Communal work is a gathering for mutually accomplishing a task or for communal fundraising. Communal work provided manual labour to others for major projects such as barn raising, bees of various kinds, log rolling, subbotniks. Different words have been used to describe such gatherings, they are less common in today's more individualistic cultures, where there is less reliance on others than in preindustrial agricultural and hunterer-gatherer societies. Major jobs such as clearing a field of timber or raising a barn needed many workers, it was both a social and utilitarian event. Jobs like corn husking or sewing could be done as a group to allow socializing during an otherwise tedious chore; such gatherings included refreshments and entertainment. In more modern societies, the word "bee" has been used for some time for other social gatherings without communal work, for example for competitions such as a spelling bee. Harambee is an East African tradition of community self-help events, e.g. fundraising or development activities.
Harambee means "all pull together" in Swahili, is the official motto of Kenya and appears on its coat of arms. Ethiopia Debo To build a farm; each contributes according to one's ability. Indispensable for elderly and widows who do not have a strong man to support. Naffīr is an Arabic word used in parts of Sudan to describe particular types of communal work undertakings. Naffīr has been described as including a group recruited through family networks, in-laws and village neighbors for some particular purpose, which disbands when that purpose is fulfilled. An alternative, more recent, definition describes naffīr as "to bring someone together from the neighborhood or community to carry out a certain project, such as building a house or providing help during the harvest season."The word may be related to the standard Arabic word nafr which describes a band, group or troop mobilized for war. In standard Arabic, a naffīr āmm refers to a general call to arms. Naffīr has been used in a military context in Sudan.
For example, the term was used to refer to the an-Naffīr ash-Sha'abī or "People's Militias" that operated in the central Nuba Mountains region in the early 1990s. Gotong-royong is a conception of sociality familiar to large parts of Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia; the phrase has been translated into English in many ways, most of which hearken to the conception of reciprocity or mutual aid. For M. Nasroen, gotong royong forms one of the core tenets of Indonesian philosophy. Paul Michael Taylor and Lorraine V. Aragon state that "gotong royong cooperation among many people to attain a shared goal." In a 1983 essay Clifford Geertz points to the importance of gotong royong in Indonesian life: An enormous inventory of specific and quite intricate institutions for effecting the cooperation in work and personal relations alike, vaguely gathered under culturally charged and well indefinable value-images--rukun, gotong royong, tolong-menolong --governs social interaction with a force as sovereign as it is subdued.
Anthropologist Robert A. Hahn writes: Javanese culture is stratified by social class and by level of adherence to Islam.... Traditional Javanese culture does not emphasize material wealth.... There is respect for those, and the spirit of gotong royong, or volunteerism, is promoted as a cultural value. Gotong royong has long functioned as the scale of the village, as a moral conception of the political economy. However, as the political economy became more privatized and individualistic, gotong royong has waned. Pottier records the impact of the Green Revolution in Java: "Before the GR,'Java' had relatively'open' markets, in which many local people were rewarded in kind. With the GR, rural labour markets began to foster'exclusionary practices'... This resulted in a general loss of rights secure harvesting rights within a context of mutual cooperation, known as gotong royong." Citing Ann Laura Stoler's ethnography from the 1970s, Pottier writes that cash was replacing exchange, that old patron-client ties were breaking, that social relations were becoming characterized more by employer-employee qualities.
For Prime Minister Muhammad Natsir, gotong royong was an ethical principle of sociality, in marked contrast to both the "unchecked" feudalism of the West, the social anomie of capitalism. Ideas of reciprocity and enmeshed aspects of kampung morality, were seized upon by postcolonial politicians. John Sidel writes: "Ironically, national-level politicians drew on " village conceptions of adat and gotong royong, they drew on notions "of traditional community to justify new forms of authoritarian rule." During the presidency of Sukarno, the idea of gotong royong was elevated to a central tenet of Indonesian life. For Sukarno, the new nation was to be synonymous with gotong royong, he said. On June 1, 1945, Sukarno said of the Pancasila: The first two principles and internationalism, can be pressed to one, which I used to call'socionationalism.' With democracy'which is not the democracy of the West' together with social justice for all can be pressed down to one, called socio democracy. – belief in God.'And so what was five has become three: socio nationalism, socio democracy, belief
The Shawnee are an Algonquian-speaking ethnic group indigenous to North America. In colonial times they were a semi-migratory Native American nation inhabiting areas of the Ohio Valley, extending from what became Ohio and Kentucky eastward to West Virginia, Virginia and Western Maryland. Pushed west by European-American pressure, the Shawnee migrated to Kansas. In the 1830s some were removed from the upper Midwest to Indian Territory west of the Mississippi River. Other Shawnee did not remove to Oklahoma until after the Civil War. Made up of different historical and kinship groups, today there are three federally recognized Shawnee tribes, all headquartered in Oklahoma: the Absentee-Shawnee Tribe of Indians of Oklahoma, Eastern Shawnee Tribe of Oklahoma, Shawnee Tribe; the Shawnee language, an Algonquian language, was spoken by 200 people in 2002, including over 100 Absentee Shawnee and 12 Loyal Shawnee speakers. The language is written in the Latin script, it has a dictionary and portions of the Bible were translated into Shawnee.
Some scholars believe that the Shawnee are descendants of the people of the precontact Fort Ancient culture of the Ohio region, although this is not universally accepted. Fort Ancient culture flourished from 1000 to 1650 CE among a people who predominantly inhabited lands on both sides of the Ohio River in areas of present-day southern Ohio, northern Kentucky and western West Virginia, they were mound builders. Fort Ancient culture was once thought to have been an extension of the Mississippian culture. But, scholars now believe Fort Ancient culture developed independently and was descended from the Hopewell culture a mound builder people. Uncertainty surrounds the fate of the Fort Ancient people. Most their society, like the Mississippian culture to the south, was disrupted by waves of epidemics from new infectious diseases carried by the first Spanish explorers in the 16th century. After 1525 at Madisonville, the type site, the village's house sizes became smaller and fewer, with evidence showing the people changed from their "horticulture-centered, sedentary way of life".
There is a gap in the archaeological record between the most recent Fort Ancient sites and the oldest sites of the Shawnee. The latter were recorded by European archaeologists as occupying this area at the time of encounter. Scholars accept that similarities in material culture, art and Shawnee oral history linking them to the Fort Ancient peoples, can be used to support the connection from Fort Ancient society and development as the historical Shawnee society; the Shawnee traditionally considered the Lenape of the East Coast mid-Atlantic region, who were Algonquian speaking, as their "grandfathers." The Algonquian nations of present-day Canada regarded the US Shawnee as their southernmost branch. Along the East Coast, the Algonquian-speaking tribes were located in coastal areas, from Quebec to the Carolinas. Algonquian languages have words similar to the archaic shawano meaning "south". However, the stem šawa- does not mean "south" in Shawnee, but "moderate, warm": See Voegelin "šawa MODERATE, WARM.
Cp. šawani'it is moderating...". In one Shawnee tale, "Sawage" is the deity of the south wind. Curtin translates Sawage as ` it thaws'. Šaawaki is attested as the spirit of the South, or the South Wind, in this account, in one of Voegelin's tales, in a song collected by Voegelin. Europeans reported encountering the Shawnee over a wides geographic area. One of the earliest mentions of the Shawnee may be a 1614 Dutch map showing some Sawwanew located just east of the Delaware River. 17th-century Dutch sources place them in this general location. Accounts by French explorers in the same century located the Shawnee along the Ohio River, where the French encountered them on forays from eastern Canada and the Illinois Country. A Shawnee town might have from forty to one hundred bark-covered houses similar in construction to Iroquois longhouses; each village had a meeting house or council house sixty to ninety feet long, where public deliberations took place. According to one English legend, some Shawnee were descended from a party sent by Chief Opechancanough, ruler of the Powhatan Confederacy 1618–1644, to settle in the Shenandoah Valley.
The party was led by Sheewa-a-nee. Edward Bland, an explorer who accompanied Abraham Wood's expedition in 1650, wrote that in Opechancanough's day, there had been a falling-out between the Chawan chief and the weroance of the Powhatan, he said. The Shawnee were "driven from Kentucky in the 1670s by the Iroquois of Pennsylvania and New York, who claimed the Ohio valley as hunting ground to supply its fur trade; the colonists Batts and Fallam in 1671 reported that the Shawnee were contesting control of the Shenandoah Valley with the Haudenosaunee Confederacy in that year, were losing. Sometime before 1670, a group of Shawnee migrated to the Savannah River area; the English based in Charles Town, South Carolina were contacted by these Shawnee in 1674. They forged a long-lasting alliance; the Savannah River Shawnee were known to the Carolina English as "Savannah Indians". Around the same time, other Shawnee groups migrated to Florida, Maryland and other regions south and east of the Ohio country. D'Iberville, writing in his journal in 1699, describes the Shawnee as "the single nati
Black drink is a name for several kinds of ritual beverages brewed by Native Americans in the Southeastern United States. Traditional ceremonial people of the Yuchi, Chickasaw, Choctaw and some other Indigenous peoples of the Southeastern Woodlands use the black drink in purification ceremonies, it was known as white drink because of the association of the color white with peace leaders in some Native cultures in the Southeast. The preparation and protocols vary between ceremonial grounds. Black drink usually contains emetic herbs. According to the ethnohistorical record, the yaupon leaves and branches used for the black drink were traditionally picked as close to the time of its planned consumption as possible. After picking they were parched in a ceramic container over fire; the roasting increases the solubility in water of the caffeine, the same reason coffee beans are roasted. After browning, they were boiled in large containers of water until the liquid reached a dark brown or black color, giving it its name.
The liquid was strained into containers to cool, until it was cool enough to not scald the skin, drunk while still hot. Because caffeine is 30 times more soluble in boiling water than room temperature water, this heightened its effect, it was consumed in a ritual manner. Its physiological effects are believed to be those of massive doses of caffeine. Three to six cups of strong coffee is equal to 0.5 to 1.0 grams of caffeine. Owen gives the caffeine content of coffee as between 1.01 and 1.42 percent In comparison, Ilex vomitoria leaves contain 0.0038 to 0.2288 percent caffeine by weight according to experiments performed by Adam Edwards in 2002. Similar methods of production were adopted by European colonists for the production of a drink that shared the same names with Native names for the black drink but used for different, secular purposes. While the general method of production is known, not all details of the preparation and ceremonial usage of the black drink are; the source of the emetic effect of black drink is not known and has been speculated upon by historians and botanists.
Some professionals believe it to be caused by the addition of poisonous button snakeroot. Contemporary preparation and usage of the black drink by Native Americans is less well documented. Online recipes for the black drink have been criticized by some Native Americans as dangerous and poisonous due those recipes leaving out key steps; the berries of the yaupon holly are poisonous. Kidney failure is one possible outcome of consuming beverages containing holly leaves. Adam Edwards and Bradley Bennett tested stems and leaves of the yaupon, they found that the only possible toxic substance was theobromine, an alkaloid, but the amounts of the chemical were so low that a single gram of cocoa contained over 2,255 times more theobromine than yaupon. Archaeologists have demonstrated the use of various kinds of black drink among Native American groups stretching back far into antiquity dating to Late Archaic times. During the Hopewell period, the shell cups known from black drink rituals become common in high-status burials along with mortuary pottery and engraved stone and copper tablets.
The significance of the shell cups may indicate the beginning of black drink ceremonialism. The fact that both the shells and the yaupon holly come from the same geographical location may indicate they were traded together in the Hopewell Interaction Sphere; the appearance of shell cups can be used as a virtual marker for the advent of Hopewell Culture in many instances. During the Mississippian culture period, the presence of items associated with the black drink ceremony had spread over most of the south, with many hundreds of examples from Etowah, Spiro and Hiwassee Island. Archaeologists working at Cahokia, the largest Mississippian culture settlement located near the modern city of St. Louis, found distinctive and rare pottery beakers dating from 1050 to 1250 CE; the beakers are small round pots with a tiny lip on the opposing side. The surfaces of the unfired vessels was incised with motifs representing water and the underworld and resemble the whelk shells known to have been used for the consumption of the beverage during historic times.
The inside of the vessels were found to be coated with a plant residue, which when tested was found to contain theobromine and ursolic acid in the right proportions to have come from the Ilex vomitoria. The presence of the black drink in the Greater Cahokia area at this early date pushes back the definitive use of the black drink by several centuries; the presence of the black drink hundreds of miles outside of its natural range on the East and Gulf coasts is evidence of a substantial trade network with the southeast, a trade that involved sharks teeth and whelk shells. In historic accounts from the 16th and 17th century, the black drink is imbibed in rituals using a cup made of marine shell. Three main species of marine shells have been identified as being used as cups for the black drink, lightning whelk, emperor helmet, the horse conch; the most common was the lightning whelk, which has a sinistral spiral. The left-handed spiral may have held religious significance because of its association with dance and ritual.
The center columnella, which runs longitudinally down the shell, would be removed, the rough edges sanded down to make a dipper-like cup. Th
Ethnography is the systematic study of people and cultures. It is designed to explore cultural phenomena where the researcher observes society from the point of view of the subject of the study. An ethnography is a means to represent graphically and in writing the culture of a group; the word can thus be said to have a double meaning, which depends on whether it is used as a count noun or uncountable. The resulting field study or a case report reflects the knowledge and the system of meanings in the lives of a cultural group; as a method of data collection, ethnography entails examining the behaviour of the participants in a certain specific social situation and understanding their interpretation of such behaviour. Dewan further elaborates that this behaviour may be shaped by the constraints the participants feel because of the situations they are in or by the society in which they belong. Ethnography, as the presentation of empirical data on human societies and cultures, was pioneered in the biological and cultural branches of anthropology, but it has become popular in the social sciences in general—sociology, communication studies, history—wherever people study ethnic groups, compositions, social welfare characteristics, spirituality, a people's ethnogenesis.
The typical ethnography is a holistic study and so includes a brief history, an analysis of the terrain, the climate, the habitat. In all cases, it should be reflexive, make a substantial contribution toward the understanding of the social life of humans, have an aesthetic impact on the reader, express a credible reality. An ethnography records all observed behavior and describes all symbol-meaning relations, using concepts that avoid causal explanations. Traditionally, ethnography was focussed on the western gaze towards the far'exotic' east, but now researchers are undertaking ethnography in their own social environment. According to Dewan if we are the other, the ‘another’ or the ‘native’, we are still ‘another’ because there are many facades of ourselves that connect us to people and other facades that highlight our differences; the word'ethnography' is derived from the Greek ἔθνος, meaning "a company a people, nation" and -graphy, meaning "writing". Ethnographic studies focus on large cultural groups of people.
Ethnography is a set of qualitative methods that are used in social sciences that focus on the observation of social practices and interactions. Its aim is to observe a situation without imposing any deductive structure or framework upon it and to view everything as strange or unique; the field of anthropology originated from Europe and England designed in late 19th century. It spread its roots to the United States at the beginning of the 20th century; some of the main contributors like E. B. Tylor from Britain and Lewis H. Morgan, an American scientist were considered as founders of cultural and social dimensions. Franz Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski, Ruth Benedict, Margaret Mead, were a group of researchers from the United States who contributed the idea of cultural relativism to the literature. Boas's approach focused on the use of documents and informants, whereas Malinowski stated that a researcher should be engrossed with the work for long periods in the field and do a participant observation by living with the informant and experiencing their way of life.
He gives the viewpoint of the native and this became the origin of field work and field methods. Since Malinowski was firm with his approach he applied it and traveled to Trobriand Islands which are located off the eastern coast of New Guinea, he was interested in learning the language of the islanders and stayed there for a long time doing his field work. The field of ethnography became popular in the late 19th century, as many social scientists gained an interest in studying modern society. Again, in the latter part of the 19th century, the field of anthropology became a good support for scientific formation. Though the field was flourishing, it had a lot of threats to encounter. Postcolonialism, the research climate shifted towards feminism. Therefore, the field of anthropology moved into a discipline of social science. Gerhard Friedrich Müller developed the concept of ethnography as a separate discipline whilst participating in the Second Kamchatka Expedition as a professor of history and geography.
Whilst involved in the expedition, he differentiated Völker-Beschreibung as a distinct area of study. This became known as "ethnography," following the introduction of the Greek neologism ethnographia by Johann Friedrich Schöpperlin and the German variant by A. F. Thilo in 1767. August Ludwig von Schlözer and Christoph Wilhelm Jacob Gatterer of the University of Göttingen introduced the term into the academic discourse in an attempt to reform the contemporary understanding of world history. Herodotus, known as the Father of History, had significant works on the cultures of various peoples beyond the Hellenic realm such as the Scythians, which earned him the title "philobarbarian", may be said to have produced the first works of ethnography. There are different forms of ethnography: confessional ethnography. Two popular forms of ethnography are realist critical ethnography. Realist ethnography is a traditional approach used by cultural anthropologists. Characterized by Van Maanen, it reflects a particular instance taken by the researcher toward the individual being studied.
It's an objective study of the situation
The Mississippian culture was a mound-building Native American civilization archeologists date from about 800 CE to 1600 CE, varying regionally. It was composed of a series of urban settlements and satellite villages linked together by a loose trading network; the largest city was Cahokia, believed to be a major religious center. The civilization flourished from the southern shores of the Great Lakes at Western New York and Western Pennsylvania in what is now the Eastern Midwest, extending south-southwest into the lower Mississippi Valley and wrapping easterly around the southern foot of the Appalachians barrier range into what is now the Southeastern United States; the Mississippian way of life began to develop in the Mississippi River Valley. Cultures in the tributary Tennessee River Valley may have begun to develop Mississippian characteristics at this point. All dated Mississippian sites predate 1539–1540, with notable exceptions being Natchez communities that maintained Mississippian cultural practices into the 18th century.
A number of cultural traits are recognized as being characteristic of the Mississippians. Although not all Mississippian peoples practiced all of the following activities, they were distinct from their ancestors in adoption of some or all of these traits; the construction of large, truncated earthwork pyramid mounds, or platform mounds. Such mounds were square, rectangular, or circular. Structures were constructed atop such mounds. Maize-based agriculture. In most places, the development of Mississippian culture coincided with adoption of comparatively large-scale, intensive maize agriculture, which supported larger populations and craft specialization. Women ate more maize, whereas men ate more animal meat. Shell-tempered pottery; the adoption and use of riverine shells as tempering agents in ceramics. Widespread trade networks extending as far west as the Rockies, north to the Great Lakes, south to the Gulf of Mexico, east to the Atlantic Ocean; the development of the chiefdom or complex chiefdom level of social complexity.
The development of institutionalized social inequality. A centralization of control of combined political and religious power in the hands of few or one; the beginnings of a settlement hierarchy, in which one major center has clear influence or control over a number of lesser communities, which may or may not possess a smaller number of mounds. The adoption of the paraphernalia of the Southeastern Ceremonial Complex called the Southern Cult; this is the belief system of the Mississippians. SECC items are found in Mississippian-culture sites from Wisconsin to the Gulf Coast, from Florida to Arkansas and Oklahoma; the SECC was tied into ritual game-playing, as with chunkey. The Mississippians had no writing stone architecture, they worked occurring metal deposits, such as hammering and annealing copper for ritual objects such as Mississippian copper plates and other decorations, but did not smelt iron or practice bronze metallurgy. The Mississippi stage is divided into three or more chronological periods.
Each period is an arbitrary historical distinction varying regionally. At a particular site, each period may be considered to begin earlier or depending on the speed of adoption or development of given Mississippian traits; the "Mississippi period" should not be confused with the "Mississippian culture". The Mississippi period is the chronological stage, while Mississippian culture refers to the cultural similarities that characterize this society; the Early Mississippi period had just transitioned from the Late Woodland period way of life. Different groups abandoned tribal lifeways for increasing complexity, sedentism and agriculture. Production of surplus corn and attractions of the regional chiefdoms led to rapid population concentrations in major centers; the Middle Mississippi period is the apex of the Mississippi era. The expansion of the great metropolis and ceremonial complex at Cahokia, the formation of other complex chiefdoms, the spread and development of SECC art and symbolism are characteristic changes of this period.
The Mississippian traits listed above came to be widespread throughout the region. The Late Mississippi period is characterized by increasing warfare, political turmoil, population movement; the population of Cahokia dispersed early in this period migrating to other rising political centers. More defensive structures are seen at sites, sometimes a decline in mound-building and large-scale, public ceremonialism. Although some areas continued an Middle Mississippian culture until the first significant contact with Europeans, the population of most areas had dispersed or were experiencing severe social stress by 1500. Along with the contemporaneous Ancestral Pueblo peoples, these cultural collapses coincide with the global climate change of the Little Ice Age. Scholars theorize drought and the reduction of maize agriculture, together with possible deforestation and overhunting by the concentrated populations, forced them to move away from major sites; this period ended with European contact in the 16th century.
The term Middle Mississippian is used to describe the core of the classic Mississippian culture area. This area covers the central Mississippi River Valley, the lower Ohio River Valley, most of the Mid-South area, including western and central Kentucky, western Tennessee, northern Alabama and Mississippi. Sites in this area often
The Natchez are a Native American people who lived in the Natchez Bluffs area in the Lower Mississippi Valley, near the present-day city of Natchez, Mississippi in the United States. They spoke a language with no known close relatives, although it may be distantly related to the Muskogean languages of the Creek Confederacy; the Natchez are noted for being the only Mississippian culture with complex chiefdom characteristics to have survived long into the period after the European colonization of America began. Others had declined a century or two before European encounter; the Natchez are noted for having had an unusual social system of nobility classes and exogamous marriage practices. It was a matrilineal kinship society, with descent reckoned along female lines; the paramount chief named the Great Sun was always the son of the Female Sun, whose daughter would be the mother of the next Great Sun. This ensured. Ethnologists have not reached consensus on how the Natchez social system functioned, the topic is somewhat controversial.
Around 1730, after several wars with the French, the Natchez dispersed. Most survivors were sold by the French into slavery in the West Indies. Today, most Natchez families and communities are found in Oklahoma, where Natchez members are enrolled in the federally recognized Cherokee and Muscogee nations in Oklahoma. Two Natchez communities are recognized by the state of South Carolina. An early American geographer noted in his 1797 gazetteer that they were known as the "Sun Set Indians"; the historic Natchez were preceded in this area by what archaeologists call the indigenous Plaquemine culture, part of the larger, prehistoric Mississippian culture, which extended throughout the lower Mississippi Valley and its tributaries. Its largest center was at Cahokia in present-day Illinois near the confluence of the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, its peoples were noted for their hierarchical communities, building complex earthworks and platform mound architecture, intensively cultivating maize. Archaeological evidence indicates that people of the Plaquemine culture, an elaboration of the Coles Creek culture, had lived in the Natchez Bluffs region since at least as long ago as 700 CE.
The Natchez Bluffs are located along the east side of the Mississippi River in present-day Mississippi. During the late prehistoric era, around 1500, Plaquemine-culture people occupied territory from the Big Black River in the north to about the Homochitto River in the south; the Plaquemine people built many platform mounds, including Emerald Mound, the second-largest pre-Columbian structure in North America north of Mexico. Emerald Mound was an important ceremonial center; the Natchez used Emerald Mound in their time, but they abandoned the site before 1700. Their center of power shifted to the Grand Village of the Natchez; the Grand Village has three platform mounds. By 1700, the Natchez occupied a territory that covered only an area between Fairchilds Creek and South Fork Coles Creek in the north to St. Catherine's Creek in the south; this area is that of the northern half of present-day Adams County, Mississippi. The earliest European account of the Natchez may be from the journals of the Spanish expedition of Hernando de Soto.
In 1542 de Soto's expedition encountered a powerful chiefdom located on the eastern bank of the Mississippi River. Native sources called it "Quigualtam," after the paramount chief's name. Various scholars have debated if this chiefdom was the Emerald Phase of the Natchez chiefdom, in its ascendancy at the time; the encounter was violent. No further European contact with the indigenous people in this area occurred for more 140 years, but they suffered from epidemics of infectious disease carried indirectly by other Native Americans from European traders; these and other intrusions had reduced the native populations. By the historic period local power had shifted to the Grand Village of the Natchez; the French explored the lower Mississippi River in the late 17th century. Initial French-Natchez encounters were mixed. In 1682 René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle led an expedition down the Mississippi River; the Natchez received the party well, but when the French returned upriver, they were met by a hostile force of about 1,500 Natchez warriors and hurried away.
At the time of the next French visit in the 1690s, the Natchez were friendly. When Iberville visited the Natchez in 1700, he was given a three-day-long peace ceremony, which involved the smoking of a ceremonial pipe and a feast. French Catholic missionaries from Canada began to settle among the Natchez in 1698. On the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, French colonists established Biloxi in 1699 and Mobile in 1702. Early French Louisiana was governed by Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville and his brother Jean-Baptiste Le Moyne, Sieur de Bienville, among others. Both brothers played a major role in French-Natchez relations. During the early 18th century, according to French sources, the Natchez lived in six to nine village districts with a population estimated at 4,000-6,000 people, with the ability to muster 1,500 warriors. There were three village districts in the lower St. Catherine's Creek area, called Tioux and the Grand Village of the Natchez. Three other village districts were located to the northeast, along upper St. Catherine's Creek and Fairchild's Creek, called White Apple and Jenzenaque.