misuse of knowledge may be offensive to traditions, may have spiritual and physical repercussions in indigenous cosmological systems. Indigenous and local communities argue that others' use of their traditional knowledge warrants respect and sensitivity. Critics of "traditional knowledge", see such demands for "respect" as an attempt to prevent unsubstantiated beliefs from being subjected to the same scrutiny as other knowledge-claims.
This has particular significance for environmental management because the spiritual component of "traditional knowledge" can justify any activity, including the unsustainable harvesting of resources. International attention has turned to intellectual property laws to preserve and promote traditional knowledge. In 1992, the Convention on Biological Diversity recognized the value of traditional knowledge in protecting species and landscapes, incorporated language regulating access to it and its use, it was soon urged that implementing these provisions would require revision of international intellectual property agreements. This became more pressing with the adoption of the World Trade Organization Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, which established rules for creating and protecting intellectual property that could be interpreted to conflict with the agreements made under the CBD. In response, the states who had ratified the CBD requested the World Intellectual Property Organization to investigate the relationship between intellectual property rights, biodiversity an
Fernando Henrique Cardoso
Fernando Henrique Cardoso known by his initials FHC, is a Brazilian sociologist and politician who served as the 34th President of Brazil from January 1, 1995 to December 31, 2002. He was the first Brazilian president to be reelected for a subsequent term. An accomplished scholar noted for research on slavery and political theory, Cardoso has earned many honors including the Prince of Asturias Award for International Cooperation and the Kluge Prize from the US Library of Congress. Cardoso descends from wealthy Portuguese immigrants; some were politicians during the Empire of Brazil. He is of black African descent, through a black great-great-grandmother and a mulatto great-grandmother. Cardoso described himself as "slightly mulatto" and said he has "a foot in the kitchen". Born in Rio de Janeiro, he lived in São Paulo for most of his life. Cardoso is a widower, married to Ruth Vilaça Correia Leite Cardoso, an anthropologist, from 1953 until her death on June 24, 2008. Educated as a sociologist, he was a professor of political science and sociology at the Universidade de São Paulo. and president of the International Sociological Association, from 1982 to 1986.
He is a member of the Institute for Advanced Study, an honorary foreign member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and has written several books. He was Associate Director of Studies in the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales in Paris visiting professor at the Collège de France and Paris-Nanterre University, he gave lectures at British and US universities including Cambridge University, Stanford University, Brown University and the University of California, Berkeley. He is fluent in Portuguese, English and Spanish. After his presidency, he was appointed to a five-year term as professor-at-large at Brown University's Watson Institute for International Studies, where he is now on the board of overseers. Cardoso is a founding member of the University of Southern California Center on Public Diplomacy's Advisory Board. In February 2005, he gave the fourth annual Kissinger Lecture on Foreign Policy and International Relations at the Library of Congress, Washington DC on "Dependency and Development in Latin America.
In 2005, Cardoso was selected by the British magazine Prospect as being one of the world's top one hundred living public intellectuals. Cardoso is intellectual, he earned a bachelor's degree in Social Sciences from Universidade de São Paulo in 1952, from where he earned a Master's and a Doctorate in Sociology. His doctoral thesis, under the supervision of Florestan Fernandes, examined the institution of slavery in Southern Brazil, from a Marxist perspective, the dominant approach of Gilberto Freyre to the topic, it has since become a classic on the subject. Cardoso has received the Livre-Docência degree in 1963, the most senior level of academic recognition in Brazil from Universidade de São Paulo. In 1968, he received the title of Cathedratic Professor, holding the chair of Political Science at Universidade de São Paulo; as he continued his academic career abroad in Chile and France after the tightening of Brazilian military dictatorship, Cardoso published several books and papers on state bureaucracy, industrial elites and dependency theory.
His work on dependency would be his most acclaimed contribution to sociology and development studies in the United States. After presiding the International Sociological Association from 1982 to 1986 Cardoso was selected as a Fulbright Program 40th anniversary distinguished fellow and in that capacity was a visiting scholar and lectured at Columbia University on democracy in Brazil. Cardoso gives speeches and classes abroad. In June 2013 he was elected as a member of Academia Brasileira de Letras, he said his election was due to recognition for his academic achievements, rather than his political career. After his return to Brazil, Fernando Henrique engaged with the burgeoning democratic opposition to the régime both as an intellectual and as a political activist, he became Senator from São Paulo for the former Brazilian Democratic Movement in 1982, substituting as a suplent the newly-elected governort of São Paulo, Franco Montoro. In 1985, he ran unsuccessfully for mayor of São Paulo against former President Jânio Quadros.
Ahead in the polls, he let himself be photographed in the mayor's chair before the elections. Some attribute his loss to this episode. Elected to the Senate in 1986 for the Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement, which MDB became after re-democratization, he joined a group of PMDB parliamentarians who left that party to found the Brazilian Social Democracy Party after previously-held PMDB positions shifted to the right when the party filled with politicians who had collaborated with the dictatorship; as senator, Cardoso took part in the 1987–1988 National Constituent Assembly that drafted and approved Brazil's current Constitution in the wake of the country's re-democratization. In the early stages of the Constituent Assembly's work, Cardoso led the committee that drafted the internal rules of procedure, including the procedural rules governing the drafting of the Constitution itself; these rules of procedure were adopted by the Assembly and published on March 25, 1987. Until 1992, Cardoso served as Leader of the PSDB in the Senate.
From October 1992 to May 1993, he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs under President Itamar Franco. From May 1993 to April 1994, he was Minister of Finance and resigned in April 1994 to launch a presidential campa
Indigenous peoples in Brazil
Indigenous peoples in Brazil or Indigenous Brazilians, comprise a large number of distinct ethnic groups who have inhabited what is now the country of Brazil since prior to the European contact around 1500. Unlike Christopher Columbus, who thought he had reached the East Indies, the Portuguese, most notably Vasco da Gama, had reached India via the Indian Ocean route when they reached Brazil; the word índios was by established to designate the people of the New World and continues to be used today in the Portuguese language to designate these people, while a person from India is called indiano in order to distinguish the two. At the time of European contact, some of the indigenous people were traditionally semi-nomadic tribes who subsisted on hunting, fishing and migrant agriculture. Many of the estimated 2,000 nations and tribes which existed in the 16th century suffered extinction as a consequence of the European settlement and many were assimilated into the Brazilian population; the indigenous population was killed by European diseases, declining from a pre-Columbian high of millions to some 300,000, grouped into 200 tribes.
However, the number could be much higher if the urban indigenous populations are counted in all the Brazilian cities today. A somewhat dated linguistic survey found 188 living indigenous languages with 155,000 total speakers. On January 18, 2007, FUNAI reported that it had confirmed the presence of 67 different uncontacted tribes in Brazil, up from 40 in 2005. With this addition, Brazil has now surpassed New Guinea as the country having the largest number of uncontacted peoples in the world. Brazilian indigenous people have made substantial and pervasive contributions to the world's medicine with knowledge used today by pharmaceutical corporations and cultural development—such as the domestication of tobacco and cassava. In the last IBGE census, 817,000 Brazilians classified themselves as indigenous. Questions about the original settlement of the Americas has produced a number of hypothetical models; the origins of these indigenous people are still a matter of dispute among archaeologists. Anthropological and genetic evidence indicates that most Amerindian people descended from migrant people from North Asia who entered the Americas across the Bering Strait or along the western coast of North America in at least three separate waves.
In Brazil most native tribes who were living in the land by 1500 are thought to be descended from the first Siberian wave of migrants, who are believed to have crossed the Bering Land Bridge at the end of the last Ice Age, between 13,000 and 17,000 years before the present. A migrant wave would have taken some time after initial entry to reach present-day Brazil entering the Amazon River basin from the Northwest.. An analysis of Amerindian Y-chromosome DNA indicates specific clustering of much of the South American population; the micro-satellite diversity and distributions of the Y lineage specific to South America indicates that certain Amerindian populations have been isolated since the initial colonization of the region. According to an autosomal genetic study from 2012, Native Americans descend from at least three main migrant waves from East Asia. Most of it is traced back to a single ancestral population, called'First Americans'. However, those who speak Inuit languages from the Arctic inherited half of their ancestry from a second East Asian migrant wave.
And those who speak Na-dene, on the other hand, inherited a tenth of their ancestry from a third migrant wave. The initial settling of the Americas was followed by a rapid expansion southwards, by the coast, with little gene flow especially in South America. One exception to this are the Chibcha speakers, whose ancestry comes from both North and South America. Another study, focused on the mtDNA, revealed that the indigenous people of the Americas have their maternal ancestry traced back to a few founding lineages from East Asia, which would have arrived via the Bering strait. According to this study, it is probable that the ancestors of the Native Americans would have remained for a time in the region of the Bering Strait, after which there would have been a rapid movement of settling of the Americas, taking the founding lineages to South America. Linguistic studies have backed up genetic studies, with ancient patterns having been found between the languages spoken in Siberia and those spoken in the Americas.
Two 2015 autosomal DNA genetic studies confirmed the Siberian origins of the Natives of the Americas. However an ancient signal of shared ancestry with the Natives of Australia and Melanesia was detected among the Natives of the Amazon region; the migration coming out of Siberia would have happened 23,000 years ago. According to a 2016 study, focused on mtDNA lineages, "a small population entered the Americas via a coastal route around 16.0 ka, following previous isolation in eastern Beringia for ~2.4 to 9 thousand years after separation from eastern Siberian populations. Following a rapid movement throughout the Americas, limited gene flow in South America resulted in a marked phylogeographic structure of populations, which persisted through time. All of the ancient mitochondrial lineages detected in this study were absent from modern data sets, suggesting a high extinction rate. To investigate this further, we applied a novel principal components multiple logistic regression test to