Longview race riot
The Longview Race Riot refers to a series of violent incidents in Longview, between July 10 and July 12, 1919, when whites attacked black areas of town, killed one black man, burned down several properties, including the houses of a black teacher and a doctor. It was one of the many race riots in 1919 in the United States during what became known as Red Summer, a period after World War I known for numerous riots occurring in urban areas; the riot is notable for local and state officials taking actions to impose military authority and quell further violence. After ignoring early rumors of planned unrest, local officials appealed to the governor for forces to quell the violence. In a short time, the Texas National Guard and Texas Rangers sent forces to the town, where the Guard organized an occupation and curfew; some men were shot and numerous black homes and businesses were burned prior to arrival of the law enforcement and military units. One black man was killed by armed whites before the National Guard occupied the town.
No one was prosecuted for events, although numerous blacks were arrested. The black suspects were taken to Austin for their safety. Longview is located 125 miles east of Dallas in northeast Texas. In 1919 it had a population of 5,700, of which thirty-one percent, was African American, it was an area of historic cotton cultivation, which had depended on slave labor before the American Civil War. Lumbering of pinelands was another major part of the rural economy. Longview is the seat of Gregg County. In 1919 the county had a population of 16,700, of which forty-eight percent, was black; the area was still rural. Thousands of blacks had left the South in the Great Migration, settling in Northeastern and Midwestern cities, they had sometimes been competed with working-class whites for jobs. That summer riots took place in many cities across the country, where ethnic whites clashed with blacks in postwar social tensions brought on by fierce competition for jobs and housing. In Longview, racial tensions had deep roots.
Most blacks in Texas and the South were disenfranchised at the turn of the century, based on new constitutions and laws passed by Democratic-dominated legislatures. Excluded from the political system, they were oppressed under white supremacy. Another reflection of postwar violence was a rise in the number of lynchings: in 1919, 78 blacks had been lynched in Texas, a substantial increase over the numbers during World War I: an increase of 15 lynchings over the total in 1918, 30 more deaths than the lynchings of 1917. Following service by many blacks in the military in the Great War, African Americans aspired to better treatment in the United States. East Texas blacks were in touch with national movements and media, as represented by the weekly delivery by train of the influential The Chicago Defender, a weekly newspaper with nationwide coverage and circulation; the local reporter and newspaper distributor was a school teacher. At the time, Jones and Dr. Calvin P. Davis, a 34-year-old black physician, were prominent leaders in Longview's African-American community.
Not long before the riot, the two were known to be encouraging local black farmers to avoid white cotton brokers and sell directly to buyers in Galveston in order to keep more of their profits. At the same time, members of the Negro Business League had set up a cooperative store that competed with white merchants. In June, local man Lemuel Walters of Longview had been whipped by two white men from Kilgore for making "indecent advances" toward their sister. Under Jim Crow, white men monitored and discouraged relations between black men and white women, but not the reverse. Walters was put in jail in Longview. A lynch mob of ten men abducted him on June 17 and killed him that night by gunshots, leaving him near the railroad tracks. Dr. Davis and some other respectable black men went to Judge Bramlette in town, asking him to investigate the lynching, he asked for the names of people. When no investigation was undertaken, the men returned to Judge Bramlette but became convinced he did not intend to pursue the case.
On July 5, 1919, The Chicago Defender published an article about Walters' death. It said that "Walters' only crime was that he was loved by a white woman," and it quoted her as saying that she "would have married him if they had lived in the North." The article described her as "so distraught over his death that she required a physician's care." It said that the sheriff guarding Walters had let the lynch mob take him, without offering resistance. While the article did not identify the woman, in those small towns many readers knew; some were offended at the suggestion that she had loved Walters, saying it was damaging to the young woman's reputation. As Samuel L. Jones was known to be a local correspondent for the Defender, whites believed he wrote the article, he denied writing it. The young woman's brothers attacked Jones on Thursday, July 10, 1919, giving him a severe beating across from the courthouse. Dr. Calvin P. Davis took Jones to his office to treat him. Meanwhile, "tension and anger" spread across town as whites learned of the article, as blacks gathered at Melvin Street learned about the beating.
After being warned that Jones was at risk for trouble that night, Davis appealed to the mayor for protection. Bodenheim sent a messenger to Jones at supper time. Davis late
Longview is the forty-fifth largest city in the state of Texas. The city is located in Gregg County, of which it is the county seat. Longview is located in East Texas, where Interstate 20 and U. S. Highways 80 and 259 converge just north of the Sabine River. According to the 2010 U. S. census, the city had a population of 80,455. The estimated population in 2017 was 81,522. Longview is the principal city of the Longview metropolitan statistical area, comprising Gregg and Rusk counties; the population of the metropolitan area as of 2017 census estimates is 217,481. Longview became a railroad route in East Texas. Today, Longview is considered a major hub city for the region. In 2014, Forbes magazine ranked Longview as the sixth fastest-growing small city in the United States. Companies with significant presence in Longview are Eastman Chemical and Trinity Rail Group and Consolidated Electrical Distributors. Longview was founded in the 1870s by Sr.. In 1870, Methvin sold 100 acres to the Southern Pacific Railroad for one dollar to persuade them to build their line in the direction of land he owned.
That year, he sold another 100 acres for $500 in gold. He hoped. Methvin coined the name of the town when he stated, "What a long view!" from his home. In June 1871, Longview was incorporated as the first town in Gregg County. In 1884 the elite Mobberly Hotel opened for business servicing the railroad travelers and served as the center of social gatherings for Longview; the hotel featured cherry wood furniture with carved bed posters, marble top wash stands, linen table cloths, electric crystal chandeliers and a fireplace in every room. Mobberly was located in the junction part of town near the train depot; the hotel was destroyed by fire on June 13, 1965. In July 1919, a reporter for The Chicago Defender was in Longview looking into the mysterious death of a black man named Lemuel Walters. An armed white mob attacked a home where the reporter, S. L. Jones, attempted to batter their way in. A gunfight began between the men in the house. Jones made a getaway; the white men began to burn buildings in the black section of the town.
In 1942, construction began on the Big Inch pipeline in Longview. From 1943 to 1945, the pipeline transported over 261,000,000 barrels of crude oil to the East Coast. At the time of construction, Big Inch and its smaller twin, Little Inch, comprised the longest petroleum pipeline built in the world. Both were integral in supplying the United States war effort in World War II. After World War II Longview's population grew from 24,502 to 40,050 in 1960, its growth fueled by migration from rural Gregg County and the annexation of Greggton and Spring Hill. Longview is located at 32°30′33″N 94°45′14″W, it is bordered to the west by the city of White Oak and is surrounded by many other cities and towns, including Kilgore, Gilmer, Ore City, Harleton and Lakeport. It is 37 miles northeast of the sized city of Tyler. Incorporated areas include Spring Hill, Pine Tree and Longview Heights. Winters are mild. Average snowfall is less than 2 inches, with one or two ice storms each winter. Normal highs are from the 50s–60s.
Lows range from the 30s to the 40s. In Longview, the temperature dips below 20 °F and can get as warm as 80 °F during the winter months; the spring season brings storms as a transition from winter to summer. Temperatures range from the 60s to 80s for the high, the 40s to the 60s for the low; the average date of the last frost is April 4. Severe thunderstorms are common during this season; this is the wettest time of year. Summers are humid. Temperatures climb from the 90s to over 100 going into the dog days of summer; this is the sunniest time of year. The heat index can climb to around 110 °F. Fall is marked by the first cold front. Foliage begins to change in late October. Temperatures cool down and dew points drop. In the 2010 census, Longview had a population of 80,455; the median age was 34. The racial and ethnic composition of the population was 56.2% non-Hispanic white, 22.6% non-Hispanic black, 0.5% Native American, 1.4% Asian, 9.5% from some other race, 2.3% from two or more races and 18.0% Hispanic or Latino.
In the census of 2000, 73,344 people, 28,363 households, 19,116 families resided in the city. The population density was 1,341.8 people per square mile. The 30,727 housing units averaged a density of 562.1 per square mile. The racial makeup of the city was 70.10% White, 22.11% African American, 0.50% Native American, 0.83% Asian, 0.02% Pacific Islander, 4.92% from other races, 1.51% from two or more races. Hispanics or Latinos of any race were 10.31% of the population. Of the 28,363 households, 33.2% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 48.9% were married couples living together, 14.5% had a female householder with no husband present, 32.6% were not families. About 27.9% of all households were individuals who lived alone, 10.7% of all households were 65 years of age or more and living alone. The average household size was 2.50 a
Texas's 1st congressional district
Texas's 1st congressional district in the United States House of Representatives is a Congressional district that serves the northeastern portion of the state of Texas. As of the 2000 Census, the First District contained 651,619 people, it consists of three small East Texas metropolitan areas—Lufkin-Nacogdoches, Longview-Marshall, Tyler. The First District once encompassed large parts of North Texas and Central Texas, but as the population of Texas grew, the district got smaller until it only encompassed about half of Northeast Texas. For most of its history, the district was based in Texarkana, but in a controversial 2003 redistricting orchestrated by then-House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, Texarkana was drawn out of the district and moved to the neighboring Fourth congressional district. Lufkin and Longview were added in its place; the district was predominantly rural for much of its history, thus was far friendlier to electing Democrats to Congress as most of Texas swung toward the Republicans.
The district's four-term Democratic incumbent, Max Sandlin, was a severe critic of the DeLay-led redistricting effort, claiming that lumping rural areas with urban ones stifled the voice of rural voters. Indeed, the 2003 redistricting made the district more urban and Republican with the addition of the Republican strongholds of Tyler and Longview. Sandlin was defeated in November 2004 by Republican Louie Gohmert, a longtime judge in the Tyler area. Gohmert is the first Republican to represent the district since Reconstruction. Proving just how Republican the reconfigured 1st is, Gohmert has been reelected five times with no less than 68 percent of the vote; the district's best-known congressman, Wright Patman, represented the district for 47 years — the second-longest tenure of any Texan in Congress. He was an early supporter of the New Deal, chaired the House Banking Committee for 12 years; the 2012 redistricting process changed the district's northern section. All of Marion County, Cass County, most of Upshur County were removed from the district.
To compensate, the eastern half of Wood County was added. Election results from recent races: Population: 651,619 Under 18: 26.2% Over 65: 14.1% Married 58.7% Non-Hispanic White: 71% Black: 18% Hispanic: 9% Asian: 1% Foreign born: 5.3% Language other than English: 9.8% Median household income: $33,461 Owner occupied housing: 71.9% Income above $200K: 1.4% List of United States congressional districts Martis, Kenneth C.. The Historical Atlas of Political Parties in the United States Congress. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company. Martis, Kenneth C.. The Historical Atlas of United States Congressional Districts. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company. Congressional Biographical Directory of the United States 1774–present
Texas State Highway 31
State Highway 31, or SH 31, runs from U. S. Highway 84 northeast of Waco via Corsicana, Tyler, Kilgore to U. S. Highway 80 in Longview. SH 31 was a route proposed on October 9, 1917 to run from Waco northeast via Corsicana and Athens to Tyler, which remains the western portion of its current route to this day. On November 27, 1922, the route had been extended northeast to Gladewater, replacing part of SH 15 so that SH 15 had only one route west of Gladewater. On October 26, 1932, SH 31 Spur was designated through Malakoff. On September 26, 1939, the section from Tyler to Gladewater was reassigned to U. S. Highway 271, with SH 31 now being extended east to Kilgore over former SH 176. SH 31 Spur was renumbered as Spur 63. On June 30, 1971, SH 31 extended north to I-20 concurrent with US 259; when U. S. Highway 259 was rerouted on July 25, 1985, SH 31 was extended northeast into Longview
Plantations in the American South
Plantations are an important aspect of the history of the American South the antebellum era. The mild subtropical climate, plentiful rainfall, fertile soils of the southeastern United States allowed the flourishing of large plantations, where large numbers of workers Africans held captive for slave labor, were required for agricultural production. An individual who owned a plantation was known as a planter. Historians of the antebellum South have defined "planter" most as a person owning property and 20 or more slaves; the wealthiest planters, such as the Virginia elite with plantations near the James River, owned more land and slaves than other farmers. Tobacco was the major cash crop in the Upper South; the development of cotton and sugar cultivation in the Deep South in the early 18th century led to the establishment of large plantations which had hundreds of slaves. The great majority of Southern farmers owned fewer than five slaves. Slaves were much more expensive than land. In the "Black Belt" counties of Alabama and Mississippi, the terms "planter" and "farmer" were synonymous.
While most Southerners were not slave-owners, while the majority of slaveholders held ten or fewer slaves, planters were those who held a significant number of slaves as agricultural labor. Planters are spoken of as belonging to the planter elite or to the planter aristocracy in the antebellum South; the historians Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman define large planters as those owning over 50 slaves, medium planters as those owning between 16 and 50 slaves. Historian David Williams, in A People's History of the Civil War: Struggles for the Meaning of Freedom, suggests that the minimum requirement for planter status was twenty negroes since a southern planter could exempt Confederate duty for one white male per twenty slaves owned. In his study of Black Belt counties in Alabama, Jonathan Weiner defines planters by ownership of real property, rather than of slaves. A planter, for Weiner, owned at least $10,000 worth of real estate in 1850 and $32,000 worth in 1860, equivalent to about the top 8 percent of landowners.
In his study of southwest Georgia, Lee Formwalt defines planters in terms of size of land holdings rather than in terms of numbers of slaves. Formwalt's planters are in the top 4.5 percent of landowners, translating into real estate worth six thousand dollars or more in 1850, 24,000 dollars or more in 1860, eleven thousand dollars or more in 1870. In his study of Harrison County, Randolph B. Campbell classifies large planters as owners of 20 slaves, small planters as owners of between 10 and 19 slaves. In Chicot and Phillips Counties, Carl H. Moneyhon defines large planters as owners of twenty or more slaves, of six hundred or more acres. Many nostalgic memoirs about plantation life were published in the post-bellum South. For example, James Battle Avirett, who grew up on the Avirett-Stephens Plantation in Onslow County, North Carolina and served as an Episcopal chaplain in the Confederate States Army, published The Old Plantation: How We Lived in Great House and Cabin before the War in 1901.
Such memoirs included descriptions of Christmas as the epitome of anti-modern order exemplified by the "great house" and extended family. On larger plantations an overseer represented the planter in matters of daily management. Portrayed as uncouth, ill-educated and low-class, he had the difficult and despised task of middleman and the contradictory goals of fostering both productivity and the enslaved work-force. Crops cultivated on antebellum plantations included cotton, sugar, rice, to a lesser extent okra, sweet potato and watermelon. By the late 18th century, most planters in the Upper South had switched from exclusive tobacco cultivation to mixed-crop production. In the Lowcountry of South Carolina before the American Revolution, planters in South Carolina owned hundreds of slaves; the 19th-century development of the Deep South for cotton cultivation depended on large tracts of land with much more acreage than was typical of the Chesapeake Bay area, for labor, planters held dozens, or sometimes hundreds, of slaves.
Antebellum architecture can be seen in many extant "plantation houses", the large residences of planters and their families. Over time in each region of the plantation south a regional architecture emerged inspired by those who settled the area. Most early plantation architecture was constructed to mitigate the hot subtropical climate and provide natural cooling; some of earliest plantation architecture occurred in southern Louisiana by the French. Using styles and building concepts they had learned in the Caribbean, the French created many of the grand plantation homes around New Orleans. French Creole architecture began around 1699, lasted well into the 1800s. In the Lowcountry of South Carolina and Georgia, the Dogtrot style house was built with a large center breezeway running through the house to mitigate the subtropical heat; the wealthiest planters in colonial Virginia constructed their manor houses in the Georgian style, e.g. the mansion of Shirley Plantation. In the 19th century, Greek Revival architecture became popular on some of the plantation homes of the deep south.
Common plants and trees incorporated in the landscape of Southern plantation manors included Southern live oak and Southern magnolia. Both of these large trees are native to the Southern United States and were classic sym
Great Migration (African American)
The Great Migration, sometimes known as the Great Northward Migration, or the Black Migration, was the movement of six million African Americans out of the rural Southern United States to the urban Northeast and West that occurred between 1916 and 1970. In every U. S. Census prior to 1910, more than 90 percent of the African-American population lived in the American South. In 1900, only one-fifth of African Americans living in the South were living in urban areas. By the end of the Great Migration, just over 50 percent of the African-American population remained in the South, while a little less than 50 percent lived in the North and West, the African-American population had become urbanized. By 1960, of those African Americans still living in the South, half now lived in urban areas, by 1970, more than 80 percent of African Americans nationwide lived in cities. In 1991, Nicholas Lemann wrote that: The Great Migration was one of the largest and most rapid mass internal movements in history—perhaps the greatest not caused by the immediate threat of execution or starvation.
In sheer numbers it outranks the migration of any other ethnic group—Italians or Irish or Jews or Poles—to. For blacks, the migration meant leaving what had always been their economic and social base in America, finding a new one; some historians differentiate between a first Great Migration, which saw about 1.6 million people move from rural areas in the south to northern industrial cities, a Second Great Migration, which began after the Great Depression and brought at least 5 million people—including many townspeople with urban skills—to the north and west. Since the Civil Rights Movement, a less rapid reverse migration has occurred. Dubbed the New Great Migration, it has seen a gradual increase of African American migration to the South to states and cities where economic opportunities are the best; the reasons include economic difficulties of cities in the Northeastern and Midwestern United States, growth of jobs in the "New South" and its lower cost of living and kinship ties, improved racial relations.
As early as 1975 to 1980, several southern states were net African-American migration gainers, while in 2014, African-American millennials moved in the highest numbers to Texas, Florida, North Carolina, California. African-American populations have continued to drop throughout much of the Northeast from the state of New York and northern New Jersey, as they rise in the South. James Gregory calculates decade-by-decade migration volumes in The Southern Diaspora. Black migration picked up from the start of the new century, with 204,000 leaving in the first decade; the pace continued through the 1920s. By 1930, there were 1.3 million former southerners living in other regions. The Great Depression wiped out job opportunities in the northern industrial belt for African Americans, caused a sharp reduction in migration. In the 1930s and 1940s, increasing mechanization of agriculture brought the institution of sharecropping that had existed since the Civil War to an end in the United States causing many landless black farmers to be forced off of the land.
As a result 1.4 million black southerners moved north or west in the 1940s, followed by 1.1 million in the 1950s, another 2.4 million people in the 1960s and early 1970s. By the late 1970s, as deindustrialization and the Rust Belt crisis took hold, the Great Migration came to an end. But, in a reflection of changing economics, as well as the end of Jim Crow laws in the 1960s and improving race relations in the South, in the 1980s and early 1990s, more black Americans were heading South than leaving that region. African Americans moved from the 14 states of the South Alabama, Louisiana and Georgia. Census figures show that African Americans went from 52.2% of the population in 1920 to 45.3% of the population in 1950 in Mississippi, from 41.7% in 1920 to 30.9% of the population in 1950 in Georgia, from 38.9% in 1920 to 32.9% of the population in 1950 in Louisiana, from 38.4% in 1920 to 32.0% of the population in 1950 in Alabama, 36.0% in 1920 to 31.0% of the population in Texas. Based on the total populations in each of the four states, only Georgia showed a net decrease in its African American population in 1950 compared to 1920.
Louisiana, Texas and Mississippi showed net increases in their African American populations in 1950 compared to 1920, with the percentage decreasing due to the white population increasing more. Big cities were the principal destinations of southerners throughout the two phases of the Great Migration. In the first phase, eight major cities attracted two-thirds of the migrants: New York and Chicago, followed in order by Philadelphia, St. Louis, Detroit and Indianapolis; the Second great black migration increased the populations of these cities while adding others as destinations, including the Western states. Western cities such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, Phoenix and Portland attracted African Americans in large numbers. There were clear migratory patterns that linked particular states and cities in the South to corresponding destinations in the North and West. Half of those who migrated from Mississippi during the first Great Migration, for example, ended up in Chicago, while those from Virginia tended to move to Philadelphia.
For the most part, these patterns were related to geography, with the closest cities attracting the most migrants. When multiple destinations
Kilgore is a city in Gregg and Rusk counties in the eastern part of the U. S. state of Texas. Over three-fourths of the city limits is located in the remainder in Rusk County. Kilgore was the childhood residence from age six of the noted classical pianist Van Cliburn, the namesake for Van Cliburn Auditorium on the Kilgore College campus; the population was 12,975 at the 2010 census. Kilgore was founded in 1872 when the International–Great Northern Railroad completed the initial phase of rail line between Palestine and Longview; the rail company chose to bypass New Danville, a small community about 10 miles southeast of Longview, in lieu of a new townsite platted on 174 acres sold to the railroad by Constantine Buckley Kilgore, the town's namesake. That way the railroad gained the profits from development of these lands; the new town received a post office in 1873 and, with a station and transportation for getting commodity crops to market, soon began to draw residents and businesses away from New Danville.
By 1885, the population had reached 250, the community had two cotton gins, a church, its own school. The racially segregated Kilgore Independent School District was organized in 1910. By 1914 the town had two banks, several businesses, a reported population of 700; the 1920s showed continued steady growth, by 1929 Kilgore was home to an estimated 1,000 residents. Prosperity came to a halt, when Kilgore was dealt severe blows by a steep decline in cotton prices, the effects of the Great Depression. Businesses began to close and, by the middle of 1930, the population had fallen to 500. Black people joined the Great Migration out of the South to northern and western cities for work. Kilgore's fortunes changed on October 3, 1930, when wildcatter Columbus M. "Dad" Joiner struck oil near the neighboring town of Henderson. This well, known as the Daisy Bradford #3, marked the discovery of the vast East Texas Oil Field. Overnight Kilgore was transformed from a small farming town on the decline into a bustling boomtown.
The Daisy Bradford # 3 was subsequently followed by many others. By 1936, the population had increased to more than 12,000, Kilgore's skyline was crowded with oil derricks. Oil production continued at a breakneck pace throughout the early 1930s, with more than 1,100 producing oil wells within city limits at the height of the boom; the explosive growth left most civic services overwhelmed, as a result Kilgore was forced to incorporate in 1931. With the city flooded with male workers and roustabouts, law enforcement struggled to keep order among the shanties and ramshackle honky-tonks that crowded Kilgore's main streets. On one occasion, they had to summon help from the Texas Rangers to keep the peace. By the mid-1930s the oil boom had begun to subside, most of the small oil companies and wildcatters had sold out to major corporations; the boom was over by 1940. But oil production has remained central to the city's economy; the population, which fluctuated wildly throughout the 1930s, stabilized at around 10,000 in the 1950s.
A 2015 estimate placed it at just under 15,000 residents. Kilgore is located in southern Gregg County at 32°23′8″N 94°52′7″W, extends south into Rusk County. U. S. Route 259 passes through the east side of the city as a limited-access bypass, leading northeast 11 miles to Longview and south 17 miles to Henderson. Kilgore's city limits extend 3 miles north from the city center as far as Interstate 20, with access from Exits 583, 587, 589. I-20 leads east 69 miles to Shreveport and west 119 miles to Dallas. According to the United States Census Bureau, Kilgore has a total area of 15.7 square miles, of which 15.7 square miles are land and 0.04 square miles, or 0.22%, are covered by water. Interstate 20 Highway 259 State Highway 31 State Highway 42 Texas State Highway 135 As of the census of 2000, 11,301 people, 4,403 households, 2,963 families resided in the city; the population density was 734.3 people per square mile. The 4,766 housing units averaged 309.7 per square mile. The racial makeup of the city was 78.22% White, 12.34% African American, 0.41% Native American, 0.68% Asian, 0.03% Pacific Islander, 6.95% from other races, 1.38% from two or more races.
Hispanics or Latinos of any race were 11.11% of the population. Of the 4,403 households, 30.2% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 50.5% were married couples living together, 12.6% had a female householder with no husband present, 32.7% were not families. About 27.6% of all households were made up of individuals, 13.6% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.48 and the average family size was 3.03. In the city, the population was distributed as 24.6% under the age of 18, 12.5% from 18 to 24, 26.2% from 25 to 44, 20.3% from 45 to 64, 16.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 36 years. For every 100 females, there were 94.3 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.1 males. The median income for a household in the city was $43,129, for a family was $61,765. Males had a median income of $45,995 versus $30,124 for females; the per capita income for the city was $21,297. About 9.7% of families and 15.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 19.1% of those under age 18 and 13.9% of those age 65 or over.
Kilgore is home to an annual summer repertory company. Founded in 1986, the Texas