Nizam of Hyderabad
The Nizam of Hyderabad was a monarch of the Hyderabad State, now divided into Telangana state, Hyderabad-Karnataka region of Karnataka and Marathwada region of Maharashtra. Nizam, shortened from Nizam-ul-Mulk, meaning Administrator of the Realm, the title of the rulers of Hyderabad State, was the premier Prince of India, since 1724, belonging to the Asaf Jahi dynasty; the Asaf Jahi dynasty was founded by Mir Qamar-ud-Din Siddiqi, a viceroy of the Deccan under the Mughal Empire from 1713 to 1721. He intermittently governed the region after Aurangzeb's death in 1707. In 1724, Mughal control weakened, Asaf Jah became independent of them; when the British achieved paramountcy over India, the Nizams were allowed to continue to rule their princely states as client kings. The Nizams retained internal power over Hyderabad State until the 17 September 1948 when Hyderabad was integrated into the new Indian Union; the Asaf Jah dynasty had only seven rulers. They were never recognised as rulers; the seventh and last Nizam was Mir Osman Ali Khan, who fell from power when Hyderabad was annexed by India in 1948.
By the time of its annexation, Hyderabad was the largest and most prosperous one among all the princely states. It covered 82,698 square miles of homogeneous territory and had a population of 16.34 million people, of which a majority was Hindu. Hyderabad State had its own army, telecommunication system, railway network, postal system and radio broadcasting service. Hindus were under-represented in government and the military. Of 1765 officers in the State Army, 1268 were Muslims, 421 were Hindus, 121 others were Christians and Sikhs. Of the upper level government officials, 59 were Muslims, 5 were Hindus and 38 were of other religions; the Nizam and his nobles, who were Muslims, owned 40% of the total land in the state. All kotwals, police commissioners, were Muslims; the name Nizam spelled as Nezam, comes from Urdu /nɪˈzɑːm/, which itself is derived from the ancient Arabic language niẓām which means "order" or "arrangement". Nizām-ul-mulk was a title first used in Urdu around 1600 to mean Governor of the realm or Deputy for the whole Empire.
The word is derived from the Arabic language, as in Abu Ali Hasan ibn Ali Tusi, better known by his honorific title of Nizam al-Mulk. According to Sir Roper Lethbridge in "The Golden Book of India"—, the Nizams are lineally descended from the First Caliph Abu Bakr, the successor of the Prophet Muhammed; the family of Nizams in India is descended from Abid Khan, a Turkoman from Samarkand, whose lineage is traced to Sufi Shihab-ud-Din Suhrawardi of Central Asia. In the early 1650s, on his way to hajj, Abid Khan stopped in Deccan, where the young prince Aurangzeb Governor of Deccan, cultivated him. Abid Khan returned to the service of Aurangzeb to fight in the succession wars of 1657–58. After Aurangzeb's enthronement, Abid Khan was richly rewarded and became Aurangzeb's favourite nobleman, his son Ghazi Uddin Khan received in marriage, Safiya Khanum, the daughter of the former imperial prime minister Sa‘dullah Khan. Mir Qamaruddin Khan, the founder of the line of Nizams, was born of the couple, thus descending from two prominent families of the Mughal court.
Ghazi Uddin Khan rose to become a General of the Emperor Aurangzeb and played a vital role in conquering Bijapur and Golconda Sultanates of Southern India in 1686. He played a key role in thwarting the rebellion by Prince Akbar and alleged rebellion by Prince Mu`azzam.. After Aurangzeb's death and during the war of succession and his father remained neutral thus escaping the risk of being on the losing side, their successor Farrukhsiyar appointed Qamaruddin the governor of Deccan in 1713, awarding him the title Nizam-ul-Mulk. However, the governorship was taken away two years and Qamaruddin withdrew to his estate in Moradabad. Under the next emperor, Muhammad Shah, Qamaruddin accepted the governorship of Deccan for the second time in 1721; the next year, following the death of his uncle Muhammad Amin Khan, a power-broker in the Mughal Court, Qamaruddin returned to the Delhi and was made the wazir. According to historian Faruqui, his tenure as prime minister was undermined by his opponents and a rebellion in Deccan was engineered against him.
In 1724, the Nizam returned to Deccan to reclaim his base, in the process making a transition to a semi-independent ruler. In 1724, Asif Jah I defeated Mubariz Khan to establish autonomy over the Deccan Suba, named the region Hyderabad Deccan, started what came to be known as the Asaf Jahi dynasty. Subsequent rulers retained the title Nizam ul-Mulk and were referred to as Asif Jahi Nizams, or Nizams of Hyderabad. Nizam I never formally declared independence from the Mughals. In Friday prayers, the sermon would be conducted in the name of Aurangzeb, this tradition would continue until the end of Hyderabad State in 1948; the death of Asif Jah I in 1748 resulted in a period of political unrest as his sons, backed by opportunistic neighbouring states and colonial foreign forces, contended for the throne. The accession of Asif Jah II, who reigned
Bandh is a form of protest used by political activists in South Asian countries such as India and Nepal. It is similar to a general strike. During a bandh, a political party or a community declare a general strike. For eg. A Bharat bandh is a call for a bandh across India, a bandh can be called for an individual state or municipality; the community or political party declaring a bandh expects the general public to stay at home and not report for work. Shopkeepers are expected to keep their shops closed, public transport operators of buses and cabs are expected to stay off the road and not carry passengers. There have been instances. A bandh is a powerful means of civil disobedience, because of its huge impact on the local community, it is a much-feared tool of protest. Burglary, forced closures, arson attacks and clashes between the bandh organizers and the police are common during the period of closure; the Supreme Court of India ruled against any sort of hooliganism in the name of'bandh' in 1998, but political parties still organize them.
In 2004, the Supreme Court of India fined two political parties, Bharatiya Janata Party and Shiv Sena, for organizing a bandh in Mumbai as a protest against bomb blasts in the city. The government of West Bengal banned bandh conducted by the communist party of India. Bandh was a common phenomenon by congress party in many states; the National Democratic Alliance and 13 non-UPA parties called for a nationwide bandh on 5 July 2010, to protest a fuel price hike. This bandh prevented Indians from carrying out day-to-day tasks in states that were ruled by the NDA and the left. In Nepal, calls for bandhs have increased due to political instability. Bharat bandh was called by the opposition party NDA on 31 May 2012, to protest against a steep hike in petrol prices. On 20 September 2012, the BJP and otherparties called for a nationwide bandh in response to economic reforms undertaken by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his finance minister Palaniappan Chidambaram. Chief among their grievances were the cut in subsidies for diesel and cooking gas and the decision to allow foreign investors to own majority stakes in the retail sector, including supermarkets and department stores.
One noteworthy incident is of bandh after the Akshardham Temple attack in Gujarat, in September 2002. All of India remained closed, from small tea stalls to the commodity and other stock markets at the Bombay Stock Exchange. In 2016, the states of Kashmir and Karnataka were most badly affected by frequent bandhs and strikes. Gherao Hartal Strike action Political activism in Kerala Johari, J. C.. Comparative Politics. Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi. ISBN 8120704681. Chapter 20: Techniques of Pressure Politics. Pp. 393–410
Namantar Andolan was a Dalit movement to change the name of Marathwada University, in Aurangabad, India, to Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar University, it achieved a measure of success in 1994, when the compromise name of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University was accepted; the movement was notable for the violence against Dalits. Namantar means andolan means social movement; the Namantar Andolan was a 16-year-long Dalit campaign to rename Marathwada University in recognition of B. R. Ambedkar, the jurist and social reformer who had proposed that untouchability should be made illegal. Non-Dalit student groups supported the demand to have the university renamed but did so less for reasons of dogma than for the pragmatic desire to bring the Dalit Mahar, students into the general fold. Dalit students traditionally showed no interest in supporting such causes as lower fees and cheaper textbooks, but they constituted around 26 percent of the student population and anticipated quid pro quo. A march involving Dalit and non-Dalit students was organised, with the intent of petitioning the council of the university for the change.
The procession met with another, headed by Gangadhar Gade, a Dalit Panther leader, who launched a tirade of abuse at the non-Dalit contingent as he asserted the right of the Dalits to take all the credit for the change in name. This alienated the non-Dalit students and, according to Dipankar Gupta, "the division was caused not so much by Hindu caste prejudices and reticence to support the renaming of the University, but rather by the splittist and sectarian position taken by Gadhe," who might be concerned that any alliance between Dalits and non-Dalits could affect the potency of the Panthers. Among left-wing organisations, only the Students' Federation of India and Yukrant continued to support the campaign. In 1977, the chief minister of Maharashtra, Vasantdada Patil, promised that the renaming would occur, in July 1978, the Maharashtra Legislature approved it. Uttara Shastree notes that the campaign at this time reflected the desire of neo-Buddhists for an improved image and position in society, as a significant part of which they called on the symbolic ideas of Ambedkar, that had preceded his rise to prominence.
The University Executive Body passed a resolution to rename the university and this series of decisions was the catalyst for rioting, which began on 27 July 1978 and lasted several weeks. Commentators such as Gail Omvedt believe. Both Omvedt and Gupta noted that the violence was aimed at the Mahars and did not extend to other Dalit groups, while Gupta notes that it was concentrated in the three districts of Marathwada — Aurangabad and Parbhani — where Dalit registrations in schools and colleges were high, economic competition was the most fierce. In particular, the centres of the unrest were urban areas, where the impact of Mahar aspirations would most affect the employment and economic roles which Hindu castes considered to be their preserve. Troubles were absent from the other two districts and Osmanabad, the spill of problems into rural areas was patchy; these issues of geographic and demographic targeting, according to Gupta, indicate that the real causes of the violence were more subtle than war between caste Hindu and Dalit.
There were instances of violent acts taking place under the pretext of the riots elsewhere but in fact to settle local and personal scores unrelated to the broader causes. In contradiction to these views, Y. C. Damle maintains that the violence "specially affected the Scheduled Caste people in the villages although the agitation for renaming the Marathwada University after Dr. Ambedkar was spearheaded by Dalit Panthers and such leaders in urban centres. In giving a call for agitation, hardly any effort was made to protect the villages or villagers." Riots affected 1,200 villages in Marathwada, impacting on 25,000 Marathi Buddhist Dalits and causing thousands of them to seek safety in jungles. The terrorised Dalits did not return despite of starvation; this violence was organised by members of the Maratha community and took many forms, including killings, rape of Dalit women, burning of houses and huts, pillaging of Dalit colonies, forcing Dalits out of villages, polluting drinking water wells, destruction of cattle, refusal to employ.
This continued for 67 days. According to the Yukrant leader, attacks on Dalit were collective and pre-planned. In many villages, Dalit colonies were burned; the burning houses in Marathwada region affected 900 Dalit households. Upper caste rioters demolished essential household items, they burned the fodder stocks owned by Dalits. The bridges and culverts were intentionally broken or damaged to paralyse the military and police aid in villages during the time of the attacks. Upper caste mobs attacked government property including government hospitals, railway stations, gram panchayat offices, state transport buses, District Council-operated school buildings, the telephone system and the government go downs. ₹30 crore worth property was damaged. The Marathwada region was under siege of violence for over two years; the Dalits were wrecked economically and psychologically. Many Dalit protesters were physically injured and nineteen died including five protesters who lost their lives during the police repression.
Much of the violence occurred in Nanded district. Examples include: Sonkhed village: The mob burned a Dalit residential area. Two women were raped and three children were killed. Sugaon village: Janardhan Mavde was killed. Bo
Marathwada is a region of the Indian state of Maharashtra. The usage of the word "Marathwada" exists since the times of the Nizams; the region coincides with the Aurangabad Division of Maharashtra. It borders the states of Karnataka and Telangana, it lies to the west of the Vidarbha and east of Khandesh regions of Maharashtra; the largest city of Marathwada is Aurangabad. Its people speak Dakhini; the term Marathwada means the house of Marathi people, land occupied by the Marathi-speaking population of the former Hyderabad state during the period of Nizam's rule. The term can be traced to 18th century state records of the Nizam of Hyderabad. Marathwada has total area of 64590 km2 and had a population of 18,731,872 at the 2011 census of India; the foundation of agricultural research in Marathwada region of erstwhile Hyderabad kingdom was laid by the 7th Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan with the commencement of the Main Experimental Farm in 1918 in Parbhani. During the Nizam's rule agricultural education was available only at Hyderabad.
After independence, this facility was developed further by the Indian government, renamed as Marathwada Agriculture University on 18 May 1972. Aurangabad Latur Nanded Aurangabad Beed Hingoli Jalna Nanded Latur Osmanabad ParbhaniThere are Municipal Corporations at Aurangabad, Nanded and Parbhani; the state government recognises Aurangabad as the "Tourism Capital of Maharashtra". There are various tourist attractions in Aurangabad. Other places visited by tourists are: Ajanta caves Ellora caves Udgir Fort Ausa Hazur Sahib Nanded Bibi Ka Maqbara Dharashiv Caves Aundha Nagnath Mahur Kandhar Deogiri fort / *Daulatabad Grishneshwar temple Parli Tuljapur Ambajogai/Yogeshwari Dharur, Beed Marathwada has four government medical colleges, situated at Aurangabad, Latur and Ambajogai; the region has good government engineering colleges such as SGGS Nanded, Aurangabad Government Engineering College. It has three major universities, being Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University at Aurangabad, Vasantrao Naik Marathwada Agricultural University at Parbhani, Swami Ramanand Teerth Marathwada University at Nanded.
The foundation of agricultural research in Marathwada region of Hyderabad state was laid by the erstwhile Nizam of Hyderabad with the commencement of the Main Experimental Farm in 1918 in Parbhani. During the Nizam's rule agricultural education was available only at Hyderabad. After independence, this facility was developed further by the Indian government, renamed as Marathwada Agriculture University on 18 May 1972. Marathwada is affected by frequent anomalies in rainfall during Monsoon season, which accounts for 80 percent of the annual rainfall; the average annual rainfall over the division is 882 mm. Three-fourths of the Marathwada division is covered by agricultural lands. Hence, drought is having a significant impact on the life of farmers. According to government records, 422 farmers in Marathwada committed suicide in 2014; this was because of their inability to bear crop losses and a financial quandary made acute by water scarcity and an agrarian crisis. 2014 was the third consecutive year of low rainfall, when rainfall did occur it was sometimes untimely and damaged crops.
Of the 422 suicides, 252 cases were due to an inability to repay agricultural loans. There have been more than 117 farmer suicides in the first two months of 2017. According to a study by IIT Bombay, the severe or extreme droughts have occurred in major portions of Marathwada, in the last few decades. List of people from Marathwada Make in Maharashtra Manav Vikas Mission Notes Citations Beyond Economic Development: A Case Study of Marathwada Vidarbha and Marathwada: Trapped in a vicious cycle -Hindustan Times Cane cultivation leaving Marathwada bone dry: Study -The Times of India Photo-essay on the 2016 drought in Marathwada Have India's farm suicides declined? -BBC article In worst drought year, Marathwada emerges new suicide region -Indian Express ‘Wrong method used to calculate Vidarbha, Marathwada backlog’ - The Times of India Lucien D. Benichou. From Autocracy to Integration: Political Developments in Hyderabad State, 1938-1948. Orient Blackswan. ISBN 978-81-250-1847-6. Human Development Report 2002 - Maharashtra
India known as the Republic of India, is a country in South Asia. It is the seventh largest country by area and with more than 1.3 billion people, it is the second most populous country as well as the most populous democracy in the world. Bounded by the Indian Ocean on the south, the Arabian Sea on the southwest, the Bay of Bengal on the southeast, it shares land borders with Pakistan to the west. In the Indian Ocean, India is in the vicinity of Sri Lanka and the Maldives, while its Andaman and Nicobar Islands share a maritime border with Thailand and Indonesia; the Indian subcontinent was home to the urban Indus Valley Civilisation of the 3rd millennium BCE. In the following millennium, the oldest scriptures associated with Hinduism began to be composed. Social stratification, based on caste, emerged in the first millennium BCE, Buddhism and Jainism arose. Early political consolidations took place under the Gupta empires. In the medieval era, Zoroastrianism and Islam arrived, Sikhism emerged, all adding to the region's diverse culture.
Much of the north fell to the Delhi Sultanate. The economy expanded in the 17th century in the Mughal Empire. In the mid-18th century, the subcontinent came under British East India Company rule, in the mid-19th under British Crown rule. A nationalist movement emerged in the late 19th century, which under Mahatma Gandhi, was noted for nonviolent resistance and led to India's independence in 1947. In 2017, the Indian economy was the world's sixth largest by nominal GDP and third largest by purchasing power parity. Following market-based economic reforms in 1991, India became one of the fastest-growing major economies and is considered a newly industrialised country. However, it continues to face the challenges of poverty, corruption and inadequate public healthcare. A nuclear weapons state and regional power, it has the second largest standing army in the world and ranks fifth in military expenditure among nations. India is a federal republic governed under a parliamentary system and consists of 29 states and 7 union territories.
A pluralistic and multi-ethnic society, it is home to a diversity of wildlife in a variety of protected habitats. The name India is derived from Indus, which originates from the Old Persian word Hindush, equivalent to the Sanskrit word Sindhu, the historical local appellation for the Indus River; the ancient Greeks referred to the Indians as Indoi, which translates as "The people of the Indus". The geographical term Bharat, recognised by the Constitution of India as an official name for the country, is used by many Indian languages in its variations, it is a modernisation of the historical name Bharatavarsha, which traditionally referred to the Indian subcontinent and gained increasing currency from the mid-19th century as a native name for India. Hindustan is a Middle Persian name for India, it was introduced into India by the Mughals and used since then. Its meaning varied, referring to a region that encompassed northern India and Pakistan or India in its entirety; the name may refer to either the northern part of India or the entire country.
The earliest known human remains in South Asia date to about 30,000 years ago. Nearly contemporaneous human rock art sites have been found in many parts of the Indian subcontinent, including at the Bhimbetka rock shelters in Madhya Pradesh. After 6500 BCE, evidence for domestication of food crops and animals, construction of permanent structures, storage of agricultural surplus, appeared in Mehrgarh and other sites in what is now Balochistan; these developed into the Indus Valley Civilisation, the first urban culture in South Asia, which flourished during 2500–1900 BCE in what is now Pakistan and western India. Centred around cities such as Mohenjo-daro, Harappa and Kalibangan, relying on varied forms of subsistence, the civilization engaged robustly in crafts production and wide-ranging trade. During the period 2000–500 BCE, many regions of the subcontinent transitioned from the Chalcolithic cultures to the Iron Age ones; the Vedas, the oldest scriptures associated with Hinduism, were composed during this period, historians have analysed these to posit a Vedic culture in the Punjab region and the upper Gangetic Plain.
Most historians consider this period to have encompassed several waves of Indo-Aryan migration into the subcontinent from the north-west. The caste system, which created a hierarchy of priests and free peasants, but which excluded indigenous peoples by labeling their occupations impure, arose during this period. On the Deccan Plateau, archaeological evidence from this period suggests the existence of a chiefdom stage of political organisation. In South India, a progression to sedentary life is indicated by the large number of megalithic monuments dating from this period, as well as by nearby traces of agriculture, irrigation tanks, craft traditions. In the late Vedic period, around the 6th century BCE, the small states and chiefdoms of the Ganges Plain and the north-western regions had consolidated into 16 major oligarchies and monarchies that were known as the mahajanapadas; the emerging urbanisation gave rise to non-Vedic religious movements, two of which became independent religions. Jainism came into prominence during the life of Mahavira.
Buddhism, based on the teachings of Gautama Buddha, attracted followers from all social classes excepting the middle
Raasta roko is a form of protest practised in India. It involves large number of people preventing vehicular traffic from using a busy thoroughfare. Pedestrian traffic is not targeted. Rail roko is similar blocking of a railway. Sit-in
A hunger strike is a method of non-violent resistance or pressure in which participants fast as an act of political protest, or to provoke feelings of guilt in others with the objective to achieve a specific goal, such as a policy change. Most hunger strikers will take liquids but not solid food. In cases where an entity has or is able to obtain custody of the hunger striker, the hunger strike is terminated by the custodial entity through the use of force-feeding. Fasting was used as a method of protesting injustice in pre-Christian Ireland, where it was known as Troscadh or Cealachan, it was detailed in the contemporary civic codes, had specific rules by which it could be used. The fast was carried out on the doorstep of the home of the offender. Scholars speculate. Allowing a person to die at one's doorstep, for a wrong of which one was accused, was considered a great dishonor. Others say that the practice was to fast for one whole night, as there is no evidence of people fasting to death in pre-Christian Ireland.
The fasts were undertaken to recover debts or get justice for a perceived wrong. There are legends of the patron saint of Ireland, using the hunger strike as well. In India, the practice of a hunger protest, where the protester fasts at the door of an offending party in a public call for justice, was abolished by the government in 1861; this Indian practice is ancient, going back to around 400 to 750 BC. This can be known since it appears in the Ramayana, composed around that time; the actual mention appears in the Ayodhya kanda, in Sarga 103. Bharata has gone to ask the exiled Rama to rule the kingdom. Bharata tries many arguments, none of which work, at which point he decides to engage in a hunger strike, he announces his intention to fast, calls for his charioteer Sumantra to bring him some sacred Kusha grass, lies down upon the grass in front of Rama. Rama, however, is able to persuade him to abandon the attempt. Rama mentions it as a practice of the brahmanas. In the first three days, the body is still using energy from glucose.
After that, the liver starts processing body fat, in a process called ketosis. After depleting fat, the body enters a "starvation mode". At this point the body "mines" the muscles and vital organs for energy, loss of bone marrow becomes life-threatening. There are examples of hunger strikers dying after 46 to 73 days of strike, for example the 1981 Irish hunger strike. In the early 20th century suffragettes endured hunger strikes in British prisons. Marion Dunlop was the first in 1909, she was released. Other suffragettes in prison undertook hunger strikes; the prison authorities subjected them to force-feeding, which the suffragettes categorized as a form of torture. Emmeline Pankhurst's sister Mary Clarke died shortly after being force-fed in prison, others including Lady Constance Bulwer-Lytton are believed to have had serious health problems caused by force feeding. In 1913 the Prisoners Act 1913 changed policy. Hunger strikes were tolerated but prisoners were released when they became sick; when they had recovered, the suffragettes were taken back to prison to finish their sentences.
Like their British counterparts, American suffragettes used this method of political protest. A few years prior to the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, a group of American suffragettes led by Alice Paul engaged in a hunger strike and endured forced feedings while incarcerated at the Occoquan Workhouse in Virginia. Hunger strikes have deep roots in the Irish psyche. Fasting in order to bring attention to an injustice which one felt under his lord, thus shame him, was a common feature of early Irish society and this tactic was incorporated into the Brehon legal system; the tradition is most part of the still older Indo-European tradition of which the Irish were part. The tactic was used by physical force republicans during the 1916–23 revolutionary period. Early use of hunger strikes was countered with force-feeding, culminating in 1917 in the death of Thomas Ashe in Mountjoy Prison. During the Anglo-Irish war, in October 1920, the Lord Mayor of Cork, Terence MacSwiney, died on hunger strike in Brixton prison.
Two other Cork IRA men, Joe Murphy and Michael Fitzgerald, died in this protest. Over a period of 94 days, from August 11 to November 12, 1920 John and Peter Crowley, Thomas Donovan, Michael Burke, Michael O'Reilly, Christopher Upton, John Power, Joseph Kenny and Seán Hennessy, demanding reinstatement of political status and release from prison, undertook a hunger strike at the Cork County Gaol. Arthur Griffith called off the strikes after the deaths of MacSwiney and Fitzgerald. During the 1920s, the vessel HMS Argenta was used as a military base and prison ship for the holding of Irish Republicans by the British government as part of their internment strategy post Bloody Sunday. Cloistered below decks in cages which held 50 internees, the prisoners were forced to use broken toilets which overflowed into their communal area. Deprived of tables, the weakened men ate off the floor succumbing to disease and illness as a result. There were several hunger strikes, including a major strike involving upwards of