Basque Nationalist Party
The Basque Nationalist Party Basque National Party in English, is a Christian democratic and Basque nationalist party. It operates in all the territories comprising the Basque Country: the Basque Autonomous Community and Navarre in Spain, in the French Basque Country, it has delegations in dozens of foreign nations those with a major presence of Basque immigrants. EAJ-PNV was founded by Sabino Arana in 1895, which makes it the second oldest party in Spain that remains active, after the PSOE, it is the largest Basque nationalist party, having led the Basque Government uninterruptedly since 1979. In Navarre, it is part of the coalition Geroa Bai, the party in the Navarrese regional government. At the national level, it has a presence in the Cortes Generales: the Congress of Deputies and the Senate. Since 1932, EAJ-PNV celebrates on Easter the Aberri Eguna'Homeland Day'. Since 1977, the party celebrates Alderdi Eguna'Party Day'; the party's social offices are called batzokis. A member of the European Democratic Party, the Basque Nationalist Party was a member of the European Free Alliance from 1999 to 2004.
Earlier it had been affiliated with the European People's Party from which it resigned before the European Parliament election of 1999, the Christian Democrat International until its expulsion in 2000. The current chairman of EAJ-PNV is Andoni Ortuzar; the youth wing of the Basque Nationalist Party is called EGI Euzko Gaztedi Indarra'Basque Youth Force'. The party was founded in 1895 by Sabino de Arana Goiri as a Catholic conservative party agitating for the restoration of self-government and the defense of Juramento de Larrazabal Basque traditional values and identity, it describes itself as Basque, participatory and humanist. It is a moderate nationalist party. EAJ-PNV opposes political violence. In its beginnings, the party established a requirement for its members to prove Basque ancestry by having a minimum number of Basque surnames. In 1921, the Arana movement split into the traditionalist Comunión Nacionalista Vasca and the independentist Aberri. During the single party dictatorship rule of general Miguel Primo de Rivera, the nationalist parties were outlawed and persecuted.
However, its activity continued under the guise of folklore clubs. At the end of 1930, Aberri and CNV reunited under the old name of EAJ-PNV. However, a small group formed Acción Nacionalista Vasca, it was on the moderate nationalist left, non-confessional and open to alliances with the republican and socialist parties fighting against the dictatorship. The division between autonomism and independentism appeared again during the second Spanish Republic. Headed by Eli Gallastegi, a small group of independentists, gathered around the weekly Jagi-Jagi and the Mountaineer Federation of Biscay, left the party, they rejected the autonomy. After the coup d'état of 18 July 1936, the party felt torn, it shared the rebel side's Catholicism and there was pressure from the Vatican to keep away from the Republic, but the promised autonomy and their anti-Fascist ideology led them to side with the republican government. The Biscayne and Gipuzkoan branches, the more important in number, declared support for the Republic and anti-Fascism in the ensuing Spanish Civil War and were key in balancing those provinces to the Republican side.
In the territory seized by the rebels, PNV members faced tough times. During the military uprising in Navarre, the Basque nationalist mayor of Estella-Lizarra Fortunato Aguirre was arrested by the Spanish nationalist rebels, killed in September; some Basque nationalists could flee north to Basque areas loyal to the Republic, or France. However, some members of the Alavese and Navarrese committees, ahead of an official decision, published notes refusing support to the Republic. Notwithstanding their initial ambiguous position in certain areas, the party premises and press in Álava and Navarre were closed in that month of July; some PNV sympathizers and members joined the Carlist battalions, either out of conviction or to avoid attacks. By October 1936, a war front had been established at the northern tip of Álava and to the west of Donostia; the Defence Committees in Biscay and Gipuzkoa were dominated by the Popular Front. After hard negotiations Basque autonomy was granted within the Second Spanish Republic in late 1936, the new autonomous government organized the Basque Army, consisting of militias recruited by each of the political organizations, including PNV.
The autonomous government avoided chaos in Biscay and western Gipuzkoa, took the reins of the coordination and provision of military resistance. On occupation of the territories loyal to the Republic, the Francoist repression was focused on leftists, but Basque nationalists were targeted, facing prison and death; as the rebel troops approached Biscay, the Carlist press in Pamplona called for the extermination of Basque nationalists. José Antonio Aguirre, the party leader, became in October 1936 the first lendakari of the wartime multipartite Basque Government, ruling the unconquered parts of Biscay and Gipuzkoa. In April 1937, the city of Guernica was bombed by German airplanes. Jose Antonio de Aguirre stated that "the German planes bombed us with a brutality that had never been seen before fo
Autonomous communities of Spain
In Spain, an autonomous community is a first-level political and administrative division, created in accordance with the Spanish constitution of 1978, with the aim of guaranteeing limited autonomy of the nationalities and regions that make up Spain. Spain is not a federation, but a decentralized unitary state. While sovereignty is vested in the nation as a whole, represented in the central institutions of government, the nation has, in variable degrees, devolved power to the communities, which, in turn, exercise their right to self-government within the limits set forth in the constitution and their autonomous statutes; each community has its own set of devolved powers. Some scholars have referred to the resulting system as a federal system in all but name, or a "federation without federalism". There are 17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities that are collectively known as "autonomies"; the two autonomous cities have the right to become autonomous communities, but neither has yet exercised it.
This unique framework of territorial administration is known as the "State of Autonomies". The autonomous communities are governed according to the constitution and their own organic laws known as Statutes of Autonomy, which contain all the competences that they assume. Since devolution was intended to be asymmetrical in nature, the scope of competences vary for each community, but all have the same parliamentary structure. Spain is a diverse country made up of several different regions with varying economic and social structures, as well as different languages and historical and cultural traditions. While the entire Spanish territory was united under one crown in 1479 this was not a process of national homogenization or amalgamation; the constituent territories—be it crowns, principalities or dominions—retained much of their former institutional existence, including limited legislative, judicial or fiscal autonomy. These territories exhibited a variety of local customs, laws and currencies until the mid nineteenth century.
From the 18th century onwards, the Bourbon kings and the government tried to establish a more centralized regime. Leading figures of the Spanish Enlightenment advocated for the building of a Spanish nation beyond the internal territorial boundaries; this culminated in 1833, when Spain was divided into 49 provinces, which served as transmission belts for policies developed in Madrid. However, unlike in other European countries such as France, where regional languages were spoken in rural areas or less developed regions, two important regional languages of Spain were spoken in some of the most industrialized areas, moreover, enjoyed higher levels of prosperity, in addition to having their own cultures and historical consciousness; these were Catalonia. This gave rise to peripheral nationalisms along with Spanish nationalism; therefore and social changes that had produced a national cultural unification in France had the opposite effect in Spain. As such, Spanish history since the late 19th century has been shaped by a dialectical struggle between Spanish nationalism and peripheral nationalisms in Catalonia and the Basque Country, to a lesser degree in Galicia.
In a response to Catalan demands, limited autonomy was granted to Catalonia in 1914, only to be abolished in 1923. It was granted again in 1932 during the Second Spanish Republic, when the Generalitat, Catalonia's mediaeval institution of government, was restored; the constitution of 1931 envisaged a territorial division for all Spain in "autonomous regions", never attained—only Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia had approved "Statutes of Autonomy"—the process being thwarted by the Spanish Civil War that broke out in 1936, the victory of the rebel Nationalist forces under Francisco Franco. During General Franco's dictatorial regime, centralism was most forcefully enforced as a way of preserving the "unity of the Spanish nation". Peripheral nationalism, along with communism and atheism were regarded by his regime as the main threats, his attempts to fight separatism with heavy-handed but sporadic repression, his severe suppression of language and regional identities backfired: the demands for democracy became intertwined with demands for the recognition of a pluralistic vision of the Spanish nationhood.
When Franco died in 1975, Spain entered into a phase of transition towards democracy. The most difficult task of the newly democratically elected Cortes Generales in 1977 acting as a Constituent Assembly was to transition from a unitary centralized state into a decentralized state in a way that would satisfy the demands of the peripheral nationalists; the Prime Minister of Spain, Adolfo Suárez, met with Josep Tarradellas, president of the Generalitat of Catalonia in exile. An agreement was made so that the Generalitat would be restored and limited competencies would be transferred while the constitution was still being written. Shortly after, the government allowed the creation of "assemblies of members of parliament" integrated by deputies and senators of the different territories of Spain, so that they could constitute "pre-autonomic regimes" for their regions as well; the Fathers of the Constitution had to strike a balance between the opposing views of Spain—on the one hand, the centralist view inherited from Franco's regime, on the other hand federalism and a pluralistic view of Spain as a "nation of nations".
Instituto Nacional de Estadística (Spain)
The National Statistics Institute is the official agency in Spain that collects statistics about demography and Spanish society. It is an autonomous organization in Spain responsible for overall coordination of statistical services of the General State Administration in monitoring and supervision of technical procedures; every 10 years, this organisation conducts a national census. The last census took place in 2011. Through the official website one can follow all the updates of different fields of study; the oldest statistics agency of Spain and the predecessor of the current agency was the General Statistics Commission of the Kingdom, created on November 3, 1856 during the reign of Isabella II. The so-then Prime Minister Narváez approved a decree creating this body and ordering that people with recognized ability in this matter were part of it. On May 1, 1861, the Commission change its name to General Statistics Board and their first work was to do a population census. By a decree of September 12, 1870, Prime Minister Serrano created the Geographic Institute and in 1873 this Institute change its name to Geographic and Statistic Institute assuming the competences of the General Statistics Board.
In 1890, the titularity of the agency was transferred from the Prime Minister's Office to the Ministry of Development. Between 1921 and 1939, change its name many times. In the same way, the agency was transferred from a ministry to another, passing through the Deputy Prime Minister's Office, the Ministry of the Presidency and the Ministry of Labour; the National Statistics Institute was created following the Law of December 31, 1945, published in the BOE of January 3, 1946, with a mission to develop and refine the demographic and social statistics existing, creating new statistics and coordination with the statistical offices of provincial and municipal areas. At the end of 1964 the first computer was installed at the INE, it was a first-generation IBM 1401, for which a team was formed consisting of four statistics faculty and ten technicians. In the four years following it was possible that said. INE Website
Mungia is a town and municipality located in the province of Biscay, in the Basque Country of northern Spain. The town has 17,000 inhabitants. Mungia lies 20 metres above sea level in an area full of open spaces, with a landscape of rolling hills; the more important mountains nearby are Jata. There are many small streams and underground springs, such as the Atxuri, Lauromendi, Atebarri, or Mantzorriko Erreka, which are all tributaries of the Butroi river and provide water to the numerous fountains built in the town. In the past those waters helped to run more than 20 mills. Although there are still traces which show that the area where Mungia stands today was inhabited in prehistoric times the first documented reference we have dates back to the year 1051, when an abbot from Mungia confirmed a gift from the Lord of Biscay to the Monastery of San Millán de la Cogolla. At the beginning, whose name comes from the Basque Mune - Ganean, was not much more than a tiny village with a dispersed population.
At that time the church was the only focus of the community, but the settlement began to acquire its own significance as a result of the presence of an abbot and of its location in a strategic pass between the interior of the feudal holding and the coast at Bermeo, which had begun to stand out as an export harbour. Under these conditions, important families belonging to the nobility settled in the surrounding areas of the village and built there their tower houses; the economic power of these noblemen was based on landholdings. However, as a consequence of a stockbreeding and agricultural crisis at the end of the 13th century, these families began to suffer. To face this situation they sought hard to improve their income streams, the easiest recourse they could have was to violence. On the pretext of "being more worthy" they fought with each other, their peasants were decimated and deprived of their scarce belongings, or involved in faction fights themselves. In the area of Mungia, we find representatives of two factions: the Billela family, part of the Ganboar faction. and the Butroi family which led the faction of Oinaz.
As the tower houses of both families were next to each other their fights were a common event. The borough of Mungia came to be as a consequence of this situation; some of the inhabitants in the area, witnessing the outrages of the nobility, requested the Lord of Biscay, the Infante Juan, to grant the title of borough to their town, in order to enable the fortification of the town and thus effective defence against attacks. By this means on 1 August 1376, under the Fueros of Logroño, the borough of Mungia was created in the centre of an anteiglesia similar in extent to the Parish) of the same name. Both belonged to the merindad of Uribe, each had an autonomous municipality. In the same way, they each had their own representation in the Juntas of Gernika, numbering 69 for the anteiglesia and 15 for the borough, but the fact of designating a borough did not avoid a great number of fights in the area. Thus, there were various episodes of different nature, arising from the wars between the factions.
Just to name a few of the most important of those small skirmishes, we mention the battle of Berteiz or the battle of Mungia, which took place on 27 April 1479 and in which the factions of Oinaz and Ganboa, enemies up to that moment, formed an alliance to fight against the Earl of Haro. Leaving these episodes aside, life in Mungia is thought to have been calm. Economic activity was based on farming, with a few mills located on the banks of the many streams which washed the area, as well as small craft workshops settled down in the borough; the daily round was disturbed. In 1602 there was a fire, a larger fire 1778 on 9 November with fourteen of the main buildings in the village burned down. From this time, to prevent accidents happening, all inflammable products such as straw and coal were stored in a place outside the enceinte; this site was known as Atzekaldeta, a basque name which refers to the location of the place in the rear part of the town. Thus time passed for both the borough of Mungia and the anteiglesia of the same name.
They were independent entities, although they joined together for the sake of some services and improvements. Thus, the school was common to both, when the time arrived to canalise the water from the Gondramendi mountain to the village both shared the expenditure. Little by little, more tasks were performed together and as a result of this co-operation bigger problems arose leading to the idea of joining both bodies and becoming one unique entity; this happened on 6 October 1900. The fountain which today lies in Beko Kale, in front of Arnaga, is the symbol of this unity under the motto "Biak bat eta biena". Up to 1936 life for the inhabitants passed by without major events, based on fundamental rural and agricultural activities, but with an i
Elorrio is a town and a municipality located in the eastern part of the province of Biscay, in the Basque Country, in northern Spain. As of 2017, it has a population of 7,307 inhabitants, it covers an area of 37.20 square kilometers and it has a population density of 193.58 people per square kilometer. It holds the medieval title of Noble Villa. Elorrio was founded in 1356 by the Infante Tello Alfonso of Castile, the 20th Lord of Biscay, near the elizate of Saint Agustín of Etxebarria. San Agustin Etxebarria was part of the medieval County of Durango, Elorrio remains part of the comarca of Durangaldea. In 1630, Elorrio annexed Saint Agustín of Etxebarria. Elorrio had municipal representation in the medieval Juntas Generales; the town has been affected by its main economic activity: the industrial sector. It is renowned for its rich architectural heritage, being listed as a Conjunto histórico by the Ministry of Culture. In the Basque language, elorrio is the word for the red fruit of the common hawthorn.
The Basque word elorri means "hawthorn". The coat of arms of the town shows a hawthorn. Colloquially, the town was called Elorrixo in Basque; the Argiñeta tombs that today lie just outside the town of Elorrio are both pre-Christian and Christian. In 1053, the San Agustín de Etxebarria monastery was founded, which in time was renovated and became present-day church. In 1356, Don Tello, Lord of Biscay created Elorrio on the land where the monastery stood, as a means of creating a town to defend his borders against invasion from neighboring Gipuzkoa. In 1468 the town was the site of a major battle between warring clan factions in the Basque Country. However, incidents of this type decreased, between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries, the town's fortunes grew, gaining renown for its iron-forges, the production of lances; as a result of this economic expansion, a number of important buildings were constructed that are today considered monuments of significant historical and architectural importance.
In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, although it remained a predominantly rural town, became a tourist destination, as people visited the locality to attend one of its two well-known spas. After the Spanish Civil War, Elorrio went through a period of industrialization, with a number of small, family firms and worker cooperative enterprises emerging. In 1964, the whole town was the first one in Biscay to be declared a Centre of Historical and Artistic Importance, its population, which grew from 3,500 in 1950 to 8,000 in 1981 numbers just over 7,000 people. Elorrio is located at the easternmost point of Biscay, in the comarca of Durangaldea, northern Spain, it limits at north with Berriz and Zaldibar at northwest with Abadiño, at west with Atxondo, at east with the province of Gipuzkoa and at south with the province of Álava. The town is surrounded by various mountains, such as Intxorta and Udalatx, is traversed by the Zumelegi river that, after joining the River Arrazola in Atxondo, goes on to form the Ibaizabal river.
The town is situated 39 km from the provincial capital of Bilbao. The National Institute of Statistics estimates that the population of Elorrio was 7,294 in January 1, 2013; the economy of the municipality is based on the industrial activity. Nonetheless, the farming activities still have relevance in the area. Most of the rural exploitations are based on beef and milk production and, in less numbers, the exploitation of pines; the most important economical activity in the area is the industry. The only mean of transport is by road. In Durango the road connects with the AP-8 highway to Bilbao and Donostia-San Sebastián while in Arrasate-Mondragón it connects to the AP-1 highway to Eibar and Vitoria-Gasteiz. From Elorrio starts the BI-2632 road to Bergara and Elgeta and the BI-3321 road to Berriz. Two lines of the Bizkaibus network have stations in Elorrio. Elorrio has buses to Bilbao every hour and to Durango and other lesser municipalities every 30 minutes. Aniceto Sagastizabal, born in 1940, using the name'Gasti' was known as'The World's Greatest Jai-Alai Player'.
Gasti had a successful career as a professional player of the Basque sport Cesta Punta from the mid-50s thru the early 80s in Italy and the United States. Saint Balendin Berrio-Otxoa, one of the Vietnamese Martyrs, was born in Elorrio in 1827. Ordained in 1851, he became a Dominican and was sent to Manila and Tonkin as a missionary. At the age of thirty-one, he was named a bishop, but was killed in Tonkin in 1861, he was canonized by Pope John Paul II in 1988. José Antonio Ardanza, born in 1941, was lehendakari or president of the Basque Autonomous Community, 1985-1999, he was the CEO of Euskaltel, a Basque telecommunications company, until his retirement in 2011. Alejandro Goicoechea, born in 1895, was the engineer who developed with José Luis Oriol the Talgo railway vehicle, he died in 1984. Anne Igartiburu, born in 1969, is actress. Victor Maria Bereicua, born in 1954, is a professional Jai-Alai player, who used the name'Elorrio,' in honor of his hometown. Elorrio is famous
Valle de Trápaga-Trapagaran
Valle de Trápaga-Trapagaran is a town and municipality located in the province of Biscay, in the autonomous community of Basque Country, northern Spain. It is located near Barakaldo and Ortuella. Iron ore has been mined here since Roman times and the two parts of the municipality, which are at different altitudes, are linked by a funicular railway. Valle de Trápaga-Trapagaran is located 12 km from Bilbao in the Triano mountain range in the province of Biscay; the municipality is divided into two zones. Ninety percent of the population live in the lower zone in the neighbourhoods of Durañona, El Juncal, Galindo-Salcedillo, Valle de Trápaga, the administrative centre, Trápaga-Caused and Ugarte; the upper zone is in the mountains of Triano, the neighbourhoods here are La Arboleda, Matamoros-Burzaco, Parcocha-Barrionuevo and La Reineta. The European route E70 running along the north coast of Spain passes the town; the upper zone is connected by a funicular railway. The town of Valle de Trápaga-Trapagaran expanded with the mining activities and most of the buildings date from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
The church of San José Obrero is built in Romanesque style while the churcht of San Juan Bautista is neoclassical, as is the city hall, built in the first decade of the twentieth century. Iron ore has been mined here since Roman times and there was a great increase in mining activity and residential development in the upper zone after the building of the railway in the late nineteenth century; the iron ore deposits became exhausted in the mid-twentieth century and now the area is residential and recreational, although traces of its industrial past remain. Many of the former mines have been flooded and turned into recreational areas with sports facilities and lakes stocked with fish. Valle de Trápaga-Trapagaran in the Bernardo Estornés Lasa – Auñamendi Encyclopedia
A stalactite is a type of formation that hangs from the ceiling of caves, hot springs, or manmade structures such as bridges and mines. Any material, soluble, can be deposited as a colloid, or is in suspension, or is capable of being melted, may form a stalactite. Stalactites may be composed of lava, mud, pitch, sand and amberat. A stalactite is not a speleothem, though speleothems are the most common form of stalactite because of the abundance of limestone caves; the corresponding formation on the floor of the cave is known as a stalagmite. The most common stalactites are speleothems, they form through deposition of calcium carbonate and other minerals, precipitated from mineralized water solutions. Limestone is the chief form of calcium carbonate rock, dissolved by water that contains carbon dioxide, forming a calcium bicarbonate solution in underground caverns; the chemical formula for this reaction is: CaCO3 + H2O + CO2 → Ca2This solution travels through the rock until it reaches an edge and if this is on the roof of a cave it will drip down.
When the solution comes into contact with air the chemical reaction that created it is reversed and particles of calcium carbonate are deposited. The reversed reaction is: Ca2 → CaCO3 + H2O + CO2An average growth rate is 0.13 mm a year. The quickest growing stalactites are those formed by a constant supply of slow dripping water rich in calcium carbonate and carbon dioxide, which can grow at 3 mm per year; the drip rate must be slow enough to allow the CO2 to degas from the solution into the cave atmosphere, resulting in deposition of CaCO3 on the stalactite. Too fast a drip rate and the solution, still carrying most of the CaCO3, falls to the cave floor where degassing occurs and CaCO3 is deposited as a stalagmite. All limestone stalactites begin with a single mineral-laden drop of water; when the drop falls, it deposits the thinnest ring of calcite. Each subsequent drop that forms and falls deposits another calcite ring; these rings form a narrow, hollow tube known as a "soda straw" stalactite.
Soda straws can grow quite long, but are fragile. If they become plugged by debris, water begins flowing over the outside, depositing more calcite and creating the more familiar cone-shaped stalactite; the same water drops that fall from the tip of a stalactite deposit more calcite on the floor below resulting in a rounded or cone-shaped stalagmite. Unlike stalactites, stalagmites never start out as hollow "soda straws". Given enough time, these formations can meet and fuse to create pillars of calcium carbonate known as a "column". Stalactite formation begins over a large area, with multiple paths for the mineral rich water to flow; as minerals are dissolved in one channel more than other competing channels, the dominant channel begins to draw more and more of the available water, which speeds its growth resulting in all other channels being choked off. This is one reason; the larger the formation, the greater the interformation distance. Another type of stalactite is formed in lava tubes; the mechanism of formation is the deposition of material on the ceilings of caves, however with lava stalactites formation happens quickly in only a matter of hours, days, or weeks, whereas limestone stalactites may take up to thousands of years.
A key difference with lava stalactites is that once the lava has ceased flowing, so too will the stalactites cease to grow. This means; the generic term lavacicle has been applied to lava stalactites and stalagmites indiscriminately and evolved from the word icicle. Like limestone stalactites, they can leave lava drips on the floor that turn into lava stalagmites and may fuse with the corresponding stalactite to form a column. Shark tooth stalactites, it may begin as a small driblet of lava from a semi-solid ceiling, but grows by accreting layers as successive flows of lava rise and fall in the lava tube and recoating the stalactite with more material. They can vary from a few millimeters to over a meter in length. Splash stalactites As lava flows through a tube, material will be splashed up on the ceiling and ooze back down, hardening into a stalactite; this type of formation results in a irregularly shaped stalactite, looking somewhat like stretched taffy. They may be of a different color than the original lava that formed the cave.
Tubular lava stalactites When the roof of a lava tube is cooling, a skin will form that traps semi-molten material inside. Trapped gases force lava to extrude out through small openings that result in hollow, tubular stalactites analogous to the soda straws formed as depositional speleothems in solution caves, The longest known is 2 meters in length; these are common in Hawaiian lava tubes and are associated with a drip stalagmite that forms below as material is carried through the tubular stalactite and piles up on the floor beneath. Sometimes the tubular form collapses near the distal end, most when the pressure of escaping gases decreased and still-molten portions of the stalactites deflated and cooled; these tubular stalactites will acquire a twisted, vermiform appearance as bits of lava crystallize and force the flow in different directions. These tubular lava helictites may be influenced by air