Politics of Benin
The Politics of Benin take place in the framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, wherein the President of Benin is both head of state and head of government, of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in the legislature; the Judiciary is independent of the legislature. The current political system is derived from the 1990 Constitution of Benin and the subsequent transition to democracy in 1991; the Economist Intelligence Unit has rated Benin as "hybrid regime" in 2016. From the 17th century until the colonial period, the Kingdom of Dahomey was ruled by an "Oba"; the French were the colonial power from 1892 to 1960, when independence was achieved. Between 1960 and 1972, a series of military coups in Benin brought about many changes of government; the last of these brought Major Mathieu Kérékou to power as the head of a regime professing strict Marxist-Leninist principles. The Revolutionary Party of the People of Benin remained in complete power until the beginning of the 1990s.
Kérékou, encouraged by France and other democratic powers, convened a National Conference that introduced a new democratic constitution and held presidential and legislative elections. Kérékou's principal opponent at the presidential poll, the ultimate victor, was Prime Minister Nicéphore Soglo. Supporters of Soglo secured a majority in the National Assembly. Thus, Benin was the first African country to complete the transition from dictatorship to a pluralistic political system. In the second round of National Assembly elections held in March 1995, Soglo's political vehicle, the Parti de la Renaissance du Benin, was the largest single party, but it lacked an overall majority; the success of a party formed by supporters of ex-president Kérékou, who had retired from active politics, encouraged him to stand at both the 1996 and 2001 presidential elections. Spurred in part by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the resultant lack of donor support from the superpower, as well as an economic crisis within the country, Benin adopted a new constitution in 1990 in order to open up and liberalise the political system and economy.
Its chief aims are to enshrine in law accountability, freedom of religion, freedom of the press, separation of governmental powers, the right to strike, universal suffrage and independence of the judiciary. These developments have created economic growth in Benin, but some of the bold ideals of the constitution have yet to be realised. Lack of accountability and transparency, failure to separate the judiciary from the political system, high levels of illiteracy are the main stumbling blocks. Additionally, state employees are poorly paid, which makes them susceptible to bribery and corruption. There are unresolved issues with many pre-constitution laws. Many of the older laws derive from French legal norms. Critics have complained that the constitution makes no mention of the right to an adequate standard of living. Since being written, the constitution has been translated into eight of the national languages of Benin. Broadcasts on local radio stations, in both in urban and rural areas, have publicised the constitution across the country.
The President of Benin is elected for a five-year term. An individual can serve only two terms, whether separated. Election is after a second round if necessary. Candidates must be: Beninese by birth, or have had Beninese nationality for 10 years Between the ages of 40 and 70 on the date of his or her candidacy Resident in Benin during elections Declared mentally and physically fit by three doctorsIn 2006, Mathieu Kérékou was not constitutionally permitted to run for re-election since he had served two terms and was over 70 years old. Despite speculation, this was not changed and he stood down after the election of his successor, Yayi Boni; the Cabinet is under the authority of the President, serves to advise and help formulate strategies. It liaises with ministries and other government institutions; the Beninese government's website has a selection of photos of senior ministers. The National Assembly is the Parliament of Benin - the primary legislative body. Deputies are elected every four years, in contrast to the five-year term of the president.
There are 83 available seats. It exercises the legislative oversight authority over Government action. Members of the army are not allowed to stand. During the 2001 presidential elections, alleged irregularities led to a boycott of the run-off poll by the main opposition candidates; the four top-ranking contenders following the first round of presidential elections were Mathieu Kérékou 45.4%, Nicephore Soglo 27.1%, Adrien Houngbédji 12.6%, Bruno Amoussou 8.6%. The second round balloting scheduled for March 18, 2001, was postponed for days because both Soglo and Houngbédji withdrew, alleging electoral fraud; this left Kérékou to run against his own Minister of State, Amoussou, in what was termed a "friendly match". The next presidential elections were held in March 2006. Yayi Boni and his parliamentary allies won the elections of 2011. Talon ran as an independent candidate in the March 2016 presidential election. Although he finished second to Prime
Politics of Djibouti
Politics of Djibouti takes place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the executive power is exercised by the President and the Government. Legislative power is vested in the National Assembly; the party system and legislature are dominated by the socialist People's Rally for Progress. In April 2010, a new constitutional amendment was approved; the President serves as both the head of state and head of government, is directly elected for single six-year term. Government is headed by the President, who appoints the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers on the proposal of the latter. There is a 65-member chamber of deputies, where representatives are popularly elected for terms of five years. Administratively, the country is divided into five regions and one city, with eleven additional district subdivisions. Djibouti is part of various international organisations, including the United Nations and Arab League. In 1958, on the eve of neighboring Somalia's independence in 1960, a referendum was held in Djibouti to decide whether to join the Somali Republic or to remain with France.
The referendum turned out in favour of a continued association with France due to a combined "yes" vote by the sizeable Afar ethnic group and resident Europeans. There was widespread vote rigging, with the French expelling thousands of Somalis before the referendum reached the polls; the majority of those who had voted "no" were Somalis who were in favour of joining a united Somalia as had been proposed by Mahmoud Harbi, Vice President of the Government Council. Harbi was killed in a plane crash two years later. In 1967, a second plebiscite was held to determine the fate of the territory. Initial results supported a looser relationship with France. Voting was divided along ethnic lines, with the resident Somalis voting for independence, with the goal of eventual union with Somalia, the Afars opting to remain associated with France. However, the referendum was again marred by reports of vote rigging on the part of the French authorities. Shortly after the referendum was held, the former Côte française des Somalis was renamed to Territoire français des Afars et des Issas.
In 1977, a third referendum took place. A landslide 98.8% of the electorate supported disengagement from France marking Djibouti's independence. Hassan Gouled Aptidon, a Somali politician who had campaigned for a "yes" vote in the referendum of 1958 wound up as the nation's first president, he was re-elected, unopposed, to a second 6-year term in April 1987 and to a third 6-year term in May 1993 multiparty elections. The electorate approved the current constitution in September 1992. Many laws and decrees from before independence remain in effect. In early 1992, the government decided to permit multiple party politics and agreed to the registration of four political parties. By the time of the national assembly elections in December 1992, only three had qualified, they are the Rassemblement Populaire Pour le Progres, the only legal party from 1981 until 1992, the Parti du Renouveau Démocratique, the Parti National Démocratique. Only the RPP and the PRD contested the national assembly elections, the PND withdrew, claiming that there were too many unanswered questions on the conduct of the elections and too many opportunities for government fraud.
The RPP won all 65 seats in the national assembly, with a turnout of less than 50% of the electorate. In 1999, President Aptidon's chief of staff, head of security, key adviser for over 20 years, Ismail Omar Guelleh was elected to the Presidency as the RPP candidate, he received 74% of the vote, the other 26% going to opposition candidate Moussa Ahmed Idriss, of the Unified Djiboutian Opposition. For the first time since independence, no group boycotted the election. Moussa Ahmed Idriss and the ODU challenged the results based on election "irregularities" and the assertion that "foreigners" had voted in various districts of the capital. Guelleh took the oath of office as the second President of the Republic of Djibouti on May 8, 1999, with the support of an alliance between the RPP and the government-recognised section of the Afar-led FRUD. Political power is shared by a Somali Issa president and an Afar prime minister, with cabinet posts divided. However, it is the Issas who dominate the government, civil service, the ruling party, a situation that has bred resentment and political competition between the Somali Issas and the Afars.
The government is dominated by the Somali Issa Mamasen, who enjoy the support of the Somali clans the Isaaq and the Gadabuursi Dir. In early November 1991, civil war erupted in Djibouti between the government and a predominantly Afar rebel group, the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy; the FRUD signed a peace accord with the government in December 1994. Two FRUD members were subsequently made cabinet members, in the presidential elections of 1999 the FRUD campaigned in support of the RPP. In February 2000, another branch of FRUD signed a peace accord with the government. On 12 May 2001, President Ismail Omar Guelleh presided over the signing of what is termed the final peace accord ending the decade-long civil war between the government and the armed faction of the FRUD; the treaty compl
Politics of Namibia
Politics of Namibia takes place in a framework of a semi-presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Namibia is both head of state and head of government, of a pluriform multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by both the Government. Legislative power is vested in the two chambers of Parliament; the judiciary is independent of the legislature. Additional to the government political structure Namibia has a network of traditional leadership with 51 recognised traditional authorities and their leaders; these authorities cover the entire Namibian territory. Traditional leaders are entrusted with the allocation of communal land and the formulation of the traditional group's customary laws, they take over minor judicial work. The Economist Intelligence Unit has rated Namibia as "flawed democracy" in 2016; the Constituent Assembly of Namibia produced a constitution which established a multi-party system and a bill of rights. It limited the executive president to two five-year terms and provided for the private ownership of property.
The three branches of government are subject to checks and balances, a provision is made for judicial review. The constitution states that Namibia should have a mixed economy, foreign investment should be encouraged; the constitution is noted for being one of the first to incorporate protection of the environment into its text. Namibia is a democratic but one party dominant state with the South-West Africa People's Organisation in power. Opposition parties are allowed, but are considered to have no real chance of gaining power. While the ethnic-based, three-tier, South African-imposed governing authorities have been dissolved, the current government pledged for the sake of national reconciliation to retain civil servants employed during the colonial period; the government is still organising itself on both regional levels. The Constituent Assembly converted itself into the National Assembly on 16 February 1990, retaining all the members elected on a straight party ticket; the Namibian head of state is the president, elected by popular vote every five years.
Namibia's founding president is Sam Nujoma, in office for three terms from 21 March 1990 until 21 March 2005. Hifikepunye Pohamba was Namibia's second president serving from 2005 to 2015. Since 2015 Hage Geingob has been President of Namibia. While the separation of powers is enshrined in the country's constitution, Namibia's civil society and the opposition have criticised the overlap between executive and legislature. All cabinet members sit in the National Assembly and dominate that body—not numerically but by being the superiors to ordinary members; the government is headed by the prime minister, together with his cabinet, is appointed by the president. SWAPO, the primary force behind independence, is still the country's largest party. Hage Geingob was Namibia's first Prime Minister, he was appointed on 21 March 1990 and served until 28 August 2002. Theo-Ben Gurirab was Prime Minister from 28 August 2002 to 21 March 2005, Nahas Angula occupied this position from 21 March 2005 to 4 December 2012.
He was succeeded by Hage Geingob, who in turn was succeeded as Prime Minister by Saara Kuugongelwa when he became President of Namibia on 21 March 2015. Parliament has two chambers; the National Assembly has 78 members, elected for a five-year term, 72 members elected by proportional representation and six members appointed by the president. The National Council has 26 representatives of the Regional Councils as members, elected for a six-year term; every Regional Council in the 13 regions of Namibia elects two representatives to serve on this body. The Assembly is the primary legislative body, with the Council playing more of an advisory role; the highest judicial body is the Supreme Court, whose judges are appointed by the president on the recommendation of the Judicial Service Commission. The judicial structure in Namibia parallels that of South Africa. In 1919, Roman-Dutch law remains so to the present. Elections were held in 1992, to elect members of 13 newly established Regional Councils, as well as new municipal officials.
Two members from each Regional Council serve as members of the National Council, the country's second house of Parliament. Nineteen of its members are from the ruling SWAPO party, seven are from the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance. In December 1994, elections were held for the National Assembly. Namibia has about 40 political groups, ranging from modern political parties to traditional groups based on tribal authority; some represent ethnic groups while others encompass several. Most participate in political alliances, some of which are multiracial, with shifting membership. SWAPO is the ruling party, all but one of the new government's first cabinet posts went to SWAPO members. A marxist-oriented movement, SWAPO has become more right wing and now espouses the need for a mixed economy. SWAPO has been a legal political party since its formation and was cautiously active in Namibia, although before implementation of the UN Plan, it was forbidden to hold meetings of more than 20 people, its leadership was subject to frequent detention.
In December 1976, the UN General Assembly recognised SWAPO as "the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people," a characterisation other internal parties did not accept. In the 1999 presidential and parliamentary elections, SWAPO continued its history of political dominance, taking 55 of the 72 Assembly seats, returning President Sam Nujoma to the office for his third term; the principal opposition parties ar
Politics of the Gambia
Politics of the Gambia takes place within the framework of a presidential republic, whereby the President of the Gambia is both head of state and head of government, of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the parliament; the 1970 constitution of the Gambia, which divided the government into independent executive and judicial branches, was suspended after the 1994 military coup. As part of the transition process, the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council established the Constitution Review Commission through decree in March 1995. In accordance with the timetable for the transition to a democratically elected government, the commission drafted a new constitution for the Gambia, approved by referendum in August 1996; the constitution provides for a presidential system, a unicameral legislature, an independent judiciary, the protection of human rights. Before the coup d'état in July 1994, the Gambia was one of the oldest existing multi-party democracies in Africa.
It had conducted contested elections every 5 years since independence. After the military coup, politicians from deposed President Jawara's People's Progressive Party and other senior government officials were banned from participating in politics until July 2001; the People's Progressive Party, headed by former president Jawara, had dominated Gambian politics for nearly 30 years. The last elections under the PPP regime were held in April 1992. Following the coup, a presidential election took place in September 1996, in which retired Col. Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh won 56% of the vote; the legislative elections held in January 1997 were dominated by the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction, which captured 33 out of 45 seats. In July 2001, the ban on Jawara-era political parties and politicians was lifted. Four registered opposition parties participated in the 18 October 2001 presidential election, which the incumbent, President Yahya Jammeh, won with 53% of the votes; the APRC maintained its strong majority in the National Assembly in legislative elections held in January 2002 after the main opposition United Democratic Party boycotted the legislative elections.
In 2005 the political scenario was changed, as five opposition parties united under the umbrella of the National Alliance for Democracy and Development. NADD thus represented all political opposition forces in the country. Following the registration of NADD the High Court ruled that dual party membership was unconstitutional, as NADD had been registered as a political party all four opposition MPs were dismissed from the National Assembly. By-elections were held on 29 September. On 15 November the same year, three high-ranking NADD leaders were arrested on the grounds of subversion. On 21 and 22 March 2006, amid tensions preceding the 2006 presidential elections, an alleged planned military coup was uncovered. President Yahya Jammeh was forced to return from a trip to Mauritania, many suspected army officials were arrested, prominent army officials, including the army chief of staff, fled the country. There are claims circulating that this whole event was fabricated by the President incumbent for his own devious purposes—however the veracity of these claims is not known, as no corroborating evidence has as yet been brought forward.
It is doubtful whether the full truth will be known however, as anyone with any evidence would not be to come forward with it in light of the poor human rights record of the National Intelligence Agency, their well-known penchant for torturing and detaining indefinitely anyone who speaks up against the Government. The next presidential election took place on 22 September 2006; the nominations for party presidential candidates were held on 28 August 2006, amid reports of the Government intimidating and unfairly detaining Opposition members and sympathisers, of using the machineries of state, to gain an unfair advantage during political campaigns. These reports follow a publicised signing of a Meromandum of Understanding between the Government and Opposition parties, initiated by the Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo during a recent visit to the country. Incumbent president, Yahya Jammeh, was reelected. On 31 December 2014, a coup was attempted when a military deserter along with supporters attacked the presidential palace.
The coup failed and the alleged ringleader, Lamin Sanneh, was amongst those killed by forces loyal to Jammeh. Following the 1 December 2016 elections, the elections commission declared Adama Barrow the winner of the presidential election. Jammeh, who had ruled for 22 years, first announced he would step down after losing the 2016 election before declaring the results void and calling for a new vote, sparking a constitutional crisis and leading to an invasion by an ECOWAS coalition. On 20 January 2017, Jammeh announced that he had agreed to step down and would leave the country allowing Barrow to take up office. Prime Minister of the Gambia The president is elected by popular vote for a five-year term; the president appoints the members of the Cabinet. The National Assembly has 53 members, 48 members elected for a five-year term and 4 members appointed; the Gambia was a one party dominant state when the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction was in power. Opposition parties were allowed, but were considered to have no real chance of gaining power.
Supreme Court of The Gambia. Until
Politics of Eritrea
Politics of Eritrea takes place in a framework of a single-party presidential republican totalitarian dictatorship, whereby the Eritrean President is both head of state and head of government and a single-party state, led by the People's Front for Democracy and Justice. The popularly elected National Assembly of 150 seats, formed in 1993 shortly after independence, elected the current president, Isaias Afewerki. There have been no general elections since its official rise to power in 1993, they are governed under the constitution of 1993. A new constitution has not been implemented. Following a successful referendum on independence for the Autonomous Region of Eritrea between 23 and 25 April 1993, on 19 May of that year the Provisional Government of Eritrea issued a Proclamation regarding the reorganization of the Government, it declared that during a four-year transition period, sooner if possible, it would draft and ratify a constitution, prepare a law on political parties, prepare a press law, carry out elections for a constitutional government.
In March 1994, the PGE created a constitutional commission charged with drafting a constitution flexible enough to meet the current needs of a population suffering from 30 years of civil war as well as those of the future, when stability and prosperity change the political landscape. Commission members have traveled throughout the country and to Eritrean communities abroad holding meetings to explain constitutional options to the people and to solicit their input. A new constitution was promulgated in 1997 but has not yet been implemented, general elections have been postponed. A National Assembly, composed of the PFDJ, was established as a transitional legislature. Independent local sources of political information on Eritrean domestic politics are scarce. In 2004 the U. S. State Department declared Eritrea a Country of Particular Concern for its alleged record of religious persecution. At independence, the government faced formidable challenges. Beginning with a nascent judicial system, an education system in shambles, it has attempted to build the institutions of government from scratch, with varying success.
Since the impact of the border war with Ethiopia, continued army mobilisation, has contributed to the lack of a skilled workforce. The present government includes legislative and judicial bodies; the President nominates individuals to head the various ministries, authorities and offices, the National Assembly ratifies those nominations. The cabinet is the country's executive branch, it chaired by the president. It implements policies and laws and is, in theory, accountable to the National Assembly; the Ministries are: The legislature, the National Assembly appointed in 1993, includes 75 members of the People's Front for Democracy and Justice and 75 additional'popularly elected' members. The National Assembly is the highest legal power in the government until the establishment of a democratic, constitutional government. Within the Eritrean Constitution the Legislature would remain the strongest arm of the government; the legislature sets the internal and external policies of the government, regulates implementation of those policies, approves the budget, elects the president of the country.
Its membership has not been renewed through national elections. Lower Regional Assemblies are in each of Eritrea's six zones; these Assemblies are responsible setting a local agenda in the case that they are not overruled by the National Assembly. These Regional Assemblies are popularly elected within each region. Unlike the National Assembly however, the Regional administrator is not selected by the Regional Assembly. Eritrea is a single-party state, run by the People's Front for Justice. No other political groups are allowed to organize. Eritrean National elections were set for 1997 and postponed until 2001, it was decided that because 20% of Eritrea's land was under occupation that elections would be postponed until the resolution of the conflict with Ethiopia. Local elections have continued in Eritrea; the most recent round of local government elections were held in May 2003. On further elections, the President's Chief of Staff, Yemane Ghebremeskel said, The electoral commission is handling these elections this time round so that may be the new element in this process.
The national assembly has mandated the electoral commission to set the date for national elections, so whenever the electoral commission sets the date there will be national elections. It’s not dependent on regional elections, although that might be a helpful process. Multipartyism, in general principle yes, it is there but the law on political parties has to be approved by the national assembly, it was not approved the last time. The view from the beginning was that you don’t need a party law to hold national elections. You can have national elections and the party law can be adopted at any time. So in terms of commitment it’s clear, in terms of the process it has its own pace, its own characteristics. Eritrean Islamic Jihad? Eritrean Liberation Front, Abdullah Muhammed Eritrean Liberation Front-Revolutionary Council, Ahmed Nasser Eritrean Liberation Front-United Organization, Mohammed Said Nawd ምንቅስቓስ ንብሩህ መጻኢ ኤርትራ (Eritrean br
Politics of Botswana
Politics of Botswana takes place in a framework of a parliamentary representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Botswana is both head of state and head of government, of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in the Parliament of Botswana; the party system has been dominated by the Botswana Democratic Party, which has never lost power since independence. The Judiciary is independent of the legislature. Botswana is formally a multiparty constitutional democracy; each of the elections since independence in September 1966 has been and contested and has been held on schedule. The country's small white minority and other minorities participate in the political process. There are a number of smaller parties. General elections are held at least every five years; the Economist Intelligence Unit has rated Botswana as a "flawed democracy" in 2016. The National Assembly has 4 appointed members. After elections, the party that wins the majority elects the State President.
The President appoints the Vice President, but the appointment is subject to endorsement by the National Assembly. There are 57 parliamentary constituencies in Botswana; the advisory House of Chiefs represents the eight principal subgroups of the Batswana people, four other members are elected by the subchiefs of four of the districts. A draft of any National Assembly bill of tribal concern must be referred to the House of Chiefs for advisory opinion. Chiefs and other leaders preside over customary, traditional courts, though all persons have the right to request that their case be considered under the formal British-based legal system. Local government is administered by five town councils. District commissioners have executive authority and are appointed by the central government and assisted by elected and nominated district councilors and district development committees. There has been ongoing debate about the political and economic marginalization of the San; the government's policies for remote area dwellers continue to spark controversy and may be revised in response to domestic and donor concerns.
The highest court of Botswana is the Court of Appeal, constituted under section 99 of these Constitution and consists of a President and such number of Justices of Appeal as may be prescribed by Parliament. There are eight judges of the Court of Appeal, who are all expatriates drawn from different parts of the Commonwealth. To date, no Motswana has been appointed to the Court of Appeal; the High Court is a superior court of record with unlimited original jurisdiction to hear and determine any criminal and civil cases under any law. The High Court is constituted under section 95 of the Constitution, consists of a Chief Justice and such number of other judges of the High Court as may be prescribed by Parliament. There are sixteen permanent judges of the High Court; until 1992, the judges of the High Court were expatriate judges who were appointed on short-term contracts of two to three years. In 1992 the first citizen judges were appointed to the bench. There are three High Court divisions in Lobatse and Francistown.
There are Magistrates' Courts in Botswana. These courts are subordinate to the High Court and hear a range of civil and family law matters. There are nineteen Magistrates' Courts in the country, with fifty magistrates of whom seventeen are expatriate. Judges may be removed only for cause and after a hearing. Judgments of the Botswana Court of Appeal Judgments of the Botswana High Court ACP, AfDB, C, ECA, FAO, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICCt, ICFTU, ICRM, IDA, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, ILO, IMF, Interpol, IOC, ISO, ITU, NAM, OAU, OPCW, SACU, SADC, UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNIDO, UPU, WCO, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WTO, WT. Botswana Prison Service Republic of Botswana - Government portal
A monarch is a sovereign head of state in a monarchy. A monarch may exercise the highest authority and power in the state, or others may wield that power on behalf of the monarch. A monarch either inherits the lawful right to exercise the state's sovereign rights or is selected by an established process from a family or cohort eligible to provide the nation's monarch. Alternatively, an individual may become monarch by acclamation or a combination of means. A monarch reigns for life or until abdication. If a young child is crowned the monarch, a regent is appointed to govern until the monarch reaches the requisite adult age to rule. Monarchs' actual powers vary from one monarchy in different eras. A monarch can reign in multiple monarchies simultaneously. For example, the monarchy of Canada and the monarchy of the United Kingdom are separate states, but they share the same monarch through personal union. Monarchs, as such, bear a variety of titles – king or queen, prince or princess, emperor or empress, duke or grand duke, emir or sultan.
Prince is sometimes used as a generic term to refer to any monarch regardless of title in older texts. A king can be a queen's husband and a queen can be a king's wife. If both of the couple reign, neither person is considered to be a consort. Monarchy is political or sociocultural in nature, is associated with hereditary rule. Most monarchs, both and in the present day, have been born and brought up within a royal family and trained for future duties. Different systems of succession have been used, such as proximity of blood, agnatic seniority, Salic law, etc. While traditionally most monarchs have been male, female monarchs have ruled, the term queen regnant refers to a ruling monarch, as distinct from a queen consort, the wife of a reigning king; some monarchies are non-hereditary. In an elective monarchy, the monarch otherwise serves as any other monarch. Historical examples of elective monarchy include the Holy Roman Emperors and the free election of kings of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.
Modern examples include the Yang di-Pertuan Agong of Malaysia, appointed by the Conference of Rulers every five years or after the king's death, the pope of the Roman Catholic Church, who serves as sovereign of the Vatican City State and is elected to a life term by the College of Cardinals. In recent centuries, many states have become republics. Advocacy of government by a republic is called republicanism, while advocacy of monarchy is called monarchism. A principal advantage of hereditary monarchy is the immediate continuity of national leadership, as illustrated in the classic phrase "The King is dead. Long live the King!". In cases where the monarch serves as a ceremonial figure real leadership does not depend on the monarch. A form of government may in fact be hereditary without being considered monarchy, such as a family dictatorship. Monarchies take a wide variety of forms, such as the two co-princes of Andorra, positions held by the Roman Catholic Bishop of Urgel and the elected President of France.
The Yang di-Pertuan Agong of Malaysia is considered a monarch despite only holding the position for five years at a time. Hereditary succession within one patrilineal family has been most common, with preference for children over siblings, sons over daughters. In Europe, some peoples practiced equal division of land and regalian rights among sons or brothers, as in the Germanic states of the Holy Roman Empire, until after the medieval era and sometimes into the 19th century. Other European realms practice one form or another of primogeniture, whereunder a lord was succeeded by his eldest son or, if he had none, by his brother, his daughters or sons of daughters; the system of tanistry was semi-elective and gave weight to ability and merit. The Salic law, practiced in France and in the Italian territories of the House of Savoy, stipulated that only men could inherit the crown. In most fiefs, in the event of the demise of all legitimate male members of the patrilineage, a female of the family could succeed.
In most realms and sisters were eligible to succeed a ruling kinsman before more distant male relatives, but sometimes the husband of the heiress became the ruler, most also received the title, jure uxoris. Spain today continues this model of succession law, in the form of cognatic primogeniture. In more complex medieval cases, the sometimes conflicting principles of proximity and primogeniture battled, outcomes were idiosyncratic; as the average life span increased, an eldest son was more to reach majority age before the death of his father, primogeniture became favoured over proximity, tanistry and election. In 19