Active service unit
An Active Service Unit was a Provisional Irish Republican Army cell of five to eight members, tasked with carrying out armed attacks. In 2002 the IRA had about 1,000 active members of. In 1977, the IRA moved away from the larger conventional military organisational principle owing to its perceived security vulnerability. In place of the battalion structures, a system of two parallel types of unit within an IRA Brigade was introduced. Firstly, the old "company" structures were used to supply auxiliary members for support activities such as intelligence-gathering, acting as lookouts or moving weapons; the bulk of attacks from 1977 onwards were the responsibility of a second type of unit, the ASU. To improve security and operational capacity these ASUs were smaller, tight-knit cells consisting of five to eight members, for carrying out armed attacks; the ASU's weapons were controlled by a quartermaster under the direct control of the IRA leadership. By the late 1980s and early 1990s, it was estimated that the IRA had 300 members in ASUs and 450 serving in supporting roles.
The exception to this reorganisation was the South Armagh Brigade which retained its traditional hierarchy and battalion structure and used large numbers of volunteers in its actions. Some operations, like the attack on Cloghogue checkpoint or the South Armagh sniper squads, involved as many as 20 volunteers, most of them in supporting roles. Flying Columns, terminology for some types of Irish Volunteers units of circa the 1920s Fireteam and Squad, terminology for functional types of modern military units of similar size O'Hearn, Denis. Bobby Sands: Nothing but an Unfinished Song, Pluto, ISBN 0-7453-2572-6 Bell, J. Bowyer; the Secret Army - The IRA, 1997 3rd Edition, ISBN 1-85371-813-0 Moloney Ed, The Secret History of the IRA, London 2002, ISBN 0-14-101041-X O'Brien. Brendan, The Long War - The IRA and Sinn Féin. O'Brien Press, Dublin 1995, ISBN 0-86278-359-3 ASU's in the Irish War of Independence
Royal Ulster Constabulary
The Royal Ulster Constabulary was the police force in Northern Ireland from 1922 to 2001. Following the awarding of the George Cross in 2000, its formal title became the Royal Ulster Constabulary, GC, it was founded on 1 June 1922 as a successor to the Royal Irish Constabulary. At its peak the force had around 8,500 officers with a further 4,500 who were members of the RUC Reserve. During the Troubles, 319 members of the RUC were killed and 9,000 injured in paramilitary assassinations or attacks by the Provisional IRA, which made the RUC, by 1983, the most dangerous police force in the world in which to serve. In the same period, the RUC killed 55 people; the RUC was superseded by the Police Service of Northern Ireland in 2001. The former police force was renamed and reformed, as is provided for by the final version of the Police Act 2000; the RUC has been accused by republicans and Irish nationalists of one-sided policing and discrimination, as well as collusion with loyalist paramilitaries. Conversely, it was praised as one of the most professional policing operations in the world by British security forces.
The allegations regarding collusion prompted several inquiries, the most recent of, published by Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan. The report identified police, CID and Special Branch collusion with loyalist terrorists under 31 separate headings, in her report on the murder of Raymond McCord and other matters, but no member of the RUC has been charged or convicted of any criminal acts as a result of these inquiries. Ombudsman Dame Nuala O'Loan stated in her conclusions that there was no reason to believe the findings of the investigation were isolated incidents. Under section 60 of the Government of Ireland Act 1920, Northern Ireland was placed under the jurisdiction of the Royal Irish Constabulary. On 31 January 1921, Richard Dawson Bates, the first Minister of Home Affairs for Northern Ireland, appointed a committee of inquiry on police organisation in Northern Ireland, it was asked to advise on any alterations to the existing police necessary for the formation of a new force. An interim report was published on 28 March 1922, the first official report of the new Parliament of Northern Ireland, it was subsequently accepted by the Northern Ireland Government.
On 29 April 1922, King George V granted to the force the name Royal Ulster Constabulary. In May, the Parliament of Northern Ireland passed the Constabulary Act 1922 and the RUC came into existence on 1 June; the headquarters of the force was established at Waring Street, in Belfast. The uniform remained the same as that of the RIC - a dark green, as opposed to the dark blue worn by the other British police forces and the Garda Síochána. A new badge of the Red Hand of Ulster on a St George's Cross surrounded by a chain was designed but proved unpopular and was never uniformly adopted; the harp and crown insignia of the Order of St Patrick, as worn by the RIC, was adopted. From the beginning it had a dual role, unique among British police forces, of providing a normal law enforcement police service while enforcing the new Northern Ireland entity in the face of considerable opposition, both armed and unarmed. To this end, its members were armed; the RUC was limited by statute to a 3,000-strong force.
A third of positions within the force were reserved for Roman Catholics, a reflection of the denominational proportions of the population of Northern Ireland at that time. The first two thousand places were filled and those reserved for Catholics were filled by ex-RIC men fleeing north. Due to reluctance by the political establishment to employ too many Catholics, the force abandoned this policy; as a result, representation of Catholics in the RUC never exceeded 20%. In addition, many Roman Catholics who joined the force during the troubles were targeted for murder or ostracised by their own community. By the 1960s, representation of Catholics in the RUC had fallen to 12%; the RUC were supported by the Ulster Special Constabulary, a volunteer body of part-time auxiliary police established before the Northern Ireland government was set up, given uniforms and training. The RUC's senior officer, the Inspector General, was appointed by the Governor of Northern Ireland and was responsible to the Minister of Home Affairs in the Northern Ireland government for the maintenance of law and order.
The polarised political climate in Northern Ireland resulted in violence from both sides of the political and religious divide. The lawlessness that affected Northern Ireland in the period of the early 1920s, the problems it caused for the police, are indicated in a police report drawn up by District Inspector R. R. Spears in February 1923. Referring to the situation in Belfast after July 1921 he stated:For twelve months after that, the city was in a state of turmoil; the IRA was responsible for an enormous number of murders, bombings and incendiary fires. The work of the police against them was, however hampered by the fact that the rough element on the Protestant side entered into the disturbances, met murder with murder and adopted in many respects the tactics of the rebel gunmen. In the endeavour to cope with the warring factions the police efforts were nullified, they were quite unable to rely on the restraint of one party. About 90 police officers were killed between 1922 in what would become Northern Ireland.
Royal Victoria Hospital, Belfast
The Royal Victoria Hospital known as "the Royal", the "RVH" or "the Royal Belfast", is a hospital in Belfast, Northern Ireland. It is managed by the Belfast Social Care Trust; the hospital has a Regional Virus Centre, one of the four laboratories in the United Kingdom on the WHO list of laboratories able to perform PCR for rapid diagnosis of influenza A virus infection in humans. The Royal Victoria Hospital has its origins in a number of successive institutions, beginning in 1797 with The Belfast Fever Hospital and General Dispensary, located in Factory Row; this moved to West Street in 1799, to Frederick Street in 1817. In 1847 the hospital became the Belfast General Hospital. In 1875 it gained the royal charter, becoming the Belfast Royal Hospital, in 1899 it was renamed the Royal Victoria Hospital. In 1903 it moved from Frederick Street to its present site; the first hospital building on the Grosvenor Road site was designed in 1899 by architects Henman and Cooper of Birmingham in a partial adoption of the English Revival style.
The design incorporates a turreted verandah-balcony extending along a series of ward pavilions. The hospital became the first air-conditioned public building in the world when Belfast's Sirocco Works installed the system, it was opened by King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra on 27 July 1903. The King Edward Building, built to commemorate the life of the late king, was completed in 1915. Additions included a free-standing radiology department and theatre block in 1964. A slight addition to the main front of the West Belfast site was new railings completed in 2000; the wavy pattern of the railings erected was reminiscent of the structure of DNA. There were little yellow Xs and Ys detailed for X- and Y-chromosomes, portraits chart the progress of a human life from birth to the age of 100. In February 2003 the hospital was designated as one of the nine acute hospitals in the acute hospital network of Northern Ireland on which healthcare would be focused under the government health policy'Developing Better Services'.
The Prince of Wales opened a new 400 bed, seven storey building, which incorporated new intensive care and fracture units built at a cost of £42 million, in September 2003. New imaging and central decontamination centres were added in 2007. Construction started on a new critical care facility, being built at a cost of £150 million, in 2008. However, due to construction difficulties, the project is understood to be running at least five years late and will not be open until 2021. Frank Pantridge, the "father of emergency medicine", was a cardiac consultant at the hospital for over 30 years. During his time at the Royal, Pantridge developed the portable defibrillator, which revolutionised emergency medicine by allowing patients to be treated early by paramedics. Social Democratic and Labour Party politician Carmel Hanna worked as a nurse in the hospital. Progressive Unionist Party politician David Ervine was admitted on 7 January 2007 and died there the following day. During the Northern Ireland Troubles, the hospital was regarded as one of the best hospitals in the world for the treatment of gunshot wounds.
Gunshots to the knee enabled surgeons at the hospital to gain renown with their treatment of such injuries. In November 2013 it was reported that the Royal College of Emergency Medicine considered that issues faced by clinicians in the casualty department are worse than anywhere else in the UK; the Royal Victoria Hospital has, in recent years, been criticised by health professionals due to its long waiting time at Accident and Emergency.
Royal Regiment of Fusiliers
The Royal Regiment of Fusiliers is an infantry regiment of the British Army, part of the Queen's Division. The regiment has two battalions: the 1st battalion, part of the Regular Army, is an armoured infantry battalion based in Tidworth and the fifth battalion, part of the Army Reserve, is based across the northeast of England. There are a number of independent Reservist Fusilier sub-units based across England. Whilst the Fusiliers traditionally recruited in specific counties, today, as an English regiment, the Fusiliers recruit nationally; the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers was unaffected by the infantry reforms that were announced in December 2004, but under the Army 2020 reduction in size of the Army, its second battalion was merged into the first in 2014. The Royal Regiment of Fusiliers was formed on 23 April 1968 as part of the reforms of the British Army that saw the creation of'large infantry regiments', by the amalgamation of the four English Fusilier regiments: Royal Northumberland Fusiliers Royal Warwickshire Fusiliers Royal Fusiliers Lancashire Fusiliers The 3rd battalion of the regiment saw active service in Iraq during the Gulf War in 1991.
All battalions were deployed to Northern Ireland on Operation Banner multiple times. In 2003, the 1 Fusiliers battlegroup were at the forefront of the coalition invasion of Iraq occupying the city of Basra. Over the next decade, the regiment carried out multiple operational tours of Iraq. In 2006, elements of the second battalion were deployed to Afghanistan to support the International Security Assistance Force. Deployed to the town of Now Zad in Helmand Province, they found themselves fighting off a sustained Taliban attack that lasted for 107 days - the longest siege of British troops since World War II. Over the following years, elements of the regiment deployed on several occasions to Afghanistan and saw heavy fighting. Most the entire first battalion deployed to Nahri Saraj District in Helmand in 2013, where they took part in mounted and dismounted infantry operations; the regiment received a reserve battalion, the 5th battalion, through the redesignation of the Tyne-Tees Regiment, on 1 April 2006.
In September 2014, the second battalion was amalgamated with the first under Army 2020, forming just one regular battalion - an armoured infantry battalion under 1st Armoured Infantry Brigade. The first battalion is an armoured infantry battalion based in Tidworth Camp, Salisbury Plain, Wiltshire. Equipped with the Warrior IFV, the battalion is part of the army's 3rd Division and is held at high readiness as part of the army's armoured war fighting reserve. In 2016, the battalion was the army's Lead Armoured Battlegroup, was held at extreme high readiness in case it was required to deploy anywhere in the world at short notice; the battalion is experienced with multiple deployments in the last two decades to Bosnia, Northern Ireland and Afghanistan. Many soldiers from the second battalion with more experience joined the first battalion on the merger, increasing the operational experience within the ranks. More the first battalion deployed around the world on exercise in places as diverse as Brunei, the Baltic States and Canada.
The first battalion regularly works in support of the civil powers in the UK. In 2013, large elements of the battalion were deployed to Wraysbury and the surrounding area to support the flood relief efforts; the battalion won the Army Boxing Championships in 2016, beating the second battalion of the Parachute Regiment in the final. The fifth battalion is a Reserve battalion centred on the northeast of England; as a battalion within the 3rd Division, the fifth battalion specialises in armoured infantry operations and has deployed all over the world on operations and on exercise both as a formed unit and as individual augmentees to the first battalion. The fifth battalion is now paired with the first battalion and continues to support them in operations and on exercise. Fifth Fusiliers maintains subunits at the following locations: RHQ - Newcastle upon Tyne A Company - Birmingham C Company - London X Company - Newcastle upon Tyne and Hexham Z Company - Alnwick and Cramlington Recce Platoon - Alnwick W Company - Bury As a Fusilier regiment, the Fusiliers wear a hackle – the red-over-white hackle of the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers.
This distinction was a white plume which His Majesty's Fifth Regiment of Foot had taken from the head dress of fallen French troops at St. Lucia in December 1778. In 1829, King George IV ordered the white plume to be worn by all infantry regiments, in order not to take away from the Fifth Regiment of Foot's peculiar distinction and reflecting that they had won it in battle, their plume was differentiated by being made "half red and half white, the red uppermost, instead of the plain white feather worn by the rest of the army per the 1829 order, as a peculiar mark of honour." The combined Victoria Crosses of the Fusiliers and its ancestor regiments total fifty five. Of particular note are the first and last Victoria Crosses of the First World War - won by Lt Dease and Pte Godley at Mons in 1914 and Sgt Pearse in North Russia in 1919 - and the famous "Six VCs Before Breakfast" won at Gallipoli on 25 April 1915; the regiment's traditional mascot is an Indian Blackbuck Antelope called Bobby, inherited from the Royal Warwickshire Fusiliers.
However, Indian Blackbuck Antelopes are now protected under animal welfare rules and the Regiment has not been allowed one for several years. As a substitute, the Regiment uses an Otterhound called George, who holds the rank of Fusilier and attends all the major parades in which the Regi
The New York Times
The New York Times is an American newspaper based in New York City with worldwide influence and readership. Founded in 1851, the paper has won more than any other newspaper; the Times is ranked 17th in the world by circulation and 2nd in the U. S; the paper is owned by The New York Times Company, publicly traded and is controlled by the Sulzberger family through a dual-class share structure. It has been owned by the family since 1896. G. Sulzberger, the paper's publisher, his father, Arthur Ochs Sulzberger Jr. the company's chairman, are the fourth and fifth generation of the family to helm the paper. Nicknamed "The Gray Lady", the Times has long been regarded within the industry as a national "newspaper of record"; the paper's motto, "All the News That's Fit to Print", appears in the upper left-hand corner of the front page. Since the mid-1970s, The New York Times has expanded its layout and organization, adding special weekly sections on various topics supplementing the regular news, editorials and features.
Since 2008, the Times has been organized into the following sections: News, Editorials/Opinions-Columns/Op-Ed, New York, Sports of The Times, Science, Home and other features. On Sunday, the Times is supplemented by the Sunday Review, The New York Times Book Review, The New York Times Magazine and T: The New York Times Style Magazine; the Times stayed with the broadsheet full-page set-up and an eight-column format for several years after most papers switched to six, was one of the last newspapers to adopt color photography on the front page. The New York Times was founded as the New-York Daily Times on September 18, 1851. Founded by journalist and politician Henry Jarvis Raymond and former banker George Jones, the Times was published by Raymond, Jones & Company. Early investors in the company included Edwin B. Morgan, Christopher Morgan, Edward B. Wesley. Sold for a penny, the inaugural edition attempted to address various speculations on its purpose and positions that preceded its release: We shall be Conservative, in all cases where we think Conservatism essential to the public good.
We do not believe that everything in Society is either right or wrong. In 1852, the newspaper started a western division, The Times of California, which arrived whenever a mail boat from New York docked in California. However, the effort failed. On September 14, 1857, the newspaper shortened its name to The New-York Times. On April 21, 1861, The New York Times began publishing a Sunday edition to offer daily coverage of the Civil War. One of the earliest public controversies it was involved with was the Mortara Affair, the subject of twenty editorials in the Times alone; the main office of The New York Times was attacked during the New York City Draft Riots. The riots, sparked by the beginning of drafting for the Union Army, began on July 13, 1863. On "Newspaper Row", across from City Hall, Henry Raymond stopped the rioters with Gatling guns, early machine guns, one of which he manned himself; the mob diverted, instead attacking the headquarters of abolitionist publisher Horace Greeley's New York Tribune until being forced to flee by the Brooklyn City Police, who had crossed the East River to help the Manhattan authorities.
In 1869, Henry Raymond died, George Jones took over as publisher. The newspaper's influence grew in 1870 and 1871, when it published a series of exposés on William Tweed, leader of the city's Democratic Party—popularly known as "Tammany Hall" —that led to the end of the Tweed Ring's domination of New York's City Hall. Tweed had offered The New York Times five million dollars to not publish the story. In the 1880s, The New York Times transitioned from supporting Republican Party candidates in its editorials to becoming more politically independent and analytical. In 1884, the paper supported Democrat Grover Cleveland in his first presidential campaign. While this move cost The New York Times a portion of its readership among its more progressive and Republican readers, the paper regained most of its lost ground within a few years. After George Jones died in 1891, Charles Ransom Miller and other New York Times editors raised $1 million dollars to buy the Times, printing it under the New York Times Publishing Company.
However, the newspaper was financially crippled by the Panic of 1893, by 1896, the newspaper had a circulation of less than 9,000, was losing $1,000 a day. That year, Adolph Ochs, the publisher of the Chattanooga Times, gained a controlling interest in the company for $75,000. Shortly after assuming control of the paper, Ochs coined the paper's slogan, "All The News That's Fit To Print"; the slogan has appeared in the paper since September 1896, has been printed in a box in the upper left hand corner of the front page since early 1897. The slogan was a jab at competing papers, such as Joseph Pulitzer's New York World and William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal, which were known for a lurid and inaccurate reporting of facts and opinions, described by the end of the century as "yellow journalism". Under Ochs' guidance, aided by Carr
Irish National Liberation Army
The Irish National Liberation Army is an Irish republican socialist paramilitary group formed on 10 December 1974, during "the Troubles". It seeks to remove Northern Ireland from the United Kingdom and create a socialist republic encompassing all of Ireland, it is the paramilitary wing of the Irish Republican Socialist Party. The INLA was founded by former members of the Official Irish Republican Army who opposed that group's ceasefire, it was known as the "People's Liberation Army" or "People's Republican Army". The INLA waged a paramilitary campaign against the British Army and Royal Ulster Constabulary in Northern Ireland, it was active to a lesser extent in the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain. High-profile attacks carried out by the INLA include the Droppin Well bombing, the 1994 Shankill Road killings and the assassinations of Airey Neave in 1979 and Billy Wright in 1997. However, it was smaller and less active than the main republican paramilitary group, the Provisional IRA, it was weakened by feuds and internal tensions.
Members of the group used the covernames People's Liberation Army, People's Republican Army and Catholic Reaction Force for attacks its volunteers carried out but the INLA didn't want to claim responsibility for. The INLA became a proscribed group in the United Kingdom on the 3 July 1979 under the 1974 Prevention of Terrorism Act. After a 24-year armed campaign, the INLA declared a ceasefire on 22 August 1998. In August 1999, it stated that "There is no political or moral argument to justify a resumption of the campaign". In October 2009, the INLA formally vowed to pursue its aims through peaceful political means and began decommissioning its weapons; the party supports a'No First Strike' policy, allowing people to see the perceived failure of the peace process for themselves without military actions. The INLA is a Proscribed Organisation in the United Kingdom under the Terrorism Act 2000 and an illegal organisation in the Republic of Ireland; the INLA was founded on 8 December 1974 in the Spa Hotel in Lucan, Dublin by former members of the Official IRA.
The group's political wing, the IRSP was founded on the same day. The IRSP's foundation was made public but the INLA's was kept a secret until the group could operate effectively; the group was formed due to dissatisfaction with the Official IRA ceasefire in 1972 and the supposed refusal to implement the democratic will of the members. Shortly after it was founded, the INLA came under attack from their former comrades in the OIRA, who wanted to destroy the new grouping before it could get off the ground. On 20 February 1975, Hugh Ferguson, an INLA member and an Irish Republican Socialist Party branch chairperson, was the first person to be killed in the feud. One of the first military operations of the INLA was the shooting of OIRA leader Sean Garland in Dublin on 1 March. Although shot six times, he survived. After several more shootings a truce was arranged; the most prominent victim of the restarted feud was Billy McMillen, the commander of the OIRA in Belfast, shot by INLA member Gerard Steenson.
His murder was condemned by Costello. This was followed by several more assassinations on both sides, the most prominent victim being Seamus Costello, shot dead on the North Strand Road in Dublin on 5 October 1977. Costello's death was a severe blow to the INLA, as he was their most able political and military leader, it has recently been claimed by some in the Republican Socialist Movement that one of their members killed in 1975, Brendan McNamee, was killed by Provisional Irish Republican Army members. The Officials had denied involvement at the time of the killing and had instead blamed it on the Provisionals, who denied involvement. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the INLA developed into a modest organisation in Northern Ireland, operating from the Divis Flats in west Belfast, which, as a result, became colloquially known as "the planet of the Irps", they had a large presence in Derry and the surrounding area, all three of the INLA prisoners who died in the 1981 Irish hunger strike were from County Londonderry.
During this period, the INLA competed with the Provisional IRA for members, with both groups in conflict with the British Army and the Royal Ulster Constabulary. The first action to bring the INLA to international notice was its assassination on 30 March 1979 of Airey Neave, the British Conservative Party's spokesman on Northern Ireland and one of Margaret Thatcher's closest political supporters; the INLA lost another of its founding leadership in 1980, when Ronnie Bunting, a Protestant nationalist, was assassinated at his home. Noel Little, another Protestant member of the INLA, was killed in the same incident. Another leading INLA member, Miriam Daly, was killed by loyalist assassins in the same year. Although no group claimed responsibility, the INLA claimed that the Special Air Service was involved in the killings of Bunting and Little. Offensive INLA actions at this time included the 1982 bombing of the Mount Gabriel radar station in County Cork, which the INLA believed was providing assistance to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in violation of Irish neutrality, although this was disputed by the Irish government.
Their most bloody attack came on 6 December 1982 – the Ballykelly disco bombing of the Droppin' Well Bar in Ballykelly, County Londonderry, which catered to British military personnel, in which 11 soldiers on leave and 6 civilians were killed. Members of the INLA participated in the 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes for the recognition of the political status of
Socialism is a range of economic and social systems characterised by social ownership of the means of production and workers' self-management, as well as the political theories and movements associated with them. Social ownership can be citizen ownership of equity. There are many varieties of socialism and there is no single definition encapsulating all of them, with social ownership being the common element shared by its various forms. Socialist systems are divided into market forms. Non-market socialism involves the substitution of factor markets and money with engineering and technical criteria based on calculation performed in-kind, thereby producing an economic mechanism that functions according to different economic laws from those of capitalism. Non-market socialism aims to circumvent the inefficiencies and crises traditionally associated with capital accumulation and the profit system. By contrast, market socialism retains the use of monetary prices, factor markets and in some cases the profit motive, with respect to the operation of owned enterprises and the allocation of capital goods between them.
Profits generated by these firms would be controlled directly by the workforce of each firm, or accrue to society at large in the form of a social dividend. The socialist calculation debate concerns the feasibility and methods of resource allocation for a socialist system. Socialist politics has been both nationalist in orientation. Originating within the socialist movement, social democracy has embraced a mixed economy with a market that includes substantial state intervention in the form of income redistribution, a welfare state. Economic democracy proposes a sort of market socialism where there is more decentralized control of companies, currencies and natural resources; the socialist political movement includes a set of political philosophies that originated in the revolutionary movements of the mid-to-late 18th century and out of concern for the social problems that were associated with capitalism. By the late 19th century, after the work of Karl Marx and his collaborator Friedrich Engels, socialism had come to signify opposition to capitalism and advocacy for a post-capitalist system based on some form of social ownership of the means of production.
By the 1920s, social democracy and communism had become the two dominant political tendencies within the international socialist movement. By this time, socialism emerged as "the most influential secular movement of the twentieth century, worldwide, it is a political ideology, a wide and divided political movement" and while the emergence of the Soviet Union as the world's first nominally socialist state led to socialism's widespread association with the Soviet economic model, some economists and intellectuals argued that in practice the model functioned as a form of state capitalism or a non-planned administrative or command economy. Socialist parties and ideas remain a political force with varying degrees of power and influence on all continents, heading national governments in many countries around the world. Today, some socialists have adopted the causes of other social movements, such as environmentalism and progressivism. In 21st century America, the term socialism, without clear definition, has become a pejorative used by conservatives to taint liberal and progressive policies and public figures.
For Andrew Vincent, "he word ‘socialism’ finds its root in the Latin sociare, which means to combine or to share. The related, more technical term in Roman and medieval law was societas; this latter word could mean companionship and fellowship as well as the more legalistic idea of a consensual contract between freemen". The term "socialism" was created by Henri de Saint-Simon, one of the founders of what would be labelled "utopian socialism". Simon coined the term as a contrast to the liberal doctrine of "individualism", which stressed that people act or should act as if they are in isolation from one another; the original "utopian" socialists condemned liberal individualism for failing to address social concerns during the industrial revolution, including poverty, social oppression and gross inequalities in wealth, thus viewing liberal individualism as degenerating society into supporting selfish egoism that harmed community life through promoting a society based on competition. They presented socialism as an alternative to liberal individualism based on the shared ownership of resources, although their proposals for socialism differed significantly.
Saint-Simon proposed economic planning, scientific administration and the application of modern scientific advancements to the organisation of society. By contrast, Robert Owen proposed the organisation of ownership in cooperatives; the term "socialism" is attributed to Pierre Leroux and to Marie Roch Louis Reybaud in France. The modern definition and usage of "socialism" settled by the 1860s, becoming the predominant term among the group of words "co-operative", "mutualist" and "associationist", used as synonyms; the term "communism" fell out of use during this period, despite earlier distinctions between socialism and communism from the 1840s. An early distinction between socialism and communism was that the former aimed to only socialise production while the latter aimed to socialise both production and consumption. However, M