Lake Abaya is a lake in the Southern Nations and Peoples' Region of Ethiopia. It is located in the Main Ethiopian Rift, east of the Guge Mountains; the town of Arba Minch lies on its southwestern shore, the southern shores are part of the Nechisar National Park. Just to the south is Lake Chamo. Savanna, known for its wildlife and birdlife surrounds the lake, fished by local people. According to the Ethiopian Department of Fisheries and Aquaculture, 412 tonnes of fish are landed each year, which the department estimates is 69% of its sustainable amount. Lake Abaya is 20 wide, with a surface area of 1162 square kilometers. There are the largest being Aruro; the lake is red due to a high load of suspended sediments. The lake is fed by three medium-sized rivers. First there is the Bilate which rises on the southern slopes of Mount Gurage runs southward to drain into Lake Abaya at its northern shore. Second, there is the Gidabo, which rises on the western slopes of the Bale Mountains also runs southwards to drain into Lake Abaya at its northeastern tip after having passed the Gidabo flood plains.
A third river is the Gelana, which rises at the western escarpment of the Rift Valley northwest of Bule Hora Town. Tributary streams rise on the eastern and northern slopes of the Amaro Mountains; the Gelana flows northwards through the Gelana Graben in the middle between both mountain ranges before it enters the Bore swamps and drains on the eastern side into the lake. The only outflow of the lake is through the lower reaches of Kulfo River directly below an alluvial fan at an elevation of 1,190 m; the riverbed acts as an spillway in the case of high lake levels and discharges the excess water into Lake Chamo. The lake level oscillates somewhat, in 2017 it was at 1,175 m, 15 m below the overflow level. In the last 50 years, the lake level oscillated only ±1.5 m around a mean value, well below the overflow level. The maximum depth of the lake changes only from year to year, in the year 2002 the lake had a maximum depth of 13.1 meters. In 1896 Lake Abaya was renamed "Lake Margherita" after the Queen Margherita of Savoy, wife of King Humbert I of Italy by the Italian explorer Vittorio Bottego who first explored the region.
The name "Lake Margherita" is still used in Italy. Rift Valley lakes ILEC database entry for Lake Abaya
Ethnologue: Languages of the World is an annual reference publication in print and online that provides statistics and other information on the living languages of the world. It was first issued in 1951, is now published annually by SIL International, a U. S.-based, Christian non-profit organization. SIL's main purpose is to study and document languages to promote literacy and for religious purposes; as of 2018, Ethnologue contains web-based information on 7,097 languages in its 21st edition, including the number of speakers, dialects, linguistic affiliations, availability of the Bible in each language and dialect described, a cursory description of revitalization efforts where reported, an estimate of language viability using the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale. Ethnologue has been published by SIL International, a Christian linguistic service organization with an international office in Dallas, Texas; the organization studies numerous minority languages to facilitate language development, to work with speakers of such language communities in translating portions of the Bible into their languages.
The determination of what characteristics define a single language depends upon sociolinguistic evaluation by various scholars. Ethnologue follows general linguistic criteria, which are based on mutual intelligibility. Shared language intelligibility features are complex, include etymological and grammatical evidence, agreed upon by experts. In addition to choosing a primary name for a language, Ethnologue provides listings of other name for the language and any dialects that are used by its speakers, government and neighbors. Included are any names that have been referenced regardless of whether a name is considered official, politically correct or offensive; these lists of names are not complete. In 1984, Ethnologue released a three-letter coding system, called an'SIL code', to identify each language that it described; this set of codes exceeded the scope of other standards, e.g. ISO 639-1 and ISO 639-2; the 14th edition, published in 2000, included 7,148 language codes. In 2002, Ethnologue was asked to work with the International Organization for Standardization to integrate its codes into a draft international standard.
The 15th edition of Ethnologue was the first edition to use this standard, called ISO 639-3. This standard is now administered separately from Ethnologue. In only one case and the ISO standards treat languages differently. ISO 639-3 considers Akan to be a macrolanguage consisting of two distinct languages and Fante, whereas Ethnologue considers Twi and Fante to be dialects of a single language, since they are mutually intelligible; this anomaly resulted because the ISO 639-2 standard has separate codes for Twi and Fante, which have separate literary traditions, all 639-2 codes for individual languages are automatically part of 639–3 though 639-3 would not assign them separate codes. In 2014, with the 17th edition, Ethnologue introduced a numerical code for language status using a framework called EGIDS, an elaboration of Fishman's GIDS, it ranks a language from 0 for an international language to 10 for an extinct language, i.e. a language with which no-one retains a sense of ethnic identity.
In December 2015, Ethnologue launched a metered paywall. As of 2017, Ethnologue's 20th edition described 237 language families including 86 language isolates and six typological categories, namely sign languages, pidgins, mixed languages, constructed languages, as yet unclassified languages. In 1986, William Bright editor of the journal Language, wrote of Ethnologue that it "is indispensable for any reference shelf on the languages of the world". In 2008 in the same journal, Lyle Campbell and Verónica Grondona said: "Ethnologue...has become the standard reference, its usefulness is hard to overestimate."In 2015, Harald Hammarström, an editor of Glottolog, criticized the publication for lacking citations and failing to articulate clear principles of language classification and identification. However, he concluded that, on balance, "Ethnologue is an impressively comprehensive catalogue of world languages, it is far superior to anything else produced prior to 2009." Starting with the 17th edition, Ethnologue has been published every year.
Linguasphere Observatory Register Lists of languages List of language families Martin Everaert. The Use of Databases in Cross-Linguistic Studies. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 9783110198744. Retrieved 2014-07-13. Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove. Linguistic Genocide in Education-or Worldwide Diversity and Human Rights?. Routledge. ISBN 9781135662356. Retrieved 2014-07-13. Paolillo, John C.. "Evaluating language statistics: the Ethnologue and beyond". UNESCO Institute of Statistics. Pp. 3–5. Retrieved October 8, 2015. Web version of Ethnologue
Geʽez is an ancient South Semitic language of the Ethiopic branch. The language originates from the region encompassing southern Eritrea and northern Ethiopia regions in the Horn of Africa. Today, Geʽez is used only as the main language of liturgy of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo and Eritrean Orthodox Tewahedo churches, the Ethiopian and Eritrean Catholic churches, the Beta Israel Jewish community. However, in Ethiopia, Amharic or other local languages, in Eritrea and Ethiopia's Tigray Region, Tigrinya may be used for sermons. Amharic, Tigrinya and Tigre are related to Geʽez; the closest living languages to Geʽez are Tigre and Tigrinya with lexical similarity at 71% and 68%, respectively. Some linguists do not believe that Geʽez constitutes a common ancestor of modern Ethiosemitic languages, but that Geʽez became a separate language early on from another hypothetical unattested language, which can be seen as an extinct sister language of Amharic and Tigrinya; the foremost Ethiopian experts such as Amsalu Aklilu point to the vast proportion of inherited nouns that are unchanged, spelled identically in both Geʽez and Amharic.
A /æ/ < Proto-Semitic *a. Geʽez is transliterated according to the following system: Because Geʽez is no longer a spoken language, the pronunciation of some consonants is not certain. Gragg writes "The consonants corresponding to the graphemes ś and ḍ have merged with ሰ and ጸ in the phonological system represented by the traditional pronunciation—and indeed in all modern Ethiopian Semitic.... There is, however, no evidence either in the tradition or in Ethiopian Semitic what value these consonants may have had in Geʽez." A similar problem is found for the consonant transliterated ḫ. Gragg notes that it corresponds in etymology to velar or uvular fricatives in other Semitic languages, but it was pronounced the same as ḥ in the traditional pronunciation. Though the use of a different letter shows that it must have had some other pronunciation, what that pronunciation was is not certain; the chart below lists /ɬ/ and /ɬʼ/ as possible values for ś and ḍ respectively. It lists /χ/ as a possible value for ḫ.
These values are tentative, but based on the reconstructed Proto-Semitic consonants that they are descended from. In the chart below, IPA values are shown; when transcription is different from the IPA, the character is shown in angular brackets. Question marks follow phonemes. In Geʽez, emphatic consonants are phonetically ejectives; as is the case with Arabic, emphatic velars may be phonetically uvular. Geʽez consonants have a triple opposition between voiceless and ejective obstruents; the Proto-Semitic "emphasis" in Geʽez has been generalized to include emphatic p̣. Geʽez has phonologized labiovelars, descending from Proto-Semitic biphonemes. Geʽez ś ሠ Sawt is reconstructed. Like Arabic, Geʽez merged Proto-Semitic š and s in ሰ. Apart from this, Geʽez phonology is comparably conservative. Geʽez distinguishes two genders and feminine, which in certain words is marked with the suffix -t; these are less distinguished than in other Semitic languages, in that many nouns not denoting persons can be used in either gender: in translated Christian texts there is a tendency for nouns to follow the gender of the noun with a corresponding meaning in Greek.
There are two numbers and plural. The plural can be constructed either by suffixing - by internal plural. Plural using suffix: ʿāmat – ʿāmatāt'year', māy – māyāt'water'. Internal plural: bet – ʾābyāt'house, houses'. Nouns have two cases, the nominative, not marked and the accusative, marked with final -a. Internal plurals follow certain patterns. Triconsonantal nouns follow one of the following patterns. Quadriconsonantal and some triconsonantal nouns follow the following pattern. Triconsonantal nouns that take this pattern must have at least one long vowel Noun phrases have the following overall order: noun - Adjectives and determiners agree with the noun in gender and number: Relative clauses are introduced by a pronoun which agrees in gender and number with the preceding noun: As in many Semitic languages, possession by a noun phrase is shown through the construct state. In Geʽez, this is formed by suffixing /-a/ to the possessed noun, followed by the possessor, as in the following examples: Possession by a pronoun is indicated by a suffix on the possessed noun, as seen in the following table: The following examples show a few nouns with pronominal possessors: Another common way of indicating possession by a noun phrase combines the pronominal suffix on a noun with the possessor preceded by the preposition /la=/'to, for' (Lambdin
Amharic is one of the Ethiopian Semitic languages, which are a subgrouping within the Semitic branch of the Afroasiatic languages. It is spoken as a first language by the Amharas and as a lingua franca by other populations residing in major cities and towns of Ethiopia; the language serves as the official working language of Ethiopia, is the official or working language of several of the states within the Ethiopian federal system. With 21,811,600 total speakers as of 2007, including around 4,000,000 L2 speakers, Amharic is the second-most spoken Semitic language in the world, after Arabic. Amharic is written left-to-right using a system that grew out of the Ge'ez script, called, in Ethiopian Semitic languages, Fidäl, "writing system", "letter", or "character" or abugida, from the first four symbols, which gave rise to the modern linguistic term abugida. There is no agreed way of romanising Amharic into Latin script; the Amharic examples in the sections below use one system, common, though not universal, among linguists specialising in Ethiopian Semitic languages.
Amharic has been the working language of courts, language of trade and everyday communications, the military, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church since the late 12th century and remains the official language of Ethiopia today. As of the 2007 census, Amharic is spoken by 21.6 million native speakers in Ethiopia and 4 million secondary speakers in Ethiopia. Additionally, 3 million emigrants outside of Ethiopia speak the language. Most of the Ethiopian Jewish communities in Ethiopia and Israel speak Amharic. In Washington DC, Amharic became one of the six non-English languages in the Language Access Act of 2004, which allows government services and education in Amharic. Furthermore, Amharic is considered a holy language by the Rastafari religion and is used among its followers worldwide, it is the most spoken language in the Horn of Africa. The Amharic ejective consonants correspond to the Proto-Semitic "emphatic consonants" transcribed with a dot below the letter; the consonant and vowel tables give these symbols in parentheses where they differ from the standard IPA symbols.
The Amharic script is an abugida, the graphemes of the Amharic writing system are called fidel. Each character represents a consonant+vowel sequence, but the basic shape of each character is determined by the consonant, modified for the vowel; some consonant phonemes are written by more than one series of characters: /ʔ/, /s/, /sʼ/, /h/. This is because these fidel represented distinct sounds, but phonological changes merged them; the citation form for each series is the consonant + ä form. The Amharic script is included in Unicode, glyphs are included in fonts available with major operating systems; as in most other Ethiopian Semitic languages, gemination is contrastive in Amharic. That is, consonant length can distinguish words from one another. Gemination is not indicated in Amharic orthography, but Amharic readers do not find this to be a problem; this property of the writing system is analogous to the vowels of Arabic and Hebrew or the tones of many Bantu languages, which are not indicated in writing.
Ethiopian novelist Haddis Alemayehu, an advocate of Amharic orthography reform, indicated gemination in his novel Fǝqǝr Ǝskä Mäqabǝr by placing a dot above the characters whose consonants were geminated, but this practice is rare. Punctuation includes the following: ፠ section mark ፡ word separator ። full stop ፣ comma ፤ semicolon ፥ colon ፦ preface colon ፧ question mark ፨ paragraph separator Simple Amharic sentencesOne may construct simple Amharic sentences by using a subject and a predicate. Here are a few simple sentences: Like most languages, Amharic grammar distinguishes person and gender; this includes personal pronouns such as English I, Amharic እኔ ǝne. As in other Semitic languages, the same distinctions appear in three other places in their grammar. Subject–verb agreementAll Amharic verbs agree with their subjects; because the affixes that signal subject agreement vary with the particular verb tense/aspect/mood, they are not considered to be pronouns and are discussed elsewhere in this article under verb conjugation.
Object pronoun suffixesAmharic verbs have additional morphology that indicates the person and gender of the object of the verb. While morphemes such as -at in this example are sometimes described as signaling object agreement, analogous to subject agreement, they are more thought of as object pronoun suffixes because, unlike the markers of subject agreement, they do not vary with the tense/aspect/mood of the verb. For arguments of the verb other than the subject or the object, there are two separate sets of related suffixes, one with a benefactive meaning, the other with an adversative or locative meaning. Morphemes such as -llat and -bbat in these examples will be referred to in this article as prepositional object pronoun suffixes because they correspond to prepositional phrases such as for her and on her, to distinguish them from the direct object pronoun suffixes such as -at'her'. Possessive suffixesAmharic has a further set of morphemes that are suffixed to nouns, signalling possession: ቤት bet'