Arabic is a Central Semitic language that first emerged in Iron Age northwestern Arabia and is now the lingua franca of the Arab world. It is named after the Arabs, a term used to describe peoples living in the area bounded by Mesopotamia in the east and the Anti-Lebanon mountains in the west, in northwestern Arabia, in the Sinai Peninsula. Arabic is classified as a macrolanguage comprising 30 modern varieties, including its standard form, Modern Standard Arabic, derived from Classical Arabic; as the modern written language, Modern Standard Arabic is taught in schools and universities, is used to varying degrees in workplaces and the media. The two formal varieties are grouped together as Literary Arabic, the official language of 26 states, the liturgical language of the religion of Islam, since the Quran and Hadith were written in Arabic. Modern Standard Arabic follows the grammatical standards of Classical Arabic, uses much of the same vocabulary. However, it has discarded some grammatical constructions and vocabulary that no longer have any counterpart in the spoken varieties, has adopted certain new constructions and vocabulary from the spoken varieties.
Much of the new vocabulary is used to denote concepts that have arisen in the post-classical era in modern times. Due to its grounding in Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic is removed over a millennium from everyday speech, construed as a multitude of dialects of this language; these dialects and Modern Standard Arabic are described by some scholars as not mutually comprehensible. The former are acquired in families, while the latter is taught in formal education settings. However, there have been studies reporting some degree of comprehension of stories told in the standard variety among preschool-aged children; the relation between Modern Standard Arabic and these dialects is sometimes compared to that of Latin and vernaculars in medieval and early modern Europe. This view though does not take into account the widespread use of Modern Standard Arabic as a medium of audiovisual communication in today's mass media—a function Latin has never performed. During the Middle Ages, Literary Arabic was a major vehicle of culture in Europe in science and philosophy.
As a result, many European languages have borrowed many words from it. Arabic influence in vocabulary, is seen in European languages Spanish and to a lesser extent Portuguese, Catalan, owing to both the proximity of Christian European and Muslim Arab civilizations and 800 years of Arabic culture and language in the Iberian Peninsula, referred to in Arabic as al-Andalus. Sicilian has about 500 Arabic words as result of Sicily being progressively conquered by Arabs from North Africa, from the mid-9th to mid-10th centuries. Many of these words relate to related activities; the Balkan languages, including Greek and Bulgarian, have acquired a significant number of Arabic words through contact with Ottoman Turkish. Arabic has influenced many languages around the globe throughout its history; some of the most influenced languages are Persian, Spanish, Kashmiri, Bosnian, Bengali, Malay, Indonesian, Punjabi, Assamese, Sindhi and Hausa, some languages in parts of Africa. Conversely, Arabic has borrowed words from other languages, including Greek and Persian in medieval times, contemporary European languages such as English and French in modern times.
Classical Arabic is the liturgical language of 1.8 billion Muslims, Modern Standard Arabic is one of six official languages of the United Nations. All varieties of Arabic combined are spoken by as many as 422 million speakers in the Arab world, making it the fifth most spoken language in the world. Arabic is written with the Arabic alphabet, an abjad script and is written from right to left, although the spoken varieties are sometimes written in ASCII Latin from left to right with no standardized orthography. Arabic is a Central Semitic language related to the Northwest Semitic languages, the Ancient South Arabian languages, various other Semitic languages of Arabia such as Dadanitic; the Semitic languages changed a great deal between Proto-Semitic and the establishment of the Central Semitic languages in grammar. Innovations of the Central Semitic languages—all maintained in Arabic—include: The conversion of the suffix-conjugated stative formation into a past tense; the conversion of the prefix-conjugated preterite-tense formation into a present tense.
The elimination of other prefix-conjugated mood/aspect forms in favor of new moods formed by endings attached to the prefix-conjugation forms. The development of an internal passive. There are several features which Classical Arabic, the modern Arabic varieties, as well as the Safaitic and Hismaic inscriptions share which are unattested in any other Central Semitic language variety, including the Dadanitic and Taymanitic languages of the northern Hejaz; these features are evidence of common descent from Proto-Arabic. The following features can be reconstructed with confidence for Proto-Arabic: negative particles m *mā.
Mohammed Yousef el-Magariaf, or, as he writes on his official website, Dr. Mohamed Yusuf Al Magariaf is a Libyan politician who served as the President of the General National Congress from its first meeting in August 2012 until his resignation in May 2013. In this role he was Libya's de facto head of state, until his resignation in May 2013. Magariaf is the leader of the National Front Party, which won three seats in the 2012 election, he was well known for having founded and been the first leader of the National Front for the Salvation of Libya against the regime of Muammar Gaddafi. A resident of Benghazi, he studied Economics at the University of Benghazi, he served from 1972 to 1977 as head of the board of auditors at the Libyan Arab Republic's Revenue Court, where he proved uncomfortable for the regime because of his anti-corruption stance and was subsequently designated Libya's Ambassador to India. After being recalled to Libya in 1980, he announced his defection in Morocco due to his certainty that he would be purged on return.
He survived at least three assassination attempts. On 8 May 1984, el-Magariaf directed commandos from the National Front for the Salvation of Libya led by Ahmed Ibrahim Ihwas in an attempt to assassinate Muammar Gaddafi, via an attack on Gaddafi's headquarters; the attack failed. Al-Magariaf, the "National Front for the Salvation of Libya" broadcast opposition propaganda into Libya. Magariaf dedicated himself to overthrowing the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya with violence. In response, Gaddafi targeted Al-Magariaf. Subsequent to the founding of the National Front for the Salvation of Libya, el-Magariaf is one of few people who knew he was targeted by Gaddafi's bombing of UTA Flight 772 in 1989; the NFSL was founded as the first opposition group pushing for democratic reforms in Libya. The NFSL called for a democratic government with constitutional guarantees and fair elections, free press, separation of powers, non-discriminatory rule of law, gender equality, multi-partyism, sustainable development, a realistic democratic road-map that benefits from Libyan and Islamic traditions as well as democratic learning from Nelson Mandela's democratisation experience from South Africa, amongst others.
At the onset of the Libyan Civil War, Magariaf remained active in engaging with his political contacts, in an effort to gain international support for himself and the Libyan people. After the 2011 civil war, Magariaf returned to Libya from the United States, where he had spent most of his 30 years in exile, he is now the leader of National Front Party, the formal successor of the NFSL, dissolved on 9 May 2012, after the National Transitional Council seized power. Magariaf is Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants in Wales. During the Libyan Congressional election of 2012, Magariaf was elected congressman, within the National Front Party. Magariaf was elected President of the General National Congress on 9 August 2012, he received 113 votes in Congress against 85 votes for his independent rival, Ali Zeidan who went on to become Prime Minister in November. After serving as President for 9 months he resigned in May 2013 in anticipation of the political isolation law, passed, barring him from office due to his previous role as an ambassador under the Gaddafi regime.
Magariaf survived an attempt on his life in the southwestern Libyan town of Sabha on 4 January 2013. He had been visiting the town with a GNC delegation as part of a fact-finding mission aimed at helping the government restore security and crack down on smuggling operations in the south of the country. Magarief told reporters that his hotel was attacked by gunmen, triggering a three-hour gun battle with his personal bodyguards in which three of them were injured. Magarief escaped the incident unharmed. Magariaf is reported to have good relations with the Muslim Brotherhood, yet is perceived as a moderate pragmatist who led one of the most liberal parties in the 2012 election, his agenda is to focus on the Libyan economy. Banks, Arthur S. Thomas C. Muller, William Overstreet. Political Handbook of the World 2008, CQ Press, 2008. International Security Council, Global affairs, Volume 1, Issues 3-4, 1986, pp. 56–59. International Strategic Studies Association, Defense & foreign affairs handbook, 2002 - Technology & Engineering Metz, Helen Chapin.
"LIBYA: a country study, Chapter 4. Government and Politics: Opposition to Qadhafi: Exiled Opposition". Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. Vandewalle, Dirk. History of Modern Libya. Cambridge University Press
Cumulative voting is a multiple-winner voting method intended to promote more proportional representation than winner-take-all elections. Cumulative voting is used in corporate governance, where it is mandated by some U. S. states. It was used to elect the Illinois House of Representatives from 1870 until its repeal in 1980 and used in England in the late 19th century to elect some school boards; as of March 2012, more than fifty communities in the United States use cumulative voting, all resulting from cases brought under the National Voting Rights Act of 1965. Among them are Peoria, Illinois for half of its city council, Chilton County, Alabama for its county council and school board, Amarillo, for its school board and College Board of Regents. Courts sometimes mandate its use as a remedy in lawsuits brought under the Voting Rights Act in the United States. A form of cumulative voting has been used by group facilitators as a method to collectively prioritize options, for example ideas generated from a brainstorming session within a workshop.
This approach is described as “multi-voting” and was derived from the nominal group technique and is one of many tools suggested within the Six Sigma business management strategy. A cumulative voting election permits voters in an election for more than one seat to put more than one vote on a preferred candidate; when voters in the minority concentrate their votes in this way, it increases their chances of obtaining representation in a legislative body. This is different from bloc voting, where a voter may not vote more than once for any candidate, 51% of voters can control 100% of representation. Ballots used for cumulative voting differ both in the ways voters mark their selections and in the degree to which voters are permitted to split their own vote; the simplest ballot uses the equal and cumulative voting method, where a voter marks preferred candidates, as in bloc voting, votes are automatically divided evenly among those preferred candidates. Voters are unable to specify a differing level of support for a more preferred candidate, giving them less flexibility although making it tactically easier to support a slate of candidates.
A more common and more complex cumulative ballot uses a points method. Under this method, voters are given an explicit number of points to distribute amongst candidates on a single ballot; this is done with a voter making a mark for each point beside the desired candidate. A similar method is to have the voter write in the desired number of points next to each candidate; this latter approach is used for corporate elections involving a large number of points on a given ballot, where the voter is given one set of points for each votable share of stock he has in the company. Unless an appropriately programmed electronic voting system is used, this write-in ballot type burdens the voter with ensuring that his point allocations add up to his allotted sum; when used as a facilitation technique for group decision-making this process is called “multi-voting”. Participants are given points which they can apply among a list of options; because dot stickers are used for multi-voting, the process is often called dot voting.
In typical cumulative elections using the points method, the number of points allotted to a voter is equal to the number of winning candidates. This allows a voter to express some support for all winning candidates. With only one point the method becomes equivalent to a single non-transferable vote in a first-past-the-post method. Other than general egalitarian concerns of electoral equality, there is nothing in this method that requires each voter to be given the same number of points. If certain voters are seen as more deserving of influence, for example because they own more shares of stock in the company, they can be directly assigned more points per voter; this explicit method of granting particular voters more influence is advocated for governmental elections outside corporate management because the voters are members of an oppressed group. Unlike choice voting where the numbers represent the order of a voter's ranking of candidates, in cumulative votes the numbers represent quantities.
While giving voters more points may appear to give them a greater ability to graduate their support for individual candidates, it is not obvious that it changes the democratic structure of the method. The most flexible ballot allows a full vote to be divided in any fraction among all candidates, so long as the fractions add to less than or equal to 1. Advocates of cumulative voting argue that political and racial minorities deserve better representation. By concentrating their votes on a small number of candidates of their choice, voters in the minority can win some representation — for example, a like-minded grouping of voters, 20% of a city would be well-positioned to elect one out of five seats. Both forms of cumulative voting achiev
Minister of Foreign Affairs (Libya)
This is a list of foreign ministers of Libya. There are some notes which should be mentioned about this list: Title of foreign minister varies depending on political regime. For example, during the Jamahiriya era, the title was Secretary of People's Committee for Foreign Communication and International Cooperation. Despite that the list shown on website of Libyan foreign ministry are one of the sources used in this list, it omits some ministers, like Shams ad-Din Orabi, Ali Hassanein, between Ahmad Bishti, Saleh Buyasser. Mohamed Yousef el-Magariaf, "Libia bain al Madi wal Hadir: Safahat men at 4 vols. Markaz ad Dirasat al Libiya, Oxford, 2004. Salem el Kebti, "Libia.. Maseerat al Istiqlal…Watha'iq Mahalliya wa Dawliya", Part 3, 1st ed. 2012. Libyan Foreign Ministry-List of Foreign Ministers http://rulers.org/fm3.html
Fayez Mustafa al-Sarraj is a Libyan politician, the Chairman of the Presidential Council of Libya and prime minister of the Government of National Accord of Libya, formed as a result of the Libyan Political Agreement signed on 17 December 2015. He has been a member of the Parliament of Tripoli. Since assuming leadership of the GNA, Sarraj has struggled to exert his authority throughout Libya, the country remains fractured between opposing political forces and unstable. Born in Tripoli, Sarraj comes from a prominent and wealthy family of the city, which owned shops and vast amount of land, his father, Mostafa al-Sarraj was a minister during the Libyan Monarchy. Trained as an architect, during the Gaddafi era he worked in the Housing Ministry. In 2014, he served as the Minister of Housing and Utilities in the Maiteeq Cabinet of the GNC; some critics "regard Sarraj as a politician imposed by foreign powers." At the time of his appointment "Guma el-Gamaty, a member of Libya Dialogue, the UN-chaired body that created the new government, said Sarraj was expected to ask for help to combat Isis and train Libyan units."After Libya's 2014 elections, Libyan government was split between the Islamist-dominated New General National Congress in Tripoli and the internationally recognized legislature of the House of Representatives in Tobruk.
In early October 2015, the United Nations envoy to Libya, Bernardino León, proposed a national unity government for Libya, led by a prime minister, three deputies from the country's east and south regions, two ministers to complete a presidential council. However, this national unity government was rejected by the internationally recognized legislature in Tobruk and the rival government in Tripoli. Fayez al-Sarraj, six other members of the Presidential Council and proposed cabinet arrived in Tripoli on 30 March 2016; the following day, it was reported that the GNA has taken control of the prime ministerial offices and that the GNC appointed prime minister Khalifa al-Ghawil had fled to Misrata. On 14 October 2016, forces loyal to GNC took over the building of the High Council of State and announced the comeback of Ghawil cabinet Then, fighting occurred between Sarraj loyalists and Ghawil forces. Sarraj has been Prime Minister of the Government of National Accord since its installment in December 2015 as part of a United Nations-led political agreement.
Prior to his initial arrival in Tripoli in March 2016, Sarraj survived two separate assassination attempts. Over the past two years, the GNA has struggled to gain a foothold as a legitimate institution of authority inside the country, Libya has remained divided; the government's initial proposed group of ministers was rejected by the House of Representatives, leading Sarraj to form a government that received a no confidence vote from the HoR. Infighting among rival militias has only intensified, Libyan citizens have faced economic hardships, including inflation and smuggling, that are "melting away the country's cash reserves"; the United Nations representatives who formed the unity government have since expressed concern over its ability to make progress. In December 2016, the Security Council noted the "limited authority" of the GNA and stated that "the Libyan Political Agreement did not fulfill the expectations; the implementation has stalled."Months following this statement, an April 2017 U.
N. Security Council meeting summary cautioned that "Libya could relapse into conflict" and said the government has struggled to "deliver basic services while endeavoring to fight terrorism, illegal migration and oil smuggling."In an attempt to make the government more effective, reports have surfaced throughout 2017 of a consensus to restructure the GNA and overall Libyan Political Agreement. In July 2018, Libya rejected European Union's plan aimed at stopping migration from Libya. On 10 April 2019, United Nations chief António Guterres said, at the UN headquarters, that he still hopes to avoid “bloody battle for Tripoli”. Two days before that troops loyal to Faiez Serraj began moving toward the capital. Government of National Accord – Office of the Prime Minister Official Twitter feed
Foreign relations of Libya
The foreign relations of Libya were reset at the end of the Libyan Civil War, with the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi and the ongoing Second Libyan Civil War. The current Minister of Foreign Affairs in the internationally recognized executive government known as the Government of National Accord is Mohamed Taha Siala. Although many foreign embassies in Tripoli closed down in 2014 due to the fighting, by the end of 2017 thirty diplomatic missions were reopened in the Libyan capital. In its 5 March 2011 "Founding Statement", the council stated, " request from the international community to fulfill its obligations to protect the Libyan people from any further genocide and crimes against humanity without any direct military intervention on Libyan soil." Ali Al-Issawi was designated the Council's foreign affairs spokesperson in March 2011. Mahmoud Jibril replaced Ali Al-Issawi and was designated as the Head of International Affairs; the NTC has called on the international community to render assistance to its efforts to dislodge Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, the ruler of Libya since 1969, his loyalists.
Officials have asked for medical supplies and weapons, among other forms of foreign aid. In late June 2011, it proposed using internationally based frozen assets belonging to Gaddafi and his inner circle as collateral for loans, with Finance Minister Ali Tarhouni warning that his government is out of money; the NTC has asked for those assets to be unfrozen and transferred to Benghazi, a request officials of the Obama administration in the United States indicated they would try to fulfill. NTC officials have said that they intend to reward countries that have been early to recognise the council as the legitimate representative of Libya, as well as countries that have been involved in the international military intervention to suppress Gaddafi's forces. Among the incentives the council has offered to these countries, which it considers to be allies, are favorable oil contracts and other economic ties. On 15 July 2011, a council spokesman told members of the Libya Contact Group meeting in Istanbul, that his government would not forge any new oil contracts and that an elected government must be in place before new deals could be made.
After anti-Gaddafi forces stormed Tripoli, the Libyan capital city, the information manager at NTC-run oil firm AGOCO said on 22 August that once Libya resumed oil exports, its new government "may have some political issues with Russia and Brazil" and favor Western and Arab countries that supported the uprising against Gaddafi when awarding oil contracts. However, on 23 August, Brazilian Foreign Minister Antonio Patriota said his government had been assured that if the NTC took power in Libya, "contracts will be respected" and Brazil would not be punished for its stance. On 1 September, an NTC representative in Paris claimed that the new Libyan government would not award oil contracts based on politics, though he said that a number of Western companies, including BP, Eni, "major American companies", had a "good track record in the Libyan oil sector"; the foreign relations of the Libya under Muammar Gaddafi underwent much change. They were marked by severe tension with the West and by other national policies in the Middle East and Africa, including the Libyan government's financial and military support for numerous paramilitary and rebel groups.
During the Libyan Civil War, at least 100 countries and numerous international organisations, including the United Nations, expressly recognised the NTC as Libya's legitimate authority or used similar language. Several other countries have recognised the NTC as the interim government of Libya since the war's end. Libya was suspended from Arab League proceedings in late February 2011 over the bombardment of civilians by Gaddafi's forces during widespread protests against his government. In early June, Vice Chairman Abdul Hafiz Ghoga, a frequent spokesman for the council, emphasised his government's intention to reintegrate Libya into the Arab world, it was reinstated on 27 August with the NTC as its representative. The African Union's Peace and Security Council decided on 26 August 2011 to call for a national unity government including the remnants of the Gaddafi government as well as members of the NTC instead of transferring its diplomatic recognition to the NTC as Libya's legal representative.
After Chairman Mustafa Abdul Jalil pledged the council's commitment to protecting human rights, shepherding Libya through the process of postwar reconciliation, transitioning to full democracy at a Libya Contact Group conference in Paris on 1 September, a spokesman for the African Union Commission said the commission was "reassured" and would bring the issue of recognition up for discussion again. Relations between the AU and the NTC have been strained by persistent reports of hate crimes, including arbitrary detentions and lynchings, being perpetrated against black people in Tawergha and other places in Libya. On 20 September 2011, the African Union recognised the National Transitional Council as the legitimate representative of Libya; the NTC asked to take up Libya's seat at the United Nations. The UN was a member of the Libya Contact Group. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, the UN's nominal leader, said on 1 September that the UN would work with "Libyan authority" to help Libya transition toward democracy.
Ban backed a proposed United Nations Security Council resolution to codify the international body's role in supporting Libyan democracy and stability. Although the NTC welcomed United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973, which authorised the NATO-led bombing of Libyan military targets, it has rejected proposals for a United Nations peacekeeping continge
A legislature is a deliberative assembly with the authority to make laws for a political entity such as a country or city. Legislatures form important parts of most governments. Laws enacted by legislatures are known as primary legislation. Legislatures observe and steer governing actions and have exclusive authority to amend the budget or budgets involved in the process; the members of a legislature are called legislators. In a democracy, legislators are most popularly elected, although indirect election and appointment by the executive are used for bicameral legislatures featuring an upper chamber. Names for national legislatures include "parliament", "congress", "diet", "assembly", depending on country; each chamber of the legislature consists of a number of legislators who use some form of parliamentary procedure to debate political issues and vote on proposed legislation. There must be a certain number of legislators present to carry out these activities; some of the responsibilities of a legislature, such as giving first consideration to newly proposed legislation, are delegated to committees made up of a few of the members of the chamber.
The members of a legislature represent different political parties. Legislatures vary in the amount of political power they wield, compared to other political players such as judiciaries and executives. In 2009, political scientists M. Steven Fish and Matthew Kroenig constructed a Parliamentary Powers Index in an attempt to quantify the different degrees of power among national legislatures; the German Bundestag, the Italian Parliament, the Mongolian State Great Khural tied for most powerful, while Myanmar's House of Representatives and Somalia's Transitional Federal Assembly tied for least powerful. Some political systems follow the principle of legislative supremacy, which holds that the legislature is the supreme branch of government and cannot be bound by other institutions, such as the judicial branch or a written constitution; such a system renders the legislature more powerful. In parliamentary and semi-presidential systems of government, the executive is responsible to the legislature, which may remove it with a vote of no confidence.
On the other hand, according to the separation of powers doctrine, the legislature in a presidential system is considered an independent and coequal branch of government along with both the judiciary and the executive. Legislatures will sometimes delegate their legislative power to administrative or executive agencies. Legislatures are made up of individual members, known as legislators. A legislature contains a fixed number of legislators. For example, a legislature that has 100 "seats" has 100 members. By extension, an electoral district that elects a single legislator can be described as a "seat", as, example, in the phrases "safe seat" and "marginal seat". A legislature may debate and vote upon bills as a single unit, or it may be composed of multiple separate assemblies, called by various names including legislative chambers, debate chambers, houses, which debate and vote separately and have distinct powers. A legislature which operates as a single unit is unicameral, one divided into two chambers is bicameral, one divided into three chambers is tricameral.
In bicameral legislatures, one chamber is considered the upper house, while the other is considered the lower house. The two types are not rigidly different, but members of upper houses tend to be indirectly elected or appointed rather than directly elected, tend to be allocated by administrative divisions rather than by population, tend to have longer terms than members of the lower house. In some systems parliamentary systems, the upper house has less power and tends to have a more advisory role, but in others presidential systems, the upper house has equal or greater power. In federations, the upper house represents the federation's component states; this is a case with the supranational legislature of the European Union. The upper house may either contain the delegates of state governments – as in the European Union and in Germany and, before 1913, in the United States – or be elected according to a formula that grants equal representation to states with smaller populations, as is the case in Australia and the United States since 1913.
Tricameral legislatures are rare. Tetracameral legislatures no longer exist, but they were used in Scandinavia. Legislatures vary in their size. Among national legislatures, China's National People's Congress is the largest with 2 980 members, while Vatican City's Pontifical Commission is the smallest with 7. Neither legislature is democratically elected: the National People's Congress is indirectly elected. Legislature size is a trade off between representation. Comparative analysis of national legislatures has found that size of a country's lower house tends to be proportional to the cube root of its population.