Commander is a common naval and air force officer rank. Commander is used as a rank or title in other formal organisations, including several police forces. Commander is a generic term for an officer commanding any armed forces unit, for example "platoon commander", "brigade commander" and "squadron commander". In the police, terms such as "borough commander" and "incident commander" are used. Commander is a rank used in navies but is rarely used as a rank in armies; the title "master and commander," originated in the 18th century to describe naval officers who commanded ships of war too large to be commanded by a lieutenant but too small to warrant the assignment of a post-captain and a sailing-master. In practice, these were unrated sloops-of-war of no more than 20 guns; the Royal Navy shortened "master and commander" to "commander" in 1794. The equivalent American rank master commandant remained in use until changed to commander in 1838. A corresponding rank in some navies is frigate captain.
In the 20th and 21st centuries, the rank has been assigned the NATO rank code of OF-4. Various functions of commanding officers were styled commandeur. In the navy of the Dutch Republic, anyone who commanded a ship or a fleet without having an appropriate rank to do so, could be called a Commandeur; this included acting captains. In the fleet of the Admiralty of Zealand however, commandeur was a formal rank, the equivalent of Schout-bij-nacht in the other Dutch admiralties; the Dutch use of the title as a rank lives on in the Royal Netherlands Navy, as the equivalent of commodore. In the Royal Netherlands Air Force, this rank is known by the English spelling of commodore, the Dutch equivalent of the British air commodore; the rank of commander in the Royal Australian Navy is identical in description to that of a commander in the British Royal Navy. RAN chaplains who are in sivisions 1, 2 or 3 have the equivalent rank standing of commanders; this means that to officers and NCOs below the rank of commander, lieutenant colonel, or wing commander, the chaplain is a superior.
To those officers ranked higher than commander, the chaplain is subordinate. Although this equivalency exists, RAN chaplains who are in divisions 1, 2 or 3 do not wear the rank of commander, they hold no command privilege. In Denmark, the rank of commander exists as kommandørkaptajn, senior to kaptajn and kommandør ("commander", senior to kommandørkaptajn. In France, the rank of commander exists as capitaine de frégate, it is senior to capitaine de corvette, junior to capitaine de vaisseau. The rank of commander was used in the Imperial Japanese Navy, continues to be used in the modern Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force. Though the modern rank is translated as "commander" in English, its literal translation is "captain second rank"; the rank is equivalent to that of a commander in the U. S. Navy. Commander is a rank in the Military and Hospitaller Order of Saint Lazarus of Jerusalem, is denoted by the post-nominal letters CLJ; the corresponding rank in the Polish Navy is komandor porucznik. In the Russian Navy the equivalent rank to commander is "captain of the second rank".
The rank was introduced in Russia by Peter the Great in 1722. From the introduction of the Russian Table of Ranks to its abolition in 1917, "captain of the second rank" was equal to a court councillor, at the sixth level out of 14 ranks; until 1856 it was conferred hereditary nobility on the holder. The equivalent rank in the Soviet Navy from 1918 to 1935 was "first mate"; the rank returned to the Imperial Russian Navy form of "captain 2nd rank" in 1935. Commander is a naval rank in Scandinavia equivalent to the Anglo-American naval rank of captain; the Scandinavian the rank of commander is above "commander-captain", equivalent to the Anglo-American naval rank of commander. In the Spanish Navy the equivalent rank to commander is capitán de fragata. A commander in the Royal Navy is above the rank of lieutenant commander, below the rank of captain, is equivalent in rank to a lieutenant colonel in the army. A commander may command a frigate, submarine, aviation squadron or shore installation, or may serve on a staff.
Since the British Royal Air Force's mid-rank officers' ranks are modelled on those of the Royal Navy, the term wing commander is used as a rank, this is the equivalent of a lieutenant colonel in the army or a commander in the navy. The rank of wing commander is below that of group captain. In the former Royal Naval Air Service, merged with the Royal Flying Corps to form the Royal Air Force in 1918, the pilots held appointments as well as their normal ranks in the Royal Navy, they wore insignia appropriate to the appointment instead of the rank. A flight commander wore a star above a lieutenant's two rank stripes, squadron commander wore two stars above two rank stripes or two-and-a-half rank stripes, wing commander wore three rank stripes; the rank stripes had the usual Royal Navy curl, they were surmounted by an eagle. Commander is a two-star field grade officer of Vietnam People's Navy For instance, as
A private is a soldier of the lowest military rank. In modern military writing, "private" is shortened to "Pte" in the United Kingdom and other Commonwealth of Nations countries and to "Pvt." in the United States. The term derives from the medieval term "private soldiers", denoting individuals who were either hired, conscripted, or mustered into service by a feudal nobleman commanding a battle group of an army; the usage of "private" dates from the 18th century. For information, you may refer to Israel Defense Forces ranks. In the Israel Defense Forces, טוראי Turai refers to the lowest enlisted rank. After 7–10 months of service soldiers are promoted from private to corporal, if they performed their duties appropriately during this time. Soldiers who take a commander's course, are prisoner instructors or practical engineers become corporals earlier. An IDF private wears no uniform insignia and is sometimes described as having a "slick sleeve" for this reason; the equivalent ranks to privates within the North and South Korean armies are e-byong.
The symbol for this rank is 2 lines. Private second class is known by 1 line. Once recruits complete their Basic Military Training or Basic Rescue Training, they attain the rank of private. Privates do not wear ranks on their rank holder. PTEs who performed well are promoted to the rank of Private First Class; the PFC rank insignia is a single chevron pointing downward. In Indonesia, this rank is referred to as Tamtama, the lowest rank in the Indonesian Armed Forces and special Police Force. In the Indonesian Army, "Private" has three levels, which are: Private, Private First Class, Master Private. After this rank, it is promoted the rank: Corporal. In the Australian Army, a soldier of private rank wears no insignia. Like its British Army counterpart, the Australian Army rank of private has other titles, depending on the corps and specification of that service member; the following alternative ranks are available for privates in the Australian Army: Craftsman – Royal Australian Electrical and Mechanical Engineers Gunner – Royal Australian Artillery Sapper – Royal Australian Engineers.
There are three levels of private: private and private. All persons holding the rank of private are referred to as such and the qualifier shown in brackets is used on employment records only; the air force rank of aviator was private, but this changed when traditional air force rank insignia were restored. The French-language equivalent of private is soldat. Private – an untrained new recruit holds this rank through recruit training, known as the Basic Military Qualification Course. Private – after BMQ, a soldier becomes a private; this rank is held through occupational training. Private and private are Development Period 1 within the Canadian Forces Professional Development System. Private – A private becomes a private upon attaining Qualification Level 4. A private is the only private to wear a single chevron. Private and the next rank of corporal are Development Period 2 within the Canadian Forces Professional Development System. Canadian Army privates may be known by other titles, depending on their military trade and their unit’s tradition: Trooper – armoured crewman in the Royal Canadian Armoured Corps Gunner – Royal Regiment of Canadian Artillery Sapper – Corps of Royal Canadian Engineers Signaller – Royal Canadian Corps of Signals Craftsman – Corps of Royal Canadian Electrical and Mechanical Engineers Guardsman – Royal Canadian Infantry Corps members of foot guard regiments Fusilier – RCIC members of fusilier regiments Rifleman – RCIC members of rifle regiments In the Indian Army and Pakistan Army the lowest enlisted rank is sepoy meaning "soldier" derived from Persian.
A sepoy does not wear any rank insignia on his uniform. In the South African Army the lowest enlisted rank is Private. Privates don't wear insignia on their uniforms. In the different corps it is known with different titles. Rifleman - South African Infantry Corps Signalman - South African Signal Corps Gunner - South African Armour Corps Gunner - South African Artillery Corps Sapper - South African Engineer Corps In the British Army, a private equates to both OR-1 and OR-2 on the NATO scale, although there is no difference in rank. Privates wear no insignia. Many regiments and corps use other distinctive and descriptive names instead of private, some of these ranks have been used for centuries, others are less than 100 years old. In the contemporary British Armed Forces, the army rank of private is broadly equivalent to able seaman in the Royal Navy, leading aircraftman and senior aircraftman in the Royal Air Force, marine or bandsman, as appropriate equivalent rank in the Royal Marines. In the Boys' Brigade the rank of private is used when a boy moves from the junior section to the com
Siege of Madrid
The Siege of Madrid was a two and a half year siege of the Spanish capital city of Madrid, during the Spanish Civil War of 1936 to 1939. The city, besieged from October 1936 fell to the Francoist armies on 28 March 1939. Madrid was held by various forces loyal to the Spanish Republic and was besieged and subject to aerial bombardment by the rebel faction under General Francisco Franco; the Battle of Madrid in November 1936 saw the most intense fighting in and around the city when the Nationalists made their most determined attempt to take the Republican capital. The highest military awards of the Spanish Republic, the Laureate Plate of Madrid and the Madrid Distinction, established by the Republican government in order to reward courage, were named after the capital of Spain owing to the city symbolizing valour and Antifascist resistance during the long siege throughout the Civil War; the Spanish Civil War began with a failed coup d'état against the Popular Front Government of the Spanish Republic by right-wing Spanish Army officers led by Francisco Franco on 18 July 1936.
In Madrid, the Republican government was unsure of. It wanted to put down the coup, but was unsure if it could trust the armed forces and did not want to arm the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo and Unión General de Trabajadores trade unions and accelerate the ongoing Spanish revolution. On 18 July, the government sent units of the Guardia Civil to Seville to put down the rebellion there. However, on reaching the city the guardias defected to the insurgents. On 19 July Santiago Casares Quiroga resigned as Prime Minister, to be succeeded by Diego Martinez Barrio, he tried to arrange a truce with the insurgent general Emilio Mola by telephone, but Mola refused the offer and Martinez Barrio was ousted as Prime Minister by José Giral. Giral agreed to arm the trade unionists in defence of the Republic, had 60,000 rifles delivered to the CNT and UGT headquarters, although only 5,000 were in working order. In a radio broadcast on the 18th, the communist leader Dolores Ibarruri coined the famous slogan ¡No pasarán!, urging resistance against the coup.
The slogan was to become synonymous with the Republican cause in general. At the same time, General Joaquín Fanjul, commander of the military garrison based in Montaña barracks in Madrid, was preparing to launch the military rebellion in the city. However, when he tried to march out of the barracks, his 2,500 troops were forced back inside the compound by hostile crowds and armed trade unionists. On the 20th, the barracks was stormed by a mixture of workers and Guardias de Asalto loyal to the government, as well as five battalions of the Communist-led Antifascist Worker and Peasant Militias —one of these battalions became the famous "Fifth Regiment"— totaling about 10,000 fighters; the fighting was chaotic, on several occasions some soldiers within the barracks indicated their willingness to surrender, only for other troops to keep firing at the attackers, killing those who had broken cover to take them prisoner. The barracks fell when the Guardias de Asalto brought up a 75 mm field gun to bombard the complex and its gate was opened by a sapper sergeant sympathetic to the Republican side.
The sergeant was killed by one of his officers, but his action allowed the Republicans to breach the walls. A number of soldiers were massacred by the crowd, enraged by the apparent false surrenders, after the fall of the barracks. Thereafter and for the remainder of the war, Madrid was held by the Republicans. However, its population contained a significant number of right-wing sympathisers. Over 20,000 right-wingers sought refuge in foreign embassies in the city; the weeks that followed the July uprising, saw a number of fascists, or fascist sympathisers being killed in Madrid by Republicans. For example, on 23 August 70 prisoners from the Modelo Prison in the city were massacred in revenge for the Nationalist killing of over 1,500 Republicans after the storming of Badajoz; the initial strategy of the military plot had been to assume power all over the country in the manner of a Pronunciamiento of the 19th century. However, the resistance to the coup by Republicans meant that instead of this and his allies would have to conquer the country by military force if they wanted to seize power.
Franco himself had landed in Algeciras in southern Spain with Moroccan troops from the Spanish Army of Africa. Mola, in command of the colonial troops as well as the Spanish Foreign Legion and Carlist and Falangist militia, raised troops in the north. Together, they planned a "Drive on Madrid" to take the Spanish capital, Franco advancing from Badajoz, which he took in August and Mola from Burgos. Franco's veteran colonial troops, or regulares, under General Yague, along with air cover supplied by Nazi Germany, routed the Republican militias in their path. Yague argued for a rapid advance on Madrid, but Franco overruled him in favour of relieving the Nationalist troops besieged in Toledo; this diversion held up their attack on Madrid by up to a month — giving the Republicans time to prepare its defence. Meanwhile, in the city, the Republican government had reformed under the leadership of socialist leader Francisco Largo Caballero. Caballero's government included six Socialist party ministers, two Communists, two from the Republican Left party, one from the Catalan Left party, one Basque Nationalist Party and one Republican Union minister.
Although the communists were a minority in the government, they gained in influence through their access to arms from the USSR and foreign volunteers in the International Brigades. The Re
Riot control refers to the measures used by police, military, or other security forces to control and arrest people who are involved in a riot, demonstration, or protest. If a riot is spontaneous and irrational, actions which cause people to stop and think for a moment can be enough to stop it. However, these methods fail when there is severe anger with a legitimate cause, or the riot was planned or organized. Law enforcement officers or military personnel have long used less lethal weapons such as batons and whips to disperse crowds and detain rioters. Since the 1980s, riot control officers have used tear gas, pepper spray, rubber bullets, electric tasers. In some cases, riot squads may use Long Range Acoustic Devices, water cannons, armoured fighting vehicles, aerial surveillance, police dogs or mounted police on horses. Officers performing riot control wear protective equipment such as riot helmets, face visors, body armor, gas masks and riot shields. However, there are cases where lethal weapons are used to violently suppress a protest or riot, as in the Boston Massacre, Haymarket Massacre, Banana Massacre, Hungarian Revolution of 1956, Kent State Massacre, Soweto Uprising, Mendiola Massacre, Bloody Sunday, Ponce massacre, Bloody Sunday, Venezuelan Protest, Tuticorin Massacre Maintaining order during demonstrations and quenching riots has always been a challenge for governments and administrations.
Until early in the 20th century, no dedicated force existed in most countries and the traditionnal response when the regular police force proved inadequate was to call upon the army with disastrous results: either fraternization or use of excessive violence. In France, for example, several revolts were fueled by poor handling by the military; the National Gendarmerie created specialized "mobile" gendarmerie forces several times during the 19th century in times of trouble but these units were disbanded soon after the end of the troubles they had been tasked to handle and there was no permanent organization in place until it was decided in 1921 to create "Mobile Gendarmerie platoons" within the Departmental Gendarmerie. These platoons, either horse mounted or on foot were composed of 40 gendarmes each. In 1926, the platoons formed the "Garde Républicaine mobile", which became a distinct branch of the Gendarmerie in 1927, the platoons becoming part of companies and legions. By 1940, the GRM was a force 21.000 strong, composed of 14 Légions, 54 company groups and 167 companies..
Long the only large force specialized in maintaining or restoring law and order in France during demonstrations or riots, the GRM progressively developed the doctrine and skills needed in that role: exercise restraint, avoid confrontation as long as possible, always leave an "exit door" for the crowd etc.. In 1940, after the fall of France, the german authorities had the GRM disbanded but it was reinstated in 1944 and renamed Mobile Gendarmerie in 1954.. The first squad trained in modern techniques of riot control in Asia was formed in 1925 in colonial Shanghai as a response to the mismanaged riot of the May Thirtieth Movement. New policing methods, including combat pistol shooting, hand to hand combat skills, knife fight training, were pioneered by British Assistant Commissioner William E. Fairbairn and officer Eric Anthony Sykes of the Shanghai Municipal Police as a response to a staggering rise in armed crime in the 1920s - Shanghai had become one of the world's most dangerous cities due to a breakdown in law and order in the country and the growth of organised crime and the opium trade.
Under Fairbairn, the SMP developed a myriad of riot control measures. These riot control techniques led to the introduction of Shanghai's "Reserve Unit" - the first modern SWAT team; as a reserve unit, it was used to forcibly disband riots as well as to respond to high-level criminality like kidnappings and armed robberies. The skills developed in Shanghai have been adopted and adapted by both international police forces and clandestine warfare units. William Fairbairn was again the central figure, not only leading the Reserve Unit, but teaching his methods around the world, including in the United States, the colonial regimes of Cyprus and Singapore. For protection, officers performing riot control will wear protective helmets and carry riot shields; these are designed to protect the wearer from those dangers that come from direct melee and hurled objects such as bottles and bricks. The gear worn by riot control officers protects the entire body with no vulnerable spots to exploit. For example, the helmets worn by riot control officers have an additional outward-extending part that protects the back of the neck from assault.
To provide greater protection, the protective equipment provides ballistic protection. If tear gas or other riot control agents are to be used, gas masks may be worn. One of many additional concerns is to prevent people in the crowd from snatching officers' side arms, which may be stolen or used against the police. In a heavy crowd, the officer may not be able to see, responsible for snatching a weapon, may not notice that it has happened. For this reason, riot police may have holsters with positive locking mechanisms or other extra means of retention, if their agencies can afford such tools. However, this can be a trade-off that increases the amount of time needed to draw the sidearm in an emergency. Alternately, riot police may not carry sidearms at all; the initial choice of tactics determines the type of offensive equipment used. The base choice is between lethal
Law enforcement agency
A law enforcement agency, in North American English, is a government agency responsible for the enforcement of the laws. Outside North America, such organizations are called police services. In North America, some of these services are called police, others are known as sheriff's offices/departments, while investigative police services in the United States are called bureaus, for example the Federal Bureau of Investigation. LEAs which have their ability to apply their powers restricted in some way are said to operate within a jurisdiction. LEAs will have some form of geographic restriction on their ability to apply their powers; the LEA might be able to apply its powers within a country, for example the United States of America's Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Explosives or its Drug Enforcement Administration, within a division of a country, for example the Australian state Queensland Police, or across a collection of countries, for example international organizations such as Interpol, or the European Union's Europol.
LEAs which operate across a collection of countries tend to assist in law enforcement activities, rather than directly enforcing laws, by facilitating the sharing of information necessary for law enforcement between LEAs within those countries, for example Europol has no executive powers. Sometimes a LEA’s jurisdiction is determined by the complexity or seriousness of the non compliance with a law; some countries determine the jurisdiction in these circumstances by means of policy and resource allocation between agencies, for example in Australia, the Australian Federal Police take on complex serious matters referred to it by an agency and the agency will undertake its own investigations of less serious or complex matters by consensus, while other countries have laws which decide the jurisdiction, for example in the United States of America some matters are required by law to be referred to other agencies if they are of a certain level of seriousness or complexity, for example cross state boundary kidnapping in the United States is escalated to the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
Differentiation of jurisdiction based on the seriousness and complexity of the non compliance either by law or by policy and consensus can coexist in countries. A LEA which has a wide range of powers but whose ability is restricted geographically to an area, only part of a country, is referred to as local police or territorial police. Other LEAs have a jurisdiction defined by the type of laws they assist in enforcing. For example, Interpol does not work with political, religious, or racial matters. A LEA’s jurisdiction also includes the governing bodies they support, the LEA itself. Jurisdictionally, there can be an important difference between international LEAs and multinational LEAs though both are referred to as "international" in official documents. An international law enforcement agency has jurisdiction and or operates in multiple countries and across State borders, for example Interpol. A multinational law enforcement agency will operate in only one country, or one division of a country, but is made up of personnel from several countries, for example the European Union Police Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
International LEAs are also multinational, for example Interpol, but multinational LEAs are not international. Within a country, the jurisdiction of law enforcement agencies can be organized and structured in a number of ways to provide law enforcement throughout the country. A law enforcement agency’s jurisdiction can be for the whole country or for a division or sub-division within the country. LEA jurisdiction for a division within a country can be at more than one level, for example at the division level, state, province, or territory level, for example at the sub division level, county, shire, or municipality or metropolitan area level. In Australia for example, each state has its own LEAs. In the United States for example each state and county or city has its own LEAs; as a result, because both Australia and the United States are federations and have federal LEAs, Australia has two levels of law enforcement and the United States has multiple levels of law enforcement, Tribal, County, Town, special Jurisdiction and others.
A LEA’s jurisdiction will be geographically divided into operations areas for administrative and logistical efficiency reasons. An operations area is called a command or an office. While the operations area of a LEA is sometimes referred to as a jurisdiction, any LEA operations area still has legal jurisdiction in all geographic areas the LEA operates, but by policy and consensus the operations area does not operate in other geographical operations areas of the LEA. For example, the United Kingdom’s Metropolitan Police is divided into 32 Borough Operational Command Units, based on the London boroughs, the New York City Police Department is divided into 77 precincts. Sometimes the one legal jurisdiction is covered by more than one LEA, again for administrative and logistical efficiency reasons, or arising from policy, or historical reasons. For example, the area of jurisdiction of English and Welsh law is covered by a number of LEAs called constabularies, each of which has legal jurisdiction over the whole area covered by English and Welsh law, but they do not operate out of their areas without formal liaison between them.
The primary difference between separate agencies and operational areas within the one legal jurisdiction is the degree of flexibility to move resources between versus within agencies. When multiple LEAs cover the one legal jurisdiction, each agency still organizes itself into operations
Armed Police Corps
The Policía Armada, conventional long names Cuerpo de Policía Armada y de Tráfico and Fuerzas de Policía Armada, —popularly known as los grises owing to the color of their uniforms— was an armed urban police force of Spain established by the Francoist regime in 1939 to enforce the repression of all opposition to the regime. Its mission was "total and permanent vigilance, as well as repression when deemed necessary."The first commander of the Policía Armada was General Antonio Sagardía Ramos. In its first years of operation the corps was inadequately equipped in armament and vehicles but this situation would be straightened out. Following the overthrow of the Second Spanish Republic in April 1939, the Francoist Spain relied on the Army in order to handle public order issues. By means of two sets of laws issued on 3 August 1939 and 8 March 1941 the Spanish State reorganized the police forces of Spain and established the Armed Police as a gendarmerie style national armed police that could be used to suppress disturbance of the public order and political organization in urban areas.
Armed and trained for this purpose, it was intended to provide a more effective force for internal security duties in the large cities of Spain than the Guardia Civil that operated in rural areas. At the time of the Spanish coup of July 1936 that marked the onset of the Spanish Civil War most of the members of the preceding equivalent corps, the Guardia de Asalto had stayed loyal to the Spanish Republican government and many of their units fought valiantly in the battlefronts against the Francoist armies and their allies; this display of loyalty towards the Spanish Republic brought about the disbandment of the corps by General Franco at the end of the Civil War. The members of the Guardia de Asalto who had survived the war and the ensuing Francoist purges were made part of the Policía Armada, the corps that replaced it; the Policía Armada was placed under the Directorate-General of Security of the Spanish Ministry of the Interior and operated in most large population centers in Spain. Towards the last phase of the Francoist State it had earned a wide reputation as a ferocious corps in the largest cities such as Madrid, Barcelona and Valencia, as well as the industrial areas of Spain such as parts of Asturias and the Basque country, where its well-equipped anti-riot units were ruthless and effective in quelling demonstrations by university students and workers that were very large.
In the months after the death of the caudillo the Armed Police cracked down on protests and political rallies, continuing the infamous riot control operations of the Francoist State. Viewed as unpopular and too identified with Franco's Spain, the Policía Armada was reorganized in the first years of the Spanish Transition, when brown uniforms replaced the former grey ones, among other cosmetic changes; the effort, revealed itself hopeless for the brutal and harsh image of the corps could not be improved and in 1979 the Armed Police was replaced by the National Police Corps civilianized in a 1986 merger with the Cuerpo Superior de Policía. As its other function was traffic and road safety, its duties in all national highways outside the metropolitan areas ended in June 1959, when the Civil Guard took over; the Policía Armada, together with the Guardia Civil, became notorious during the decades of Francoism for its ruthless methods and for widespread human rights abuses against its victims. Indiscriminate beatings of detainees and torture, with or without interrogation, were commonplace in the many police stations as well as in the headquarters of the Armed Police.
Interrogations included a member of the Brigada Político-Social, the Francoist political repression wing. The brutal image of the Spanish police would be so pervasive that it has continued to haunt the National Police Corps that replaced the Policía Armada following the Spanish Transition to this day; the ranks and insignia of the Policía Armada displayed its military structure. When the National Police Corps replaced it in 1979, it would take 7 years before the rank system was replaced; the Armed Police used different types of vehicles until its disbandment in 1978. Their registration plates had the letters FPA in black over white; the Mobile Units used the following vehicles: Land Rover Santana S-II four-wheel drive vehicles Land Rover Santana S-III four-wheel drive vehicles in their short and long versions Avia buses Ebro B-45 trucks Sanglas 400 motorcyclesThe General Reserve Companies used the following: Avia 1250 vans Büssing riot water cannons Dodge tankettes DKW N1000 vansThe Garrison Units were equipped with: SEAT 1400 cars SEAT 1500 cars SEAT 124 station wagon cars Sava J4 patrol wagons Traffic patrol bicyclesThe Cavalry Platoons used Avia 2500 trucks that could carry four horses each for their anti-riot operations, troops were only armed with batons and pistons while sporting lances for ceremonial parades.
Carabineros Guardia Civil Guardia de Asalto Cuerpo General de Policía Political repression White Terror Media related to Policía Armada at Wikimedia Commons The Grises charging in Vitoria in 1976 Himno de la Policia Armada- Los Grises Spanish Police Badges
Miguel Maura Gamazo was a Spanish politician of the Restoration and the Second Republic. Maura was a son of the leading Conservative politician of Antonio Maura. In 1916 he was elected to the Cortes by the district of Alicante. At first a supporter of the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera he moved from a monarchist position towards a moderate republicanism, he jointly founded, with Niceto Alcalá Zamora, the Liberal Republican Right, on 14 July 1930. The DLR looked to capture the centre ground of Spanish politics and mobilize mass support for a non-revolutionary republican regime. "Despite their sincere and undisputed Catholicism the party's two most prominent figures had abandoned monarchist constitutionalism for republicanism in 1930. To the traditional Catholic right, this republican pact, committed to negotiating with socialists and anarcho-syndicalists was evidence that Maura and Alcala-Zamora had gone over to the other side." When the Spanish Second Republic was proclaimed in April 1931 Maura became minister of the Interior in Zamora's provisional government.
He was in this position on 11 May 1931. Following a monarchist provocation on the previous day when the royal march was played to the crowds coming away from their Sunday paseo in Madrid's Retiro Park an outburst of mob violence against the Republic's perceived enemies led to the burning of churches and religious schools in the capital. Despite the protests of Miguel Maura - who as minister of the Interior was responsible for public order - the government refused to intervene and the fever of anticlerical incendiarism spread around the country - Murcia, Málaga, Almería; the events of 11 May came to be seen as a turning point in the history of the Second Republic. José María Gil Robles for example, claimed to regard the convent burnings as'decisive', he claimed that the fires of 11 May destroyed the precarious coexistence, established between Church and State. "From now on", wrote Ossorio, " the right was utterly opposed to Maura as if he, a sincere Catholic, had been responsible for burning churches."
Gil Robles was one of the prime beneficiaries of Maura's discomfiture and one of the first to capitalise on it. Following the 1931 Constitution with its anticlerical clauses Maura and Alcalá-Zamora resigned - though their resignations did nothing to reconcile them to the agararian Catholic right; the position of the Catholic republicans was an isolated one. In 1936 Maura left Spain to France, he returned in 1953. In 1962, he published his book Asi cayó Alfonso XIII; the actress Carmen Maura, celebrated for her roles in the films of Pedro Almodóvar is related to Miguel Maura