Rongorongo is a system of glyphs discovered in the 19th century on Easter Island that appears to be writing or proto-writing. Numerous attempts at decipherment none successfully. Although some calendrical and what might prove to be genealogical information has been identified, none of these glyphs can be read. If rongorongo does prove to be writing and proves to be an independent invention, it would be one of few independent inventions of writing in human history. Two dozen wooden objects bearing rongorongo inscriptions, some weathered, burned, or otherwise damaged, were collected in the late 19th century and are now scattered in museums and private collections. None remain on Easter Island; the objects are tablets shaped from irregular pieces of wood, sometimes driftwood, but include a chieftain's staff, a bird-man statuette, two reimiro ornaments. There are a few petroglyphs which may include short rongorongo inscriptions. Oral history suggests that only a small elite was literate and that the tablets were sacred.
Authentic rongorongo texts are written in alternating directions, a system called reverse boustrophedon. In a third of the tablets, the lines of text are inscribed in shallow fluting carved into the wood; the glyphs themselves are outlines of human, plant and geometric forms. Many of the human and animal figures, such as glyphs 200 and 280, have characteristic protuberances on each side of the head representing eyes. Individual texts are conventionally known by a single uppercase letter and a name, such as Tablet C, the Mamari Tablet; the somewhat variable names may be descriptive or indicate where the object is kept, as in the Oar, the Snuffbox, the Small Santiago Tablet, the Santiago Staff. Rongorongo is the modern name for the inscriptions. In the Rapa Nui language it means "to recite, to declaim, to chant out"; the original name—or description—of the script is said to have been kohau motu mo rongorongo, "lines incised for chanting out", shortened to kohau rongorongo or "lines chanting out".
There are said to have been more specific names for the texts based on their topic. For example, the kohau ta‘u were annals, the kohau îka were lists of persons killed in war, the kohau ranga "lines of fugitives" were lists of war refugees; some authors have understood the ta‘u in kohau ta‘u to refer to a separate form of writing distinct from rongorongo. Barthel recorded that, "The Islanders had another writing which recorded their annals and other secular matters, but this has disappeared." However, Fischer writes that "the ta‘u was a type of rongorongo inscription. In the 1880s, a group of elders invented a derivative'script' called ta‘u with which to decorate carvings in order to increase their trading value, it is a primitive imitation of rongorongo." An alleged third script, the mama or va‘eva‘e described in some mid-twentieth-century publications, was "an early twentieth-century geometric invention". The forms of the glyphs are standardized contours of living organisms and geometric designs about one centimeter high.
The wooden tablets are irregular in shape and, in many instances, with the glyphs carved in shallow channels running the length of the tablets, as can be seen in the image of tablet G at right. It is thought that irregular and blemished pieces of wood were used in their entirety rather than squared off due to the scarcity of wood on the island. Except for a few possible glyphs cut in stone, all surviving texts are inscribed in wood. According to tradition, the tablets were made of toromiro wood. However, Orliac examined seven objects with stereo optical and scanning electron microscopes and determined that all were instead made from Pacific rosewood; this 15-meter tree, known as "Pacific rosewood" for its color and called mako‘i in Rapanui, is used for sacred groves and carvings throughout eastern Polynesia and was evidently brought to Easter Island by the first settlers. However, not all the wood was native: Orliac established that tablets N, P, S were made of South African Yellowwood and therefore that the wood had arrived with Western contact.
Fischer describes P as "a damaged and reshapen European or American oar", as are A and V. Several texts, including O, are carved on gnarled driftwood; the fact that the islanders were reduced to inscribing driftwood, were regardless economical in their use of wood, may have had consequences for the structure of the script, such as the abundance of ligatures and a telegraphic style of writing that would complicate textual analysis. Oral tradition holds that, because of the great value of wood, only expert scribes used it, while pupils wrote on banana leaves. German ethnologist Thomas Barthel believed that carving on wood was a secondary development in the evolution of the script based on an earlier stage of incising banana leaves or the sheaths of the banana trunk with a bone stylus, that the medium of leaves was retained not only for lessons but to plan and compose the texts of the wooden tablets, he found experimentally that the glyphs were quite vi
Afrikaans is a West Germanic language spoken in South Africa, Namibia and, to a lesser extent and Zimbabwe. It evolved from the Dutch vernacular of South Holland spoken by the Dutch settlers of what is now South Africa, where it began to develop distinguishing characteristics in the course of the 18th century. Hence, it is a daughter language of Dutch, was referred to as "Cape Dutch" or "kitchen Dutch". However, it is variously described as a creole or as a creolised language; the term is derived from Dutch Afrikaans-Hollands meaning "African Dutch". Although Afrikaans has adopted words from other languages, including German and the Khoisan languages, an estimated 90 to 95% of the vocabulary of Afrikaans is of Dutch origin. Therefore, differences with Dutch lie in the more analytic-type morphology and grammar of Afrikaans, a spelling that expresses Afrikaans pronunciation rather than standard Dutch. There is a large degree of mutual intelligibility between the two languages—especially in written form.
With about 7 million native speakers in South Africa, or 13.5% of the population, it is the third-most-spoken language in the country. It has the widest geographical and racial distribution of all the 11 official languages of South Africa, is spoken and understood as a second or third language, it is the majority language of the western half of South Africa—the provinces of the Northern Cape and Western Cape—and the first language of 75.8% of Coloured South Africans, 60.8% of White South Africans. In addition, many native speakers of Bantu languages and English speak Afrikaans as a second language, it is taught with about 10.3 million second-language students. One reason for the expansion of Afrikaans is its development in the public realm: it is used in newspapers, radio programs, TV, several translations of the Bible have been published since the first one was completed in 1933. In neighbouring Namibia, Afrikaans is spoken as a second language and used as a lingua franca, while as a native language it is spoken in 10.4% of households concentrated in the capital Windhoek, Walvis Bay and the southern regions of Hardap and ǁKaras.
It, along with German, was among the official languages of Namibia until the country became independent in 1990, 25% of the population of Windhoek spoke Afrikaans at home. Both Afrikaans and German are recognised regional languages in Namibia, although only English has official status within the government. Estimates of the total number of Afrikaans speakers range between 23 million; the term is derived from the Dutch term Afrikaans-Hollands meaning "African Dutch". An estimated 90 to 95% of the Afrikaans lexicon is of Dutch origin, there are few lexical differences between the two languages. Afrikaans has a more regular morphology and spelling. There is a degree of mutual intelligibility between the two languages in written form. Afrikaans acquired some lexical and syntactical borrowings from other languages such as Malay, Khoisan languages and Bantu languages, Afrikaans has been influenced by South African English. Dutch speakers are confronted with fewer non-cognates when listening to Afrikaans than the other way round.
Mutual intelligibility thus tends to be asymmetrical, as it is easier for Dutch speakers to understand Afrikaans than for Afrikaans speakers to understand Dutch. In general, mutual intelligibility between Dutch and Afrikaans is better than between Dutch and Frisian or between Danish and Swedish; the South African poet writer Breyten Breytenbach, attempting to visualize the language distance for anglophones once remarked that the differences between Dutch and Afrikaans are comparable to those between the Received Pronunciation and Southern American English. The Afrikaans language arose in the Dutch Cape Colony, through a gradual divergence from European Dutch dialects, during the course of the 18th century; as early as the mid-18th century and as as the mid-20th century, Afrikaans was known in standard Dutch as a "kitchen language", lacking the prestige accorded, for example by the educational system in Africa, to languages spoken outside Africa. Other early epithets setting apart Kaaps Hollands as putatively beneath official Dutch standards included geradbraakt and onbeschaafd Hollands, as well as verkeerd Nederlands.
Den Besten theorizes that modern Standard Afrikaans derives from two sources: Cape Dutch, a direct transplantation of European Dutch to southern Africa, and'Hottentot Dutch', a pidgin that descended from'Foreigner Talk' and from the Dutch pidgin spoken by slaves, via a hypothetical Dutch creole. Thus in his view Afrikaans is neither a creole nor a direct descendant of Dutch, but a fusion of two transmission pathways. A relative majority of the first settlers whose descendants today are the Afrikaners were from the United Provinces, though up to one-sixth of the community was of French Huguenot origin, a seventh from Germany. African and Asian workers and slaves contributed to the development of Afrikaans; the slave population was made up of people from East Africa, West Africa, India and the Dutch East Indies. A number were indigenous Khoisan people, who were valued as i
Easter Island is a Chilean island in the southeastern Pacific Ocean, at the southeasternmost point of the Polynesian Triangle in Oceania. Easter Island is most famous for its nearly 1,000 extant monumental statues, called moai, created by the early Rapa Nui people. In 1995, UNESCO named Easter Island a World Heritage Site, with much of the island protected within Rapa Nui National Park, it is believed that Easter Island's Polynesian inhabitants arrived on Easter Island sometime near 1200 AD. They created a thriving and industrious culture, as evidenced by the island's numerous enormous stone moai and other artifacts. However, land clearing for cultivation and the introduction of the Polynesian rat led to gradual deforestation. By the time of European arrival in 1722, the island's population was estimated to be 2,000–3,000. European diseases, Peruvian slave raiding expeditions in the 1860s, emigration to other islands, e.g. Tahiti, further depleted the population, reducing it to a low of 111 native inhabitants in 1877.
Chile annexed Easter Island in 1888. In 1966, the Rapa Nui were granted Chilean citizenship. In 2007 the island gained the constitutional status of "special territory." Administratively, it belongs to the Valparaíso Region, comprising a single commune of the Province Isla de Pascua. The 2017 Chilean census registered 7,750 people on the island, of whom 3,512 considered themselves Rapa Nui. Easter Island is one of the most remote inhabited islands in the world; the nearest inhabited land is Pitcairn Island, 2,075 kilometres away. Easter Island is considered part of Insular Chile; the name "Easter Island" was given by the island's first recorded European visitor, the Dutch explorer Jacob Roggeveen, who encountered it on Easter Sunday in 1722, while searching for "Davis Land". Roggeveen named it Paasch-Eyland; the island's official Spanish name, Isla de Pascua means "Easter Island". The current Polynesian name of the island, Rapa Nui, was coined after the slave raids of the early 1860s, refers to the island's topographic resemblance to the island of Rapa in the Bass Islands of the Austral Islands group.
However, Norwegian ethnographer Thor Heyerdahl argued that Rapa was the original name of Easter Island and that Rapa Iti was named by refugees from there. The phrase Te pito o te henua has been said to be the original name of the island since French ethnologist Alphonse Pinart gave it the romantic translation "the Navel of the World" in his Voyage à l'Île de Pâques, published in 1877. William Churchill inquired about the phrase and was told that there were three te pito o te henua, these being the three capes of the island; the phrase appears to have been used in the same sense as the designation of "Land's End" at the tip of Cornwall. He was unable to elicit a Polynesian name for the island and concluded that there may not have been one. According to Barthel, oral tradition has it that the island was first named Te pito o te kainga a Hau Maka, "The little piece of land of Hau Maka". However, there are two words pronounced pito in Rapa Nui, one meaning'end' and one'navel', the phrase can thus mean "The Navel of the World".
Another name, Mata ki te rangi, means "Eyes looking to the sky". Islanders are referred to in Spanish as pascuense. Oral tradition states the island was first settled by a two-canoe expedition, originating from Marae Renga, led by the chief Hotu Matu'a and his captain Tu'u ko Iho; the island was first scouted after Haumaka dreamed of such a far-off country. At their time of arrival, the island had Nga Tavake'a Te Rona. After a brief stay at Anakena, the colonists settled in different parts of the island. Hotu's heir, Tu'u ma Heke, was born on the island. Tu'u ko Iho is viewed as the leader who caused them to walk; the Easter Islanders are considered to be South-East Polynesians. Similar sacred zones with statuary in East Polynesia demonstrates homology with most of Eastern Polynesia. At contact, populations were about 3,000-4,000. By the 15th century, two confederations, hanau, of social groupings, existed, based on lineage; the western and northern portion of the island belonged to the Tu'u, which included the royal Miru, with the royal center at Anakena, though Tahai and Te Peu served as earlier capitals.
The eastern portion of the island belonged to the'Otu'Itu. Shortly after the Dutch visit, from 1724 until 1750, the'Otu'Itu fought the Tu'u for control of the island; this fighting continued until the 1860s. Famine followed the destruction of fields. Social control vanished as the ordered way of life gave way to lawlessness and predatory bands as the warrior class took over. Homelessness prevailed, with many living underground. After the Spanish visit, from 1770 onwards, a period of statue toppling, huri mo'ai, commenced; this was an attempt by competing groups to destroy the socio-spiritual power, or mana, represented by statues, making sure to break them in the fall to ensure they were dead and without power. None were left standing by the time of the arrival of the French missionaries in the 1860s. Between 1862 and 1888, about 94 % of the population emigrated; the island was victimized by blackbirding from 1862 to 1863, res
In linguistics, grammatical relations are functional relationships between constituents in a clause. The standard examples of grammatical functions from traditional grammar are subject, direct object, indirect object. In recent times, the syntactic functions, typified by the traditional categories of subject and object, have assumed an important role in linguistic theorizing, within a variety of approaches ranging from generative grammar to functional and cognitive theories. Many modern theories of grammar are to acknowledge numerous further types of grammatical relations; the role of grammatical relations in theories of grammar is greatest in dependency grammars, which tend to posit dozens of distinct grammatical relations. Every head-dependent dependency bears a grammatical function; the grammatical relations are exemplified in traditional grammar by the notions of subject, direct object, indirect object: Fred gave Susan the book. The subject Fred is the source of the action; the direct object the book is acted upon by the subject, the indirect object Susan receives the direct object or otherwise benefits from the action.
Traditional grammars begin with these rather vague notions of the grammatical functions. When one begins to examine the distinctions more it becomes clear that these basic definitions do not provide much more than a loose orientation point. What is indisputable about the grammatical relations is that they are relational; that is, subject and object can exist as such only by virtue of the context in which they appear. A noun such as Fred or a noun phrase such as the book cannot qualify as subject and direct object unless they appear in an environment, e.g. a clause, where they are related to each other and/or to an action or state. In this regard, the main verb in a clause is responsible for assigning grammatical relations to the clause "participants". Most grammarians and students of language intuitively know in most cases what the subject and object in a given clause are, but when one attempts to produce theoretically satisfying definitions of these notions, the results are less than clear and therefore controversial.
The contradictory impulses have resulted in a situation where most theories of grammar acknowledge the grammatical relations and rely on them for describing phenomena of grammar but at the same time, avoid providing concrete definitions of them. Various principles can be acknowledged that attempts to define the grammatical relations are based on; the thematic relations can provide semantic orientation for defining the grammatical relations. There is a tendency for subjects to be objects to be patients or themes. However, the thematic relations can not be vice versa; this point is evident with the active-passive diathesis and ergative verbs: Marge has fixed the coffee table. The coffee table has been fixed; the torpedo sank the ship. The ship sank. Marge is the agent in the first pair of sentences because she initiates and carries out the action of fixing, the coffee table is the patient in both because it is acted upon in both sentences. In contrast, the subject and direct object are not consistent across the two sentences.
The subject is the agent Marge in the first sentence and the patient The coffee table in the second sentence. The direct object is the patient the coffee table in the first sentence, there is no direct object in the second sentence; the situation is similar with the ergative verb sunk/sink in the second pair of sentences. The noun phrase the ship is the theme in both sentences, although it is the object in the first of the two and the subject in the second; the grammatical relations belong to the level of surface syntax, whereas the thematic relations reside on a deeper semantic level. If, the correspondences across these levels are acknowledged the thematic relations can be seen as providing prototypical thematic traits for defining the grammatical relations. Another prominent means used to define the syntactic relations is in terms of the syntactic configuration; the subject is defined as the verb argument that appears outside of the canonical finite verb phrase, whereas the object is taken to be the verb argument that appears inside the verb phrase.
This approach takes the configuration as primitive, whereby the grammatical relations are derived from the configuration. This "configurational" understanding of the grammatical relations is associated with Chomskyan phrase structure grammars; the configurational approach is limited in. It works best for the object arguments. For other clause participants, it is less insightful, since it is not clear how one might define these additional syntactic functions in terms of the configuration. Furthermore concerning the subject and object, it can run into difficulties, e.g. There were two lizards in the drawer; the configurational approach has difficulty with such cases. The plural verb were agrees with the post-verb noun phrase two lizards, which suggests that two lizards is the subject, but since two lizards follows the verb, one might view it as being located inside the verb phrase, which means it should count as the object. This second observation suggests. Many efforts to define the grammatical relation
In linguistics, grammar is the set of structural rules governing the composition of clauses and words in any given natural language. The term refers to the study of such rules, this field includes phonology and syntax complemented by phonetics and pragmatics. Speakers of a language have a set of internalized rules for using that language, these rules constitute that language's grammar; the vast majority of the information in the grammar is – at least in the case of one's native language – acquired not by conscious study or instruction, but by observing other speakers. Much of this work is done during early childhood. Thus, grammar is the cognitive information underlying language use; the term "grammar" can be used to describe the rules that govern the linguistic behavior of a group of speakers. The term "English grammar", may have several meanings, it may refer to the whole of English grammar, that is, to the grammars of all the speakers of the language, in which case, the term encompasses a great deal of variation.
Alternatively, it may refer only to what is common to the grammars of all, or of the vast majority of English speakers. Or it may refer to the rules of a particular well-defined variety of English. A specific description, study or analysis of such rules may be referred to as a grammar. A reference book describing the grammar of a language is called a "reference grammar" or "a grammar". A explicit grammar that exhaustively describes the grammatical constructions of a particular lect is called a descriptive grammar; this kind of linguistic description contrasts with linguistic prescription, an attempt to discourage or suppress some grammatical constructions, while codifying and promoting others, either in an absolute sense, or in reference to a standard variety. For example, preposition stranding occurs in Germanic languages, has a long history in English, is considered standard usage. John Dryden, objected to it, leading other English speakers to avoid the construction and discourage its use. Outside linguistics, the term grammar is used in a rather different sense.
In some respects, it may be used more broadly, including rules of spelling and punctuation, which linguists would not consider to form part of grammar, but rather as a part of orthography, the set of conventions used for writing a language. In other respects, it may be used more narrowly, to refer to a set of prescriptive norms only and excluding those aspects of a language's grammar that are not subject to variation or debate on their normative acceptability. Jeremy Butterfield claimed that, for non-linguists, "Grammar is a generic way of referring to any aspect of English that people object to." The word grammar is derived from Greek γραμματικὴ τέχνη, which means "art of letters", from γράμμα, "letter", itself from γράφειν, "to draw, to write". The same Greek root appears in graphics and photograph. Vedic Sanskrit is the earliest language known to the world; the grammatical rules were formulated by Indra, etc. but the modern systematic grammar, of Sanskrit, originated in Iron Age India, with Yaska, Pāṇini and his commentators Pingala and Patanjali.
Tolkāppiyam, the earliest Tamil grammar, is dated to before the 5th century AD. The Babylonians made some early attempts at language description,In the West, grammar emerged as a discipline in Hellenism from the 3rd century BC forward with authors like Rhyanus and Aristarchus of Samothrace; the oldest known grammar handbook is the Art of Grammar, a succinct guide to speaking and writing and written by the ancient Greek scholar Dionysius Thrax, a student of Aristarchus of Samothrace who established a school on the Greek island of Rhodes. Dionysius Thrax's grammar book remained the primary grammar textbook for Greek schoolboys until as late as the twelfth century AD; the Romans based their grammatical writings on it and its basic format remains the basis for grammar guides in many languages today. Latin grammar developed by following Greek models from the 1st century BC, due to the work of authors such as Orbilius Pupillus, Remmius Palaemon, Marcus Valerius Probus, Verrius Flaccus, Aemilius Asper.
A grammar of Irish originated in the 7th century with the Auraicept na n-Éces. Arabic grammar emerged with Abu al-Aswad al-Du'ali in the 7th century; the first treatises on Hebrew grammar appeared in the context of Mishnah. The Karaite tradition originated in Abbasid Baghdad; the Diqduq is one of the earliest grammatical commentaries on the Hebrew Bible. Ibn Barun in the 12th century compares the Hebrew language with Arabic in the Islamic grammatical tradition. Belonging to the trivium of the seven liberal arts, grammar was taught as a core discipline throughout the Middle Ages, following the influence of authors from Late Antiquity, such as Priscian. Treatment of vernaculars began during the High Middle Ages, with isolated works such as the First Grammatical Treatise, but became influential only in the Renaissance and Baroque periods. In 1486, Antonio de Nebrija published Las introduciones Latinas contrapuesto el romance al Latin, the first Spanish grammar, Gramática de la lengua castellana, in 1492.
During the 16th-century Italian Ren
An auxiliary verb is a verb that adds functional or grammatical meaning to the clause in which it appears, such as to express tense, modality, emphasis, etc. Auxiliary verbs accompany a main verb; the main verb provides the main semantic content of the clause. An example is the verb. Here, the main verb is finish, the auxiliary have helps to express the perfect aspect; some sentences contain a chain of two or more auxiliary verbs. Auxiliary verbs are called helping verbs, helper verbs, or auxiliaries. Below are some sentences that contain representative auxiliary verbs from English, Spanish and French, with the auxiliary verb marked in bold: a. Do you want tea? – do is an auxiliary accompanying the main verb want, used here to form a question – see do-support.b. He has given his all. – has is an auxiliary used in expressing the perfect aspect of give.c. He cogido tu lápiz. – he is an auxiliary accompanying the main verb coger, used here to form a compound verb, the perfect present in Spanish. Have grabbed your pencil ='I have taken your pencil.'d.
Das wurde mehrmals gesagt. – wurde'became' is an auxiliary used to build the passive voice in German. That became many times said ='That was said many times.'e. Sie ist nach Hause gegangen. – ist'is' is an auxiliary used with movement verbs to build the perfect tense/aspect in German. She is to home gone ='She went home/She has gone home.'f. J'ai vu le soleil. – ai'have' is an auxiliary used to build the perfect tense/aspect in French. I have seen the sun ='I have seen the sun/I saw the sun.'g. Nous sommes hébergés par un ami. – sommes'are' is an auxiliary used to build the passive voice in French. We are hosted by a friend; these auxiliaries help show tense/aspect, or form passive voice. Auxiliaries like these appear with a full verb that carries the main semantic content of the clause. Auxiliary verbs help express grammatical tense, aspect and voice, they appear together with a main verb. The auxiliary is said to "help" the main verb; the auxiliary verbs of a language form a closed class, i.e. there is a fixed small number of them.
They are among the most occurring verbs in a language. Acknowledged verbs that can serve as auxiliaries in English and many related languages are the equivalents of be to express passive voice, have to express perfect aspect or past time reference. In some treatments, the copula be is classed as an auxiliary though it does not "help" another verb, e.g. The bird is in the tree. – is serves as a copula with a predicative expression not containing any other verb. Definitions of auxiliary verbs are not always consistent across languages, or among authors discussing the same language. Modal verbs may not be classified as auxiliaries, depending on the language. In the case of English, verbs are identified as auxiliaries based on their grammatical behavior, as described below. In some cases, verbs that function to auxiliaries, but are not considered full members of that class, are called semi-auxiliaries. In French, for example, verbs such as devoir, aller, vouloir and laisser, when used together with the infinitive of another verb, can be called semi-auxiliaries.
The following sections consider auxiliary verbs in English. They list auxiliary verbs present the diagnostics that motivate this special class; the modal verbs are included in this class, due to their behavior with respect to these diagnostics. A list of verbs that function as auxiliaries in English is as follows: be, could, dare, do, may, must, ought, should, wouldThe status of dare and ought is debatable and the use of these verbs as auxiliaries can vary across dialects of English. If the negative forms can't, don't, won't, etc. are viewed as separate verbs the number of auxiliaries increases. The verbs do and have can function as full verbs or as light verbs, which can be a source of confusion about their status; the modal verbs form a subclass of auxiliary verbs. Modal verbs are defective insofar as they cannot be inflected, nor do they appear as gerunds, infinitives, or participles; the following table summarizes the auxiliary verbs in standard English and the meaning contribution to the clauses in which they appear.
Many auxiliary verbs are listed more than once in the table based upon discernible differences in use. Deontic modality expresses an ability, necessity, or obligation, associated with an agent subject. Epistemic modality expresses the speaker's assessment of likelihood of reality. Distinguishing between the two types of modality can be difficult, since many sentences contain a modal verb that allows both interpretations; the verbs listed in the previous section can be classified as auxiliaries based upon two diagnostics: they allow subject–auxiliary inversion and they can take not as a postdependent. The following examples illustrate the extent to which subject–auxiliary inversion can occur with an auxiliary verb but not with a full verb: a, he was working today. B. Was he working today? - Auxiliary verb was allows subject–auxiliary inversion.a. He worked today. B. *Worked he today? - Full verb worked does