Agustín Gringo Tosco was an Argentine union leader, member of the CGT de los Argentinos and an important participant in the historic local uprising known as the Cordobazo. At 27 years old, he was the general secretary for Luz y Fuerza in the province of Córdoba. Tosco felt that nothing could substitute for general assemblies, which he considered superior to representative comities, that labor struggles should not focus on salary demands, his ideology can be described as anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, anti-bureaucratic. He fought against bureaucracy in the union. One of his most famous enemies in this regard was José Ignacio Rucci, another prominent leader in the CGT. About this, Tosco said the following, "Rucci and his disciples are prisoners of their commitment to the powerful, prisoners of the guardians who lend them the political apparatus, prisoners of a jail from which they can never escape: that of submission and indignity." Tosco and Rucci had many public confrontations. In addition to the struggles particular to his own union, he participated in the fight against the dictatorship of Juan Carlos Onganía.
On May 29, 1969, in the city of Córdoba, there was a popular uprising against the dictatorship of Onganía. Many workers and students confronted the military. After the Cordobazo, Tosco was condemned to eight years in prison by a military tribunal, but was free after 16 months; the Cordobazo was a milestone because is represented a loss of legitimacy for the Onganía government, hastened its end. About the Cordobazo, Tosco said, "it was a rebellion for the workers and the people it came out of the working class and the masses; the importance of the Cordobazo is that it came from the workers and the students and that for their convictions they came out into the streets to fight." When he got out of prison, Tosco returned to Córdoba. With the victory of Peronism in 1973, Tosco began to be persecuted. In 1974, after the police coup against the governor Ricardo Obregón Cano, the Luz y Fuerza labor union was abolished and Tosco was forced to go into hiding. A while he fell ill, but could not go to the hospital for fear of execution.
Agustín Tosco died at 45 years of age, on November 5, 1975, thousands of people attended his funeral, despite threats from the government of María Estela Martínez and the Alianza Anticomunista Argentina. Participation in Tosco's funeral was violently suppressed by the government
Rodolfo Jorge Walsh was an Argentine writer and journalist of Irish descent, considered the founder of investigative journalism. He is most famous for his Open Letter from a Writer to the Military Junta, which he published the day before his murder, protesting that Argentina's last civil-military dictatorship's economic policies were having an greater and disastrous effect on ordinary Argentines than its widespread human rights abuses. Born in Lamarque, Walsh finished his primary education in a small town in Río Negro Province, from where he moved to Buenos Aires in 1941, where he completed high school. Although he started studying philosophy at university, he abandoned it and held a number of different jobs as a writer or editor. Between 1944 and 1945 he joined the Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista, a movement he denounced as being "Nazi" in its roots. In 1953 he received the Buenos Aires Municipal Literature Award for his book Variaciones en Rojo. Supporting the "Revolución Libertadora"'s coup which overthrew Juan Perón's democratic government in 1955, by 1956 Walsh rejected the hard-line policies of the military government led by Aramburu.
In 1957 he finished Operación Masacre, an investigative work on the illegal execution of Peron's sympathizers during an ill-fated attempt at restoring Peronism to power in June 1956. Operación Masacre is now considered by scholars as the first historical non-fiction novel, preceding Truman Capote's In Cold Blood. In 1960 he went to Cuba, where together with Jorge Masetti Walsh founded the Prensa Latina press agency. By he had close ties to the CGT de los Argentinos, it has been proposed that he decrypted a CIA telex referring to the upcoming Bay of Pigs invasion, helping Fidel Castro to prepare for the secret operation. Back in Argentina, in 1973 Walsh joined the Montoneros guerrilla radical group, but began to question the views of the organization, so decided to fight back the new dictatorship that arose in 1976 by the use of words instead of guns writing his famous Open Letter from a Writer to the Military Junta. Four years on March 25, 1977, he was mortally wounded during a shoot-out with a special military group that set an ambush for him.
Walsh's body and some of his writings were kidnapped and never seen again, he is remembered as a desaparecido, as well as a victim of State-sponsored terrorism. At least four films have been based on his work, including Operación masacre and Asesinato a distancia, three of his books were published years after his death, most notably Cuento para tahúres y otros relatos policiales. Walsh's daughter, Patricia Walsh, is a politician. Rodolfo Jorge Walsh, was born in 1927 on a farm in the Lamarque locality of Río Negro Province, Argentina to third-generation Irish immigrants. For a long time there was confusion regarding Walsh's birthplace, due to the renaming of Colonia Nueva del Pueblo de Choele Choel to its current denomination of Lamarque, in 1942; this other Lamarque is a neighborhood of Choele Choel about nine miles away from Walsh's birthplace. In 1941 he moved to Buenos Aires to attend secondary school. After graduation, he began studying philosophy, but left school and took on a diverse range of jobs including office worker in a meat processing plant, dishwasher, antiques vendor, window washer.
At the age of 18 he began working as a proofreader at a newspaper, the humble beginnings of what would develop into a distinguished career in journalism, which continued until his assassination in 1977. In 1951 Walsh began to work with the magazines Leoplán and Vea y Lea. In 1953 he won the Buenos Aires Municipal Prize for Literature for his book of short stories Variations in Red. After meeting a survivor of the shootings of José León Suárez, Walsh produced a book about the event, in which he wrote "This is a story that I'm writing spontaneously and in the heat of the moment, so that they don't beat me to it, but that afterwards will crumple day by day in my pocket, because I'll go all over Buenos Aires and no one will want to publish it or know about it." In 1957 he went to the office of Dr. Jorge Ramos Mejía and asked Dr. Marcelo Sánchez Sorondo, director of the weekly Azul y Blanco to help him publish the book. With the financial backing of Mejía he was able that same year to produce Operation Massacre, with the subtitle "A process that has not been closed" from Ediciones Sigla, an investigative journalism piece, brought to the cinema.
His works are principally in the genres of Police and Crime and Testimonial, with books that have been published like Who killed Rosendo. Between 1944 and 1945, Walsh was a member of The Nationalist Liberation Alliance, a group which years he labelled as being a Nazi front. Walsh was never an actual supporter of Peronism, but he became more sympathetic towards the group from October 1956, writing in that month's edition of Leoplán, "Here they closed their eyes", a tribute to the naval aviators who had died during the Revolución Libertadora. In September 1958 he wrote: "I'm not a peronist, have never been and I don't have the intention of becoming one... I can, without remorse, repeat that I've supported the explosion that took place in september of 1955. This, not only due to urgent, personal reasons such as family ties –which I had-, but because I harbored the certainty that the system, in this way being deposed was one which got around the civil rights, which encouraged subservience on the one side and exacerbation on the other.
And I don't possess a short-term memory: what I had thought then
Raimundo José Ongaro was an Argentine union leader. He was secretary general of the General Confederation of Labour of the Argentines between 1968 and 1974. Ongaro was born to a middle-class family of Italian Argentines from the Friuli-Venezia Giulia region, in the Argentine seashore city of Mar del Plata in 1924. Fluent in Latin and schooled in music composition, Ongaro became an apprenticed graphist and was hired at COGTAL, one of Argentina's largest publishing cooperatives. Becoming active in the Buenos Aires Printworkers' Federation, the 1966 coup d'état against President Arturo Illia and its resulting advent of anti-labor policies led Ongaro to remove FGB leader Osvaldo Vigna in a coup of his own, that November; this move, met with the disapproval of José Alonso, the head of the CGT and forced Ongaro to pursue alliances within the fractious CGT union. Ongaro's only ally among the 62 unions was the sanitary workers' Amado Olmos, the duo were no match for Alonso's conciliatory strategy with the repressive new regime of General Juan Carlos Onganía.
This stance, shared with powerful CGT leaders such as the steelworkers' Augusto Vandor and the construction workers' Rogelio Coria, was shaken by Security Committee head General Osiris Villegas' violent March 1967 assault on CGT headquarters done to impede a planned general strike. Belonging to a CGT disoriented by the regime's surprise attack, Ongaro traveled to Cuba in early 1968, during a political conference, he met Argentine journalist and writer Rodolfo Walsh, with whom Ongaro flew to Madrid to introduce to the CGT's benefactor, exiled populist leader Juan Perón. Perón was impressed with both men and subscribed to Ongaro's view that the CGT leadership's efforts at dialogue with the dictatorship would be in vain. President Onganía had ordered eight of the 62 CGT unions into government receivership and CGT elections in March 1968 pitted the steelworker's Vandor against Perón's own choice, Raimundo Ongaro. Vandor's steelworkers' union was the largest in the CGT and he still had allies such as Alonso and Coría.
Where Ongaro had Perón's own support, Vandor could only boast the endorsement of Onganía's new Labor Minister, Rubens San Sebastián, the architect of the President's "divide and conquer" strategy towards the CGT. Ongaro was elected Secretary General of the CGT on March 30, 1968, without a concession from the defeated Vandor and the Labor Minister annulled the election, impeding Ongaro's taking office. Writer Rodolfo Walsh and numerous adherents of the activist Third World Priests' Movement joined Ongaro and their CGT supporters in creating the Argentine CGT, a coalition announced during a rally on May 1, the international labor day. Drawing from his publishing background, Ongaro had the CGTA draft a weekly newsletter which, under Ricardo de Luca's direction and with regular contributions from Walsh, Rogelio García Lupo and Horacio Verbitsky, became renowned for its treatment of local as well as international issues; the CGTA was the subject of banned documentaries by filmmaker Fernando "Pino" Solanas and others in the vanguard Grupo Cine Liberación.
Numerous leaders from within Alonso's official CGT extended their support, notably Córdoba Province light and power workers' leader Agustín Tosco, who earned the enmity of his union's national leader Juan José Taccone, by joining the CGTA. The CGTA was the target of intense harassment by the dictatorship, who over the next year had around 5,000 of its members detained nationwide. Tosco's support of a local autoworkers' strike at the important Córdoba FIAT plant in May 1969 was decisive in the demonstrations' brutal May 29 repression, whose subsequent riots became known as the Cordobazo; the Cordobazo encouraged a hard line in the regime's labor relations policy. Having detained Tosco and numerous others, the mysterious June 30 assassination of Augusto Vandor provided a pretext for Ongaro's arrest and the banning of the CGTA; these struggles brought him to the attention of the International Labour Organization, which elected him a member of their administrative council that year. Tosco's and Ongaro's repeated stays in prison and continued pressure led to the CGTA's inactivity and, on Ongaro's release in January 1972, he disbanded the defunct trade union and founded the independent Argentine Printworkers' Sindicate.
Focused on influencing Juan Perón, whose return from exile was imminent, he established "Basic Peronism," a leftist political advocacy group. Political pressure led the dictatorship to call for free and fair national elections in March 1973, which Perón's Justicialist Party won in a landslide. Ongaro's independent union and leftist stance, made him a target to the CGT and to a far-right adviser close to Perón himself, José López Rega. Congressman Ortega Peña was assassinated by López Rega's death squad, the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance, on July 31, 1974, the Ongaro family's home in the Buenos Aires suburb of Los Polvorines was raided with impunity, leading to Mrs. Ongaro's miscarriage on one occasion. Undeterred, Ongaro organized a September 16 meeting in Bella Vista, Tucumán, to support a sugarmill workers' strike led by Atilio Santillán. Reunited with other former CGTA allies inc
General Confederation of Labour (Argentina)
The General Confederation of Labor of the Argentine Republic is a national trade union federation in Argentina founded on September 27, 1930, as the result of the merger of the USA and the COA trade unions. Nearly one out of five employed - and two out of three unionized workers in Argentina - belong to the CGT, one of the largest labor federations in the world; the CGT was founded on September 27, 1930, the result of an agreement between the Socialist Confederación Obrera Argentina and the Revolutionary Syndicalist Unión Sindical Argentina, which had succeeded to the FORA IX. The COA, which included the two unions covering rail transport in Argentina, was the larger of the two with 100,000 members. During the Infamous Decade of the 1930s and subsequent industrial development, the CGT began to form itself as a strong union, competing with the anarchist FORA V. Centered around the railroad industry, the CGT was headed in the 1930s by Luis Cerruti and José Domenech; the CGT became the Argentine affiliate of the International Federation of Trade Unions.
The CGT split in 1935 over a conflict between Socialists and Revolutionary Syndicalists, leading to the creation of the CGT-Independencia and the CGT-Catamarca. The latter reestablished the Unión Sindical Argentina in 1937; the CGT again split in 1942, creating the CGT n°1, headed by the Socialist railroader José Domenech and opposed to Communism. After the coup d'état of 1943, its leaders embraced the pro-working class policies of the Labour Minister, Col. Juan Perón; the CGT was again unified, due to the incorporation of many unionists who were members of the CGT n°2, dissolved in 1943 by the military government. When Perón was separated from the government and confined on Martín García Island, the CGT called for a major popular demonstration at the Plaza de Mayo, on October 17, 1945, succeeding in releasing Perón from prison and in the call for elections. Founding on the same day the Labour Party, the CGT was one of the main support of Perón during the February 1946 elections; the Labor Party merged into the Peronist Party in 1947, the CGT became one of the strongest arms of the Peronist Movement, as well as the only trade union recognized by Perón's government.
Two CGT delegates, the Socialist Ángel Borlenghi and Juan Atilio Bramuglia were nominated Minister of Interior and Minister of Foreign Affairs, respectively. Colonel Domingo Mercante, the military officer with the closest ties to labor, was elected Governor of Buenos Aires; the number of unionized workers grew markedly during the Perón years, from 520,000 to over 2.5 million. His administration enacted or extended numerous landmark social reforms supported by the CGT, including: minimum wages. After the Revolución Libertadora military coup in 1955, which ousted Perón and outlawed Peronism, the CGT was banned from politics and its leadership replaced with government appointees. In response, the CGT began a destabilization campaign to end Perón's proscription and to obtain his return from exile. Amid ongoing strikes over both declining real wages and political repression, AOT textile workers' leader Andrés Framini and President Arturo Frondizi negotiated an end to six years of forced government receivership over the CGT in 1961.
This concession, as well as the lifting of the Peronists' electoral ban in 1962, led to Frondizi's overthrow, however. During the 1960s, the leaders of the CGT attempted to create a "Peronism without Perón" - that is, a form of Peronism that retained the populist ideals set forth by Juan Perón, but rejected the personality cult that had developed around him in the 1940s and 1950s; the chief exponents of this strategy were the Unión Popular, founded by former Foreign Minister Juan Atilio Bramuglia, UOM steelworkers' leader Augusto Vandor, who endorsed the CGT's active participation in elections against Perón's wishes and became the key figure in this latter movement. Vandor and Perón both supported President Arturo Illia's overthrow in 1966, but failed to reach an agreement with dictator Juan Carlos Onganía afterward. While membership in CGT unions remained well below their peak before Perón's 1955 overthrow, they enjoyed unprecedented resources during the 1960s; the CGT diversified their assets through investment
Juan Domingo Perón was an Argentine Army general and politician. After serving in several government positions, including Minister of Labor and Vice President, he was elected President of Argentina three times, serving from June 1946 to September 1955, when he was overthrown in a coup d'état, from October 1973 until his death in July 1974. During his first presidential term, Perón was supported by his second wife, Eva Duarte, they were immensely popular among many Argentines. Eva died in 1952, Perón was elected to a second term, serving from 1952 until 1955. During the following period of two military dictatorships, interrupted by two civilian governments, the Peronist party was outlawed and Perón was exiled; when the left-wing Peronist Héctor José Cámpora was elected President in 1973, Perón returned to Argentina and was soon after elected President for a third time. His third wife, María Estela Martínez, known as Isabel Perón, was elected as Vice President on his ticket and succeeded him as President upon his death in 1974.
Although they are still controversial figures and Evita Perón are nonetheless considered icons by the Peronists. The Peróns' followers praised their efforts to eliminate poverty and to dignify labour, while their detractors considered them demagogues and dictators; the Peróns gave their name to the political movement known as Peronism, which in present-day Argentina is represented by the Justicialist Party. Peronism is a political phenomenon that draws support from both the political left and political right. Peronism is not considered a traditional party, but a political movement, because of the wide variety of people who call themselves Peronists, there is great controversy surrounding his personality. A number of following Argentinian presidents are considered Peronists, including administrations covering a majority of the democratic era: Héctor Cámpora, Isabel Perón, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, Eduardo Duhalde, Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Kirchner. Juan Domingo Perón was born in Lobos, Buenos Aires Province, on 8 October 1895.
He was the son of Mario Tomás Perón. The Perón branch of his family was Spanish, but settled in Spanish Sardinia, from which his great-grandfather emigrated in the 1830s, he had Spanish and French Basque ancestry. Perón's great-grandfather became a successful shoe merchant in Buenos Aires, his grandfather was a prosperous physician; the couple had their two sons out of wedlock and married in 1901. His father moved to the Patagonia region that year, where he purchased a sheep ranch. Juan himself was sent away in 1904 to a boarding school in Buenos Aires directed by his paternal grandmother, where he received a strict Catholic upbringing, his father's undertaking failed, he died in Buenos Aires in 1928. The youth entered the National Military College in 1911 at age 16 and graduated in 1913, he excelled less in his studies than in athletics boxing and fencing. Perón began his military career in an Infantry post in Entre Ríos, he went on to command the post, in this capacity mediated a prolonged labor conflict in 1920 at La Forestal a leading firm in forestry in Argentina.
He earned instructor's credentials at the Superior War School, in 1929 was appointed to the Army General Staff Headquarters. Perón married his first wife, Aurelia Tizón, on 5 January 1929. Perón was recruited by supporters of the director of the War Academy, General José Félix Uriburu, to collaborate in the latter's plans for a military coup against President Hipólito Yrigoyen. Perón, who instead supported General Agustín Justo, was banished to a remote post in northwestern Argentina after Uriburu's successful coup in September 1930, he was promoted to the rank of Major the following year and named to the faculty at the Superior War School, where he taught military history and published a number of treatises on the subject. He served as military attaché in the Argentine Embassy in Chile from 1936 to 1938, returned to his teaching post, his wife was diagnosed with uterine cancer that year, died on 10 September at age 30. Perón was assigned by the War Ministry to study mountain warfare in the Italian Alps in 1939.
He attended the University of Turin for a semester and served as a military observer in countries across Europe. He studied Benito Mussolini's Italian Fascism, Nazi Germany, other European governments of the time, concluding in his summary, Apuntes de historia militar, that social democracy could be a viable alternative to liberal democracy or totalitarian regimes, he returned to Argentina in 1941, served as an Army skiing instructor in Mendoza Province. In 1943 a coup d'état was led by General Arturo Rawson against conservative President Ramón Castillo, fraudulently elected to office; the military was opposed to Governor Robustiano Patrón Costas, Castillo's hand-picked successor, the principal landowner in Salta Province, as well as a main stockholder in its sugar industry. As a colonel and his power of premier minister, Perón took a significant part in the military coup by the GOU against the conservative civilian government of Castillo. At first an assistant to Secretary of War General Edelmiro Farrell, under the administration of General Pe
A general strike is a strike action in which a substantial proportion of the total labour force in a city, region, or country participates. General strikes are characterised by the participation of workers in a multitude of workplaces, tend to involve entire communities. General strikes first occurred in the mid-19th century, have characterised many important strikes. An early predecessor of the general strike may have been the secessio plebis in ancient Rome. In the Outline Of History, H. G. Wells recorded "the general strike of the plebeians, their first strike occurred because they "saw with indignation their friends, who had served the state bravely in the legions, thrown into chains and reduced to slavery at the demand of patrician creditors."Wells noted that "he patricians made a mean use of their political advantages to grow rich through the national conquests at the expense not only of the defeated enemy, but of the poorer plebeian..." The plebeians, who were expected to obey the laws, but were not allowed to know the laws, were successful, winning the right to appeal any injustice to the general assembly.
In 450 BC. in a concession resulting from the rebellion of the plebeians, the laws of Rome were written for all to peruse. The general strike action only became a feature of the political landscape with the onset of the Industrial Revolution. For the first time in history, large numbers of people were members of the industrial working class. By the 1830s, when the Chartist movement was at its peak, a true and widespread'workers' consciousness' was beginning to awaken in England; the first theorist to formulate and popularise the idea of a general strike for the purpose of political reform was the radical pamphleteer William Benbow. Involved with planning the attempted Blanketeers protest march by Lancashire weavers in March 1817, he became an associate of William Cobbett and passed his time "agitating the labouring classes at their trades meetings and club-houses."On 28 January 1832 Benbow published a pamphlet entitled Grand National Holiday and Congress of the Productive Classes. Benbow began to advocate direct and violent action for political reform, in particular he advanced his idea for a "national holiday" and "national convention".
By this he meant an extended period of general strike by the working classes, which would be a sacred or holy action, during which time local committees would keep the peace and elect delegates to a national convention or congress, which would agree the future direction of the nation. The striking workers were to support themselves with savings and confiscated parish funds, by demanding contributions from rich people. Benbow's idea of a Grand National Holiday was adopted by the Chartist Congress of 1839, Benbow having spent time in Manchester during 1838-9 promoting the cause and his pamphlet. In 1842 the demands for fairer wages and conditions across many different industries exploded into the first modern general strike. After the second Chartist Petition was presented to Parliament in April 1842 and rejected, the strike began in the coal mines of Staffordshire and soon spread through Britain affecting factories, mills in Lancashire and coal mines from Dundee to South Wales and Cornwall.
Instead of being a spontaneous uprising of the mutinous masses, the strike was politically motivated and was driven by a hard-headed agenda to win concessions. As much as half of the industrial workforce were on strike at its peak – over 500,000 men; the local leadership marshaled a growing working-class tradition to politically organise their followers to mount an articulate challenge to the capitalist, political establishment. The mass abandonment of plantations by black slaves and poor whites during the American Civil War has, been considered a general strike. In his classic history Black Reconstruction in America, W. E. B. Du Bois describes this mass abandonment in these terms: Transforming itself from a problem of abandoned plantations and slaves captured while being used by the enemy for military purposes, the movement became a general strike against the slave system on the part of all who could find opportunity; the trickling streams of fugitives swelled to a flood. Once begun, the general strike of black and white went madly and relentlessly on like some great saga.
The next large scale general strike took place over half a century in Belgium, in an effort to force the government to grant universal suffrage to the people. However, there were periodical strikes throughout the 19th century that could loosely be considered as'general strikes'. In the United States, the Philadelphia General Strike of 1835 lasted for three weeks, after which the striking workers won their goal of a ten-hour workday and an increase in wages. General strikes include the 1877 Saint Louis general strike, which grew out of the events of the Great Railroad Strike of 1877 across the United States and the 1892 New Orleans general strike; the year of 1919 saw a cascade of general strikes around the world as a result of the political convulsions caused by the First World War – in Germany, Belfast and Winnipeg. The Russian Revolution of 1905 saw a massive wave of social unrest across the Russian Empire, characterised by large scale general strikes on the part of the industrial workers.
The 1926 United Kingdom general strike started in the coal industry and escalated.