The Scottish Parliament is the devolved unicameral legislature of Scotland. Located in the Holyrood area of the capital city, Edinburgh, it is referred to by the metonym Holyrood; the Parliament is a democratically elected body comprising 129 members known as Members of the Scottish Parliament, elected for four-year terms under the additional member system: 73 MSPs represent individual geographical constituencies elected by the plurality system, while a further 56 are returned from eight additional member regions, each electing seven MSPs. The most recent general election to the Parliament was held on 5 May 2016, with the Scottish National Party winning a plurality; the original Parliament of Scotland was the national legislature of the independent Kingdom of Scotland, existed from the early 13th century until the Kingdom of Scotland merged with the Kingdom of England under the Acts of Union 1707 to form the Kingdom of Great Britain. As a consequence, both the Parliament of Scotland and the Parliament of England ceased to exist, the Parliament of Great Britain, which sat at Westminster in London was formed.
Following a referendum in 1997, in which the Scottish electorate voted for devolution, the powers of the devolved legislature were specified by the Scotland Act 1998. The Act delineates the legislative competence of the Parliament – the areas in which it can make laws – by explicitly specifying powers that are "reserved" to the Parliament of the United Kingdom; the Scottish Parliament has the power to legislate in all areas that are not explicitly reserved to Westminster. The British Parliament retains the ability to amend the terms of reference of the Scottish Parliament, can extend or reduce the areas in which it can make laws; the first meeting of the new Parliament took place on 12 May 1999. The competence of the Scottish Parliament has been amended numerous times since most notably by the Scotland Act 2012 and Scotland Act 2016, with some of the most significant changes being the expansion of the Parliament's powers over taxation and welfare. Before the Treaty of Union 1707 united the Kingdom of Scotland and the Kingdom of England into a new state called "Great Britain", Scotland had an independent parliament known as the Parliament of Scotland.
Initial Scottish proposals in the negotiation over the Union suggested a devolved Parliament be retained in Scotland, but this was not accepted by the English negotiators. For the next three hundred years, Scotland was directly governed by the Parliament of Great Britain and the subsequent Parliament of the United Kingdom, both seated at Westminster, the lack of a Parliament of Scotland remained an important element in Scottish national identity. Suggestions for a'devolved' Parliament were made before 1914, but were shelved due to the outbreak of the First World War. A sharp rise in nationalism in Scotland during the late 1960s fuelled demands for some form of home rule or complete independence, in 1969 prompted the incumbent Labour government of Harold Wilson to set up the Kilbrandon Commission to consider the British constitution. One of the principal objectives of the commission was to examine ways of enabling more self-government for Scotland, within the unitary state of the United Kingdom.
Kilbrandon published his report in 1973 recommending the establishment of a directly elected Scottish Assembly to legislate for the majority of domestic Scottish affairs. During this time, the discovery of oil in the North Sea and the following "It's Scotland's oil" campaign of the Scottish National Party resulted in rising support for Scottish independence, as well as the SNP; the party argued that the revenues from the oil were not benefitting Scotland as much as they should. The combined effect of these events led to Prime Minister Wilson committing his government to some form of devolved legislature in 1974. However, it was not until 1978 that final legislative proposals for a Scottish Assembly were passed by the United Kingdom Parliament. Under the terms of the Scotland Act 1978, an elected assembly would be set up in Edinburgh provided that a referendum be held on 1 March 1979, with at least 40% of the total electorate voting in favour of the proposal; the 1979 Scottish devolution referendum failed: although the vote was 51.6% in favour of a Scottish Assembly, with a turnout of 63.6%, the majority represented only 32.9% of the eligible voting population.
Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, demand for a Scottish Parliament grew, in part because the government of the United Kingdom was controlled by the Conservative Party, while Scotland itself elected few Conservative MPs. In the aftermath of the 1979 referendum defeat, the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly was initiated as a pressure group, leading to the 1989 Scottish Constitutional Convention with various organisations such as Scottish churches, political parties and representatives of industry taking part. Publishing its blueprint for devolution in 1995, the Convention provided much of the basis for the structure of the Parliament. Devolution continued to be part of the platform of the Labour Party which, in May 1997, took power under Tony Blair. In September 1997, the Scottish devolution referendum was put to the Scottish electorate and secured a majority in favour of the establishment of a new devolved Scottish Parliament, with tax-varying powers, in Edinburgh. An election was held on 6 May 1999, on 1 July of that year power was transferred from Westminster to the new Parliament.
Since September 2004, the official home of the Scottish Parliament has been a new Scottish Parliament Building, in the Holyrood area of Edinburgh. The Scottish Parliament building was designed by Spanish architect Enric Miralles in partnership with local Ed
Scottish Socialist Party
The Scottish Socialist Party is a left-wing political party campaigning for the establishment of an independent socialist Scotland. The party was founded in 1998, it campaigns for Scottish independence, against cuts to public services and welfare and for democratic public ownership of the economy. The SSP was one of three parties in Yes Scotland, the official cross-party campaign for Scottish independence in the 2014 referendum, with national co-spokesperson Colin Fox sitting on its advisory board; the party operates through a local branch structure and publishes Scotland's longest-running socialist newspaper, the Scottish Socialist Voice. At the height of its electoral success, the party had six Members of the Scottish Parliament and two councillors, but since 2017 it has had no councillors or MSPs; the party has two national co-spokespersons, Colin Fox and Róisín McLaren, who are elected by party members at the annual national conference, which determines party policy. The day-to-day business of the party is handled by a small Executive Committee, elected by the membership.
The primary decision-making bodies are the following: National Conference, convening yearly National Council, convening four times a year Executive Committee, convening The Scottish Socialist Party emerged from the Scottish Socialist Alliance, a broad-based group of left-wing organisations in Scotland. The decision was taken to transform the SSA into a party to contest the first elections to the new Scottish Parliament, where the SSP polled well and saw Tommy Sheridan convener of the party, elected in Glasgow; the period following that election saw sustained growth for the SSP, where it doubled in size in twelve months, the RMT trade union affiliated to the party. In 2003, the SSP was buoyed by the election of five additional MSPs across Scotland; the party changed the character of Scottish politics by winning widespread electoral support and demonstrating how socialist ideas could be popularly presented. One of the first bills the SSP put forward in Holyrood was the Abolition of Poindings and Warrant Sales Act 2001, a popular action which transformed debt recovery systems in Scotland.
The party presented bills to replace the council tax with an income-based alternative, for the abolition of prescription charges, the introduction of free school meals. On 11 November 2004, Sheridan resigned as convener of the party, he was replaced by a Lothians MSP, in the 2005 leadership election. Following Sheridan's resignation, the News of the World revealed that he had an extramarital affair and visited a swingers' club in Manchester. Sheridan launched legal action against the newspaper. During the high-profile media circus, the SSP was thrown into turmoil as Sheridan publicly branded those who refused to support him as "scabs". Leading SSP figures, including the party leader, refused to lie for Sheridan in court. Sheridan won the initial legal action but went to jail for perjury in 2010, which the party said discredited him and vindicated their position. Ex Member of the Scottish Parliament Rosie Kane said of the ordeal: "Sheridan vilified the women in the party who refused to bow to him.
Our lives have been devastated by his actions." Neither the SSP or Sheridan's breakaway party Solidarity won seats in the 2007 elections to the Scottish Parliament. The SSP did experience a recovery in by-elections from 2008–09, increasing its vote share compared to the 2007 national result; the party contested the 2009 European elections around the slogan of "Make Greed History", campaigning for a Europe-wide tax on millionaires, achieved a higher vote share than in the Scottish Parliament election. The party ran ten candidates at the 2010 general election, said the blame for the eventual Conservative victory lay "with New Labour and the failure of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown these last thirteen years, who have, quite frankly, exploited working people, with the poorest and most vulnerable being hit hardest". Fox said his party's manifesto would tackle the "worst economic crisis in eighty years" without punishing ordinary people; the SSP launched their manifesto for the 2011 Scottish Parliament election with promises to oppose cuts and tax the rich.
The party contested all eight Scottish Parliament regions with gender-balanced lists of candidates. Following the 2011 elections to the Scottish Parliament and the resulting Scottish National Party majority, the Scottish Government announced its intent to hold an independence referendum in 2014. In May 2012, a cross-party organisation called Yes Scotland was established to campaign for a "Yes" vote; the SSP's national co-spokesperson, Colin Fox, was invited to sit on its advisory board at the insistence of Yes Scotland's non-partisan chief executive, Blair Jenkins, in the face of SNP opposition. During the referendum campaign, the party continued to campaign on other issues including the bedroom tax, fuel poverty, equal marriage, the latest Israel-Gaza conflict. On 11 September 2013, the SSP launched a pamphlet called The Case for an Independent Socialist Scotland, the publication of, welcomed by MSPs, it became the party's fastest-selling pamphlet ever. In June 2014, the party published another pamphlet outlining its case for "a modern democratic republic".
In response to the publication of Scotland's Future, the party said the Scottish Government had set out a vision that represents "significant advance for the people of Scotland", but reaffirmed the SSP's commitment to socialism. As part of the party's campaign for independence, it held dozens of public meetings across Scotland with a range of speakers; the party's final meeting, sched
An electoral swing analysis shows the extent of change in voter support from one election to another, expressed as a positive or negative percentage. A multi-party swing is an indicator of a change in the electorate's preference between candidates or parties. A swing can be calculated for the electorate as a whole, for a given electoral district or for a particular demographic. A swing is useful for analysing change in voter support over time, or as a tool for predicting the outcome of elections in constituency-based systems. Swing is usefully deployed when analysing the shift in voter intentions revealed by opinion polls or to compare polls concisely which may rely on differing samples and on markedly different swings and therefore predict extraneous results. A swing is calculated by comparing the percentage of the vote in a particular election to the percentage of the vote belonging to the same party or candidate at the previous election. One-party swing = Percentage of vote − percentage of vote.
Examples include the comparison between the 2007 Ukrainian Parliamentary elections. The above charts show the change in voter support for each of the six major political parties by electoral district and nationwide vote results. In many nation states' media, including in Australia and the United Kingdom, swing is expressed in terms of two parties; this practice is most useful where most governments tend to be from an existing two-party system but other candidates do sometimes run, is used to predict the outcome of elections in constituency-based systems where different seats are held with different previous levels of support. An assumption underlies extrapolated national calculations: that all districts will experience the same swing as shown in a poll or in a place's results; the advantage of this swing is the fact that the loss of support for one party will in most cases be accompanied by smaller or bigger gain in support for the other, but both figures are averaged into one. Employing the two assumptions allows the analyst to compute an electoral pendulum, predicting how many seats will change hands given a particular swing, what size uniform swing would therefore bring about a change of government.
In Australia, the term "swing" refers to the change in the outcome of an election from the viewpoint of specific political parties in the preferential voting system. The UK uses the two-party swing, adding one party's increase in share of the vote to the percentage-point fall of another party and dividing the total by two. So if Party One's vote rises by 4 points and Party Two's vote falls 5 points, the swing is 4.5 points. For disambiguation suffixes such as: must be added where three parties stand. Otherwise a problem when deciding which swing is meant and which swing is best to publish arises where a lower party takes first or second. Originating as a mathematical calculation for comparing the results of two constituencies, any of these figures can be used as an indication of the scale of voter change between any two political parties, as shown below for the 2010 United Kingdom general election: Swing in the United States can refer to swing state, those states that are known to shift an outcome between Democrats and Republican Parties, equivalent on a local level to marginal seats.
By contrast, a non-swing state is the direct equivalent of a safe seat, as it changes in outcome. The extent of change in political outcome is influenced by the voting system in use; some websites provide a pie chart based or column-based multi party swingometer where ± x%, ± x%, ± x% and so on is displayed or can be input for three parties. This tool or illustration provides outcomes wherever more than two political parties have a significant influence on which politicians are elected. Swing vote Swingometer Notes References
Public housing in the United Kingdom
Public housing in the United Kingdom provided the majority of rented accommodation in the country until 2011. Houses built for public or social housing use are built by or for local authorities and known as council houses. Before 1865, housing for the poor was provided by the private sector. Council houses were built on council estates, where other amenities, like schools and shops, were also provided. From the 1950s, blocks of flats and three- or four-storey blocks of maisonettes were built. Flats and houses were built in mixed estates. Council homes were built to supply uncrowded, well-built homes on secure tenancies at reasonable rents to working-class people. Public housing in the mid-20th century included many large suburban "council estates" and numerous urban developments featuring tower blocks. Many of these developments did not live up to the hopes of their supporters, now suffer from urban blight. Since 1979, the role of council housing has changed. Housing stock has been sold under Right to Buy legislation, new social housing has been developed and managed by housing associations.
A substantial part of the UK population still lives in council housing: in 2010, about 17% of UK households. 55% of the country's social housing stock is owned by local authorities – of which 15% is managed on a day-to-day basis by arms-length management organisations, rather than the authority, 45% by housing associations. In Scotland, council estates are known as'schemes'; the history of public housing is the history of the housing of the poor. That statement is controversial, as before 1890 the state was not involved in housing policy. Public housing became needed to provide "homes fit for heroes" in 1919 to enable slum clearance. Standards were set to ensure high quality homes. Aneurin Bevan, a Labour politician, passionately believed that council houses should be provided for all, while the Conservative politician Harold Macmillan saw council housing "as a stepping stone to home ownership"; the Labour government of Harold Wilson built houses and flats to the point where there was a surplus in the late 1960s.
The Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher transferred the public housing stock to the private sector to the point where councils had to rent back their own houses to house the homeless, with the Right to Buy scheme being introduced in 1979 and the millionth council house being sold within seven years. In the stable medieval model of landowner and peasant, where the estate workers lived at the landowner whim in a tied cottage, the aged and infirm needed provision from their former employer, the church or the state; the documented history of social housing in Britain starts with almshouses, which were established from the 10th century, to provide a place of residence for "poor and distressed folk". The first recorded almshouse was founded in York by King Æthelstan; the public workhouse was the final fallback solution for the destitute. Rural poverty had been increased by the Inclosure Acts leaving many in need of assistance; this was divided into outside relief, or handouts to keep the family together, inside relief, which meant submitting to the workhouse.
The workhouse provided for two groups of people – the transient population roaming the country looking for seasonal work, the long-term residents. The two were kept separate; the long term residents included single elderly men incapable of further labour, young women with their children—often women, abandoned by their husbands, single mothers and servant-girls, dismissed from residential positions. The pressure for decent housing was increased by overcrowding in the large cities during the Industrial Revolution of the 19th century; some industrialists and independent organisations provided housing in tenement blocks, while some philanthropist factory owners built entire villages for their workers, such as Saltaire and Port Sunlight. The City of London Corporation built tenements in Farringdon Road in 1865, but this was an isolated instance; the first council to build housing as an integrated policy was Liverpool Corporation, starting with St Martin's Cottages in Ashfield Street, completed in 1869.
The Corporation built Victoria Square Dwellings, opened by Home Secretary Sir Richard Cross in 1885. That year, a Royal Commission was held, as the state had taken an interest in housing and housing policy; this led to the Housing of the Working Classes Act 1890, which encouraged the London authority to improve the housing in their areas. It gave them the power to acquire land and to build tenements and houses; as a consequence, London County Council opened the Boundary Estate in 1900, a'block dwelling estate' of tenements in Tower Hamlets. The Housing of the Working Classes Act 1900 extended these power to all local councils, which began building tenements and houses. In 1912, Raymond Unwin published, he worked on the influential Tudor Walters Report of 1918, which recommended housing in short terraces, spaced 70 feet apart at a density of 12 per acre. The First World War indirectly provided a new impetus, when the poor physical health and condition of many urban recruits to the army was noted with alarm.
This led to a campaign under the slogan "Homes fit for heroes". In 1919, the Government first required councils to provide housing, built to the Tudor Walters standards, under the Housing, Town Planning, &c. Act 1919, helping them to do so through the
Glasgow City Council
Glasgow City Council, the local government body of the city of Glasgow, became one of the newly created single tier local authorities in 1996, under the Local Government etc. Act 1994, with boundaries somewhat different from those of the City of Glasgow district of the Strathclyde region: parts of the Cambuslang and Halfway and Rutherglen and Fernhill areas were transferred from the city area to the new South Lanarkshire council area; the district had been created in 1975 under the Local Government Act 1973 to include: the former county of the city of Glasgow and a number of areas within the county of Lanark: Cambuslang, part of a Carmunnock area and Baillieston, Garrowhill, Mount Vernon and Springboig. The early city was run by the old "Glasgow Town Council". In 1895, the Town Council became "The Corporation of the City of Glasgow", it retained this title until local government re-organisation in 1975, when it became "City of Glasgow District Council". In 1996, following the dissolution of Strathclyde Regional Council and Glasgow District Council, their responsibilities transferred to the new single-tier local authority Glasgow City Council.
The title Lord Provost of Glasgow, used now for the civic leader of the city council, has history dating from the 15th century. During World War I, the council was unique in the United Kingdom in appointing an official war artist, Frederick Farrell. Glasgow Corporation Transport was under the control of the Glasgow Corporation, ran the local buses and Glasgow Trams, until it was superseded by the Greater Glasgow Passenger Transport Executive on 1 June 1973. During the period of two tier local government, 1975 to 1996, Glasgow District Council was responsible for refuse collection, museums and housing, while Strathclyde Regional Council had responsibilities for policing, fire service, education, social work and transport; the city council established in 1996, took on the powers and responsibilities divided between councils of the Glasgow City district and the Strathclyde region. The council area borders onto East Dunbartonshire, East Renfrewshire, North Lanarkshire, South Lanarkshire and West Dunbartonshire.
The council is ceremonially headed by the Lord Provost of Glasgow, elected to convene the council and perform associated tasks as a general civic leader and Lord Lieutenant. The current incumbent is Eva Bolander; the council's executive branch is headed by a Leader of the Council, the leader of the largest political grouping the Scottish National Party. The executive committee is formed of 19 members across all the elected parties proportionally, however this would have given the SNP a majority of 10 seats despite not gaining one through the election; the Greens proposed an amendment to add an additional seat for each party, making the SNP the biggest minority party. It was passed and so its composition of 23 seats is currently: The council consists of 85 councillors elected for a five-year term from 23 wards; these wards were introduced for the 2017 election, replacing those introduced in 2007, each returns three or four members by the single transferable vote system of election. This system was introduced by the Local Governance Act 2004, as a means of ensuring a reasonably proportionately representative outcome.
The most recent full council election took place on Thursday 4 May 2017. The Scottish National Party did not gain an overall majority. A new multi-member ward system was introduced for the 2017 council election: A previous multi-member ward system was introduced for the 2007 council election: Prior to the 2007 election, there were 79 councillors elected from 79 single-member wards by the plurality system of election; the result from this system in 2003 was 69 of the 79 councillors representing the Labour Party, although that party gained only around half the votes cast in the election to the council, the Scottish National Party represented by just four councillors, despite gaining some 20% of the votes. There were three Liberal Democrat councillors, one Conservative councillor, one Scottish Socialist Party councillor; the 1999 council election result was more skewed in terms of seats and overall vote share due to the voting system in use, with Labour receiving 74 seats from 49% of the vote and the SNP receiving 2 seats from 29%
Robert Brown (Scottish politician)
Robert Edward Brown is a Scottish Liberal Democrat politician and former MSP for Glasgow Region 1999−2011. A graduate of University of Aberdeen, he was Depute Procurator Fiscal of Dumbarton 1972−1974 and has since been a partner and consultant with a Glasgow firm of solicitors, he was a Glasgow City Councillor for a few years in the 1970s and 1980s, was Convener of the Scottish Liberal Democrat Policy Committee for much of the 1990s and 2000s. He was first elected to the Scottish Parliament in 1999. Following Nicol Stephen's election as party leader and succession as Deputy First Minister of Scotland in 2005, Brown was appointed Deputy Minister for Education and Young People in the Scottish Executive, he was second on the Liberal Democrat list of candidates for Glasgow region in the Scottish Parliament general election, 2011 but was unsuccessful when the party failed to gain any list seats. In May 2012, he was elected as a councillor for the Rutherglen South ward on South Lanarkshire Council, retained the seat at the 2017 elections.
He was an unsuccessful candidate for the Rutherglen and Hamilton West constituency at the 2017 UK general election, losing his deposit after receiving only 4% of the vote. Brown was appointed Commander of the Order of the British Empire in the 2014 New Year Honours for service to Politics, he resides in Burnside, Rutherglen, in the South Side of Glasgow. List of Scottish Executive Ministerial Teams Robert Brown MSP Mini-site and biography on Glasgow Liberal Democrat Website Robert Brown MSP official biography at the Scottish Parliament website Robert Brown MSP Profile at site of Scottish Liberal Democrats
2007 Scottish Parliament election
The 2007 Scottish Parliament election was held on Thursday 3 May 2007 to elect members to the Scottish Parliament. It was the third general election to the devolved Scottish Parliament since it was created in 1999. Local elections in Scotland fell on the same day; the Scottish National Party emerged as the largest party with 47 seats followed by the incumbent Scottish Labour Party with 46 seats. The Scottish Conservatives won 17 seats, the Scottish Liberal Democrats 16 seats, the Scottish Green Party 2 seats and one Independent was elected; the SNP approached the Lib Dems for a coalition government, but the Lib Dems turned them down. The Greens agreed to provide the numbers to vote in an SNP minority government, with SNP leader Alex Salmond as First Minister; the Scottish Socialist Party and the Scottish Senior Citizens Unity Party, which won seats in the 2003 election, lost all of their seats. Former MSP Tommy Sheridan's new party, Solidarity failed to win any seats. Campbell Martin and Dr Jean Turner both lost their seats, Dennis Canavan and Brian Monteith retired.
The main issues during the campaign trail were healthcare, council tax reform, the Union, the Iraq War and more powers for the Scottish Parliament. Some parties proposed raise the school leaving age from 16 to 18 and raising the minimum age to purchase tobacco products from 16 to 18. Jack McConnell, as First Minister, entered the election defending a small overall majority of five seats via a coalition of Labour and the Liberal Democrats; the Lab-LD social liberal coalition had been in power, with three different First Ministers, since the first Scottish Parliament election in 1999. Opinion polls suggested its majority could be lost in 2007, due to falling support for the Labour Party and rising support for other parties, in particular the Scottish National Party; the polls suggested that no single party was to acquire an overall majority, nor was there an obvious alternative coalition ready to form a new Executive. A TNS Poll in November 2006 gave Labour an 8% lead over the SNP, second behind Labour in terms of numbers of Members of the Scottish Parliament.
As the election approached the SNP gained support while Labour's support declined. Based on pre-election projections, there could have been some possibility of an SNP–Liberal Democrat coalition, which might have extended to include the Scottish Green Party; the other parties represented in the Parliament before the election were the Scottish Conservative Party, the Scottish Socialist Party and the Scottish Senior Citizens Unity Party. Other parties that campaigned for seats in Holyrood included the United Kingdom Independence Party, the British National Party, the Scottish Unionist Party, the Scottish Socialist Labour Party, the Christian Peoples Alliance, the Scottish Christian Party and the Scotland Against Crooked Lawyers Party. Susan Deacon, Edinburgh East and Musselburgh John Home Robertson, East Lothian Janis Hughes, Glasgow Rutherglen Kate Maclean, Dundee West Maureen Macmillan and Islands list Bruce McFee, West of Scotland list George Reid, Ochil Phil Gallie, South of Scotland list James Douglas-Hamilton, Lothians list Donald Gorrie, Central Scotland list Jim Wallace, Orkney Frances Curran, West of Scotland list Dennis Canavan, Falkirk West Brian Monteith, Mid Scotland and Fife list Gordon Jackson, Glasgow Govan Sylvia Jackson, Stirling Margaret Jamieson and Loudoun Maureen Macmillan and Islands Christine May, Fife Central Alasdair Morrison, Western Isles Bristow Muldoon, Livingston Allan Wilson, Cunninghame North Andrew Arbuckle, Mid Scotland and Fife Nora Radcliffe, Gordon Euan Robson and Berwickshire Dave Petrie and Islands Murray Tosh, West of Scotland Shiona Baird, North East Scotland Chris Ballance, South of Scotland Mark Ballard, Lothians Mark Ruskell, Mid Scotland and Fife Eleanor Scott and Islands Rosemary Byrne, South of Scotland Colin Fox, Lothians Rosie Kane, Glasgow Carolyn Leckie, Central Scotland Tommy Sheridan, Glasgow John Swinburne, Central Scotland Campbell Martin, West of Scotland - Former SNP MSP Jean Turner and Bearsden Turnout in the election was 51.7% in the constituency vote and 52.4% in the regional vote up from 2003 where the turnout was 49.4% in both the constituency and regional vote Notes: Independents contested 17 seats and three regions.
Scottish Greens contested 1 seat, Scottish Socialist Party contested 1 seat, Scottish Christian Party, Scottish Voice etc. contested a small number of seats. A number of local issue parties stood in single constituencies; the Nine Per Cent Growth Party stood candidates on the regional lists, had a candidate for the local council elections of the same year. Standing in the Glasgow Regional List the party finished last of 23 candidates, receiving only 80 votes, a record low; some counts in the Western Isles were delayed because the chartered helicopter sent to pick up the ballot boxes was delayed by bad weather. The boxes were instead transferred by road to be counted in Stornoway; the votes were announced around 12.00 on Friday 4 May. A man smashed ballot boxes with a golf club at a polling station at Carrick Knowe in Corstorphine in Edinburgh. About 100 ballots were damaged; the man was arrested on the scene. The number of'invalid' ballot papers has increased from previous elections, the BBC reported that 142,000 were rejected.
The Herald reported that this included both constituency and regional