East Africa or Eastern Africa is the eastern region of the African continent, variably defined by geography. In the United Nations Statistics Division scheme of geographic regions, 20 territories make up Eastern Africa: Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda and South Sudan are members of the East African Community; the first five are included in the African Great Lakes region. Burundi and Rwanda are at times considered to be part of Central Africa. Djibouti, Eritrea and Somalia – collectively known as the Horn of Africa; the area is the easternmost projection of the African continent, is sometimes considered a separate region from East Africa. Comoros and Seychelles – small island nations in the Indian Ocean. Réunion and Mayotte – French overseas territories in the Indian Ocean. Mozambique and Madagascar – considered part of Southern Africa, on the eastern side of the sub-continent. Madagascar has close cultural ties to the islands of the Indian Ocean. Malawi and Zimbabwe – also included in Southern Africa, constituted the Central African Federation.
Sudan and South Sudan – collectively part of the Nile Valley. Situated in the northeastern portion of the continent, the Sudans are included in Northern Africa. Members of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa free trade area. Due to colonial territories of the British East Africa Protectorate and German East Africa, the term East Africa is used to refer to the area now comprising the three countries of Kenya and Uganda. However, this has never been the convention in many other languages, where the term had a wider geographic context and therefore included Djibouti, Eritrea and Somalia; some parts of East Africa have been renowned for their concentrations of wild animals, such as the "big five": the elephant, lion, black rhinoceros, leopard, though populations have been declining under increased stress in recent times those of the rhino and elephant. The geography of East Africa is stunning and scenic. Shaped by global plate tectonic forces that have created the East African Rift, East Africa is the site of Mount Kilimanjaro and Mount Kenya, the two tallest peaks in Africa.
It includes the world's second largest freshwater lake, Lake Victoria, the world's second deepest lake, Lake Tanganyika. The climate of East Africa is rather atypical of equatorial regions; because of a combination of the region's high altitude and the rain shadow of the westerly monsoon winds created by the Rwenzori Mountains and Ethiopian Highlands, East Africa is cool and dry for its latitude. In fact, on the coast of Somalia, many years can go by without any rain whatsoever. Elsewhere the annual rainfall increases towards the south and with altitude, being around 400 mm at Mogadishu and 1,200 mm at Mombasa on the coast, whilst inland it increases from around 130 mm at Garoowe to over 1,100 mm at Moshi near Kilimanjaro. Unusually, most of the rain falls in two distinct wet seasons, one centred on April and the other in October or November; this is attributed to the passage of the Intertropical Convergence Zone across the region in those months, but it may be analogous to the autumn monsoon rains of parts of Sri Lanka and the Brazilian Nordeste.
West of the Rwenzoris and Ethiopian highlands, the rainfall pattern is more tropical, with rain throughout the year near the equator and a single wet season in most of the Ethiopian Highlands from June to September – contracting to July and August around Asmara. Annual rainfall here ranges from over 1,600 mm on the western slopes to around 1,250 mm at Addis Ababa and 550 mm at Asmara. In the high mountains rainfall can be over 2,500 mm. Rainfall in East Africa is influenced by El Niño events, which tend to increase rainfall except in the northern and western parts of the Ethiopian and Eritrean highlands, where they produce drought and poor Nile floods. Temperatures in East Africa, except on the hot and humid coastal belt, are moderate, with maxima of around 25 °C and minima of 15 °C at an altitude of 1,500 metres. At altitudes of above 2,500 metres, frosts are common during the dry season and maxima about 21 °C or less; the unique geography and apparent suitability for farming made East Africa a target for European exploration and colonialization in the nineteenth century.
Today, tourism is an important part of the economies of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. The easternmost point of the continent, Ras Hafun in Somalia, is of archaeological and economical importance. According to the theory of the recent African origin of modern humans, the predominantly held belief among most archaeologists, East Africa is the area where anatomically modern humans first appeared. There are differing theories on whether there was several. A growing number of researchers suspect that North Africa was instead the original home of the modern humans who first trekked out of the continent; the major competing hypothesis is the multiregional origin of modern humans, which envisions a wave of Homo sapiens migrating earlier from Africa and interbreeding with local Homo erectus populations in multiple regions of the globe. Most multiregionalists still view Africa as a major wellspring of human genetic diversity, but allow a much greater role for hybridization. Some
In linguistics, morphology is the study of words, how they are formed, their relationship to other words in the same language. It analyzes the structure of words and parts of words, such as stems, root words and suffixes. Morphology looks at parts of speech and stress, the ways context can change a word's pronunciation and meaning. Morphology differs from morphological typology, the classification of languages based on their use of words, lexicology, the study of words and how they make up a language's vocabulary. While words, along with clitics, are accepted as being the smallest units of syntax, in most languages, if not all, many words can be related to other words by rules that collectively describe the grammar for that language. For example, English speakers recognize that the words dog and dogs are related, differentiated only by the plurality morpheme "-s", only found bound to noun phrases. Speakers of English, a fusional language, recognize these relations from their innate knowledge of English's rules of word formation.
They infer intuitively. By contrast, Classical Chinese has little morphology, using exclusively unbound morphemes and depending on word order to convey meaning; these are understood as grammars. The rules understood by a speaker reflect specific patterns or regularities in the way words are formed from smaller units in the language they are using, how those smaller units interact in speech. In this way, morphology is the branch of linguistics that studies patterns of word formation within and across languages and attempts to formulate rules that model the knowledge of the speakers of those languages. Phonological and orthographic modifications between a base word and its origin may be partial to literacy skills. Studies have indicated that the presence of modification in phonology and orthography makes morphologically complex words harder to understand and that the absence of modification between a base word and its origin makes morphologically complex words easier to understand. Morphologically complex words are easier to comprehend.
Polysynthetic languages, such as Chukchi, have words composed of many morphemes. The Chukchi word "təmeyŋəlevtpəγtərkən", for example, meaning "I have a fierce headache", is composed of eight morphemes t-ə-meyŋ-ə-levt-pəγt-ə-rkən that may be glossed; the morphology of such languages allows for each consonant and vowel to be understood as morphemes, while the grammar of the language indicates the usage and understanding of each morpheme. The discipline that deals with the sound changes occurring within morphemes is morphophonology; the history of morphological analysis dates back to the ancient Indian linguist Pāṇini, who formulated the 3,959 rules of Sanskrit morphology in the text Aṣṭādhyāyī by using a constituency grammar. The Greco-Roman grammatical tradition engaged in morphological analysis. Studies in Arabic morphology, conducted by Marāḥ al-arwāḥ and Aḥmad b. ‘alī Mas‘ūd, date back to at least 1200 CE. The linguistic term "morphology" was coined by August Schleicher in 1859; the term "word" has no well-defined meaning.
Instead, two related terms are used in morphology: word-form. A lexeme is a set of inflected word-forms, represented with the citation form in small capitals. For instance, the lexeme eat contains the word-forms eat, eats and ate. Eat and eats are thus considered. Eat and Eater, on the other hand, are different lexemes. Thus, there are three rather different notions of ‘word’. Here are examples from other languages of the failure of a single phonological word to coincide with a single morphological word form. In Latin, one way to express the concept of'NOUN-PHRASE1 and NOUN-PHRASE2' is to suffix'-que' to the second noun phrase: "apples oranges-and", as it were. An extreme level of this theoretical quandary posed by some phonological words is provided by the Kwak'wala language. In Kwak'wala, as in a great many other languages, meaning relations between nouns, including possession and "semantic case", are formulated by affixes instead of by independent "words"; the three-word English phrase, "with his club", where'with' identifies its dependent noun phrase as an instrument and'his' denotes a possession relation, would consist of two words or just one word in many languages.
Unlike most languages, Kwak'wala semantic affixes phonologically attach not to the lexeme they pertain to semantically, but to the preceding lexeme. Consider the following example:kwixʔid-i-da bəgwanəmai-χ-a q'asa-s-isi t'alwagwayu Morpheme by morpheme translation: kwixʔid-i-da = clubbed-PIVOT-DETERMINERbəgwanəma-χ-a = man-ACCUSATIVE-DETERMINERq'asa-s-is = otter-INSTRUMENTAL-3SG-POSSESSIVEt'alwagwayu = club"the man clubbed the otter with his club."That is, to the speaker of Kwak'wala, the sentence does not contain the "words"'him-the-otter' or'with-his-club' Instead, the markers -i-da, referring to "man", attaches not to the noun bəgwanəma but to the verb.
In everyday speech, a phrase may be any group of words carrying a special idiomatic meaning. In linguistic analysis, a phrase is a group of words that functions as a constituent in the syntax of a sentence, a single unit within a grammatical hierarchy. A phrase appears within a clause, but it is possible for a phrase to be a clause or to contain a clause within it. There are types of phrases like noun phrase, prepositional phrase and noun phrase The phrase coming up means an events is occurring within quite soon. Eg Christmas is coming up, in a few days. There is a difference between the common use of the term phrase and its technical use in linguistics. In common usage, a phrase is a group of words with some special idiomatic meaning or other significance, such as "all rights reserved", "economical with the truth", "kick the bucket", the like, it may be a saying or proverb, a fixed expression, a figure of speech, etc.. In grammatical analysis in theories of syntax, a phrase is any group of words, or sometimes a single word, which plays a particular role within the grammatical structure of a sentence.
It does not have to have any special meaning or significance, or exist anywhere outside of the sentence being analyzed, but it must function there as a complete grammatical unit. For example, in the sentence Yesterday I saw an orange bird with a white neck, the words an orange bird with a white neck form what is called a noun phrase, or a determiner phrase in some theories, which functions as the object of the sentence. Theorists of syntax differ in what they regard as a phrase; this means that some expressions that may be called phrases in everyday language are not phrases in the technical sense. For example, in the sentence I can't put up with Alex, the words put up with may be referred to in common language as a phrase but technically they do not form a complete phrase, since they do not include Alex, the complement of the preposition with. In grammatical analysis, most phrases contain a key word that identifies the type and linguistic features of the phrase; the syntactic category of the head is used to name the category of the phrase.
The remaining words in a phrase are called the dependents of the head. In the following phrases the head-word, or head, is bolded: too — Adverb phrase. For instance, the subordinator phrase: before that happened — Subordinator phrase, but this phrase, "before that happened", is more classified in other grammars, including traditional English grammars, as a subordinate clause. Most theories of syntax view most phrases as having a head, but some non-headed phrases are acknowledged. A phrase lacking a head is known as exocentric, phrases with heads are endocentric; some modern theories of syntax introduce certain functional categories in which the head of a phrase is some functional word or item, which may be covert, that is, it may be a theoretical construct that need not appear explicitly in the sentence. For example, in some theories, a phrase such as the man is taken to have the determiner the as its head, rather than the noun man – it is classed as a determiner phrase, rather than a noun phrase.
When a noun is used in a sentence without an explicit determiner, a null determiner may be posited. For full discussion, see Determiner phrase. Another type is the inflectional phrase, where a finite verb phrase is taken to be the complement of a functional covert head, supposed to encode the requirements for the verb to inflect – for agreement with its subject, for tense and aspect, etc. If these factors are treated separately more specific categories may be considered: tense phrase, where the verb phrase is the complement of an abstract "tense" element. Further examples of such proposed categories include topic phrase and focus phrase, which are assumed to be headed by elements that encode the need for a constituent of the sentence to be marked as the topic or as the focus. See the Generative approaches section of the latter article for details. Many theories of syntax and grammar illustrate sentence structure using phrase'trees', which provide schematics of how the words in a sentence are grouped and relate to each other.
Trees show the words, and, at times, clauses that make up sentences. Any word combination that corresponds to a complete subtree can be seen as a phrase. There are competing principles for constructing trees.
An equator of a rotating spheroid is its zeroth circle of latitude. It is the imaginary line on the spheroid, equidistant from its poles, dividing it into northern and southern hemispheres. In other words, it is the intersection of the spheroid with the plane perpendicular to its axis of rotation and midway between its geographical poles. On Earth, the Equator is 21.3 % over land. Indonesia is the country straddling the greatest length of the equatorial line across both land and sea; the name is derived from medieval Latin word aequator, in the phrase circulus aequator diei et noctis, meaning ‘circle equalizing day and night’, from the Latin word aequare meaning ‘make equal’. The latitude of the Earth's equator is, by definition, 0° of arc; the Equator is one of the five notable circles of latitude on Earth. The Equator is the only line of latitude, a great circle — that is, one whose plane passes through the center of the globe; the plane of Earth's equator, when projected outwards to the celestial sphere, defines the celestial equator.
In the cycle of Earth's seasons, the equatorial plane runs through the Sun twice per year: on the equinoxes in March and September. To a person on Earth, the Sun appears to travel above the Equator at these times. Light rays from the Sun's center are perpendicular to Earth's surface at the point of solar noon on the Equator. Locations on the Equator experience the shortest sunrises and sunsets because the Sun's daily path is nearly perpendicular to the horizon for most of the year; the length of daylight is constant throughout the year. Earth bulges at the Equator. Sites near the Equator, such as the Guiana Space Centre in Kourou, French Guiana, are good locations for spaceports as they have a faster rotational speed than other latitudes. Since Earth rotates eastward, spacecraft must be launched eastward to take advantage of this Earth-boost of speed; the precise location of the Equator is not fixed. This effect must be accounted for in detailed geophysical measurements; the International Association of Geodesy and the International Astronomical Union have chosen to use an equatorial radius of 6,378.1366 kilometres.
This equatorial radius is in the 2003 and 2010 IERS Conventions. It is the equatorial radius used for the IERS 2003 ellipsoid. If it were circular, the length of the Equator would be 2π times the radius, namely 40,075.0142 kilometres. The GRS 80 as approved and adopted by the IUGG at its Canberra, Australia meeting of 1979 has an equatorial radius of 6,378.137 kilometres. The WGS 84, a standard for use in cartography and satellite navigation including GPS has an equatorial radius of 6,378.137 kilometres. For both GRS 80 and WGS 84, this results in a length for the Equator of 40,075.0167 km. The geographical mile is defined as one arc-minute of the Equator, so it has different values depending on which radius is assumed. For example, by WSG-84, the distance is 1,855.3248 metres, while by IAU-2000, it is 1,855.3257 metres. This is a difference of less than one millimetre over the total distance; the earth is modeled as a sphere flattened 0.336% along its axis. This makes the Equator 0.16% longer than a meridian.
The IUGG standard meridian is, to the nearest millimetre, 40,007.862917 kilometres, one arc-minute of, 1,852.216 metres, explaining the SI standardization of the nautical mile as 1,852 metres, more than 3 metres less than the geographical mile. The sea-level surface of the Earth is irregular, so the actual length of the Equator is not so easy to determine. Aviation Week and Space Technology on 9 October 1961 reported that measurements using the Transit IV-A satellite had shown the equatorial "diameter" from longitude 11° West to 169° East to be 1,000 feet greater than its "diameter" ninety degrees away; the Equator passes through the land of 11 countries. Starting at the Prime Meridian and heading eastwards, the Equator passes through: Despite its name, no part of Equatorial Guinea lies on the Equator. However, its island of Annobón is 155 km south of the Equator, the rest of the country lies to the north. Seasons result from the tilt of the Earth's axis compared to the plane of its revolution around the Sun.
Throughout the year the northern and southern hemispheres are alternately turned either toward or away from the sun depending on Earth's position in its orbit. The hemisphere turned toward the sun receives more sunlight and is in summer, while the other hemisphere receives less sun and is in winter. At the equinoxes, the Earth's axis
An adpositional phrase, in linguistics, is a syntactic category that includes prepositional phrases, postpositional phrases, circumpositional phrases. Adpositional phrases contain an adposition as head and a complement such as a noun phrase. Language syntax treats adpositional phrases as units that act as adjuncts. Prepositional and postpositional phrases differ by the order of the words used. Languages that are head-initial such as English predominantly use prepositional phrases whereas head-final languages predominantly employ postpositional phrases. Many languages have both types, as well as circumpositional phrases. There are three types of adpositional phrases: prepositional phrases, postpositional phrases, circumpositional phrases; the underlined phrases in the following sentences are examples of prepositional phrases in English. The prepositions are in bold: a, she walked around his desk.b. Ryan could see her in the room.c. David walked on top of the building.d. They walked up the stairs.e.
Philip ate in the kitchen.f. Charlotte walked inside the house.g. As a student, I find that offensive. Prepositional phrases have a preposition as the central element of the phrase, i.e. as the head of the phrase. The remaining part of the phrase is followed by modifiers such as a noun, gerund, or clause. It's sometimes called the prepositional complement; the object of the preposition will have more than one modifier. The object of a prepositional phrase is to function as an adverb. Postpositional elements are frequent in head-final languages such as Basque, Finnish, Korean, Hindi, Urdu and Tamil; the word or other morpheme that corresponds to an English preposition occurs after its complement, hence the name postposition. The following examples are from Japanese, where the case markers perform a role similar to that of adpositions: a...mise ni store to ='to the store'b...ie kara house from ='from the house'c...hashi de chopsticks with ='with chopsticks'And from Finnish, where the case endings perform a role similar to that of adpositions: a...kauppaan store.to ='to the store'b...talosta house.from ='from the house'c...puikoilla chopsticks.with ='with chopsticks'While English is seen as lacking postpositions there are a couple of words that one can in fact view as postpositions, e.g. the crisis two years ago, sleep the whole night through.
Since a phrase like two years ago distributes just like a prepositional phrase, one can argue that ago should be classified as a postposition, as opposed to as an adjective or adverb. Circumpositional phrases involve both a preposition and a postposition, whereby the complement appears between the two. Circumpositions are common in Kurdish. English has at least one circumpositional construction, e.g. a. From now on, he won't help. German has more of them, e.g. b. Von mir aus kannst du das machen. From me out can you that do ='As far as I'm concerned, you can do it.'c. Um der Freundschaft willen sollst du es machen. Around the friendship sake should you it do ='For the sake of friendship, you should do it.' Like with all other types of phrases, theories of syntax render the syntactic structure of adpositional phrases using trees. The trees that follow represent adpositional phrases according to two modern conventions for rendering sentence structure, first in terms of the constituency relation of phrase structure grammars and in terms of the dependency relation of dependency grammars.
The following labels are used on the nodes in the trees: Adv = adverb, N = nominal, P = preposition/postposition, PP = pre/postpositional phrase: These phrases are identified as prepositional phrases by the placement of PP at the top of the constituency trees and of P at the top of the dependency trees. English has a number of two-part prepositional phrases, i.e. phrases that can be viewed as containing two prepositions, e.g. Assuming that ago in English is indeed a postposition as suggested above, a typical ago-phrase would receive the following structural analyses: The analysis of circumpositional phrases is not so clear, since it is not obvious which of the two adpositions should be viewed as the head of the phrase. However, the following analyses are more in line with the fact that English is a head-initial language: The distribution of prepositional phrases in English can be characterized in terms of heads and dependents. Prepositional phrases appear as postdependents of nouns and finite and non-finite verbs, although they can appear as predependents of finite verbs, for instance when they initiate clauses.
For ease of presentation, just dependency trees are now employed to illustrate these points. The following trees show prepositional phrases as postdependents of nouns and adjectives: And the following trees show prepositional phrases as postdependents of non-finite verbs and as predependents of finite verbs: Attempts to position a prepositional phrase in front of its head noun, adjective, or non-finite verb are bad, e.g. a. his departure on Tuesday b. *his on Tuesday departurea. Proud of his grade b. *of his grade prouda. He is leaving on Tuesday. B. *He is on Tuesday leaving. The b-examples demonstrate that prepositional phrases in English prefer to appear as postdependents of their heads; the fact, that they can at times appear as a predependent of their head is curious. More than not, a given adpositional phrase is an adjunct in the clause or noun phrase that it appears in; these phrases can however, function as arguments, in which case they are known as oblique: a. She ran under him. - Adjunct at the clause levelb.
The man from China was e
Dependency grammar is a class of modern grammatical theories that are all based on the dependency relation and that can be traced back to the work of Lucien Tesnière. Dependency is the notion that linguistic units, e.g. words, are connected to each other by directed links. The verb is taken to be the structural center of clause structure. All other syntactic units are either directly or indirectly connected to the verb in terms of the directed links, which are called dependencies. DGs are distinct from phrase structure grammars, since DGs lack phrasal nodes, although they acknowledge phrases. Structure is determined by the relation between its dependents. Dependency structures are flatter than phrase structures in part because they lack a finite verb phrase constituent, they are thus well suited for the analysis of languages with free word order, such as Czech and Warlpiri; the notion of dependencies between grammatical units has existed since the earliest recorded grammars, e.g. Pāṇini, the dependency concept therefore arguably predates that of phrase structure by many centuries.
Ibn Maḍāʾ, a 12th-century linguist from Córdoba, may have been the first grammarian to use the term dependency in the grammatical sense that we use it today. In early modern times, the dependency concept seems to have coexisted side by side with that of phrase structure, the latter having entered Latin, French and other grammars from the widespread study of term logic of antiquity. Dependency is concretely present in the works of Sámuel Brassai, a Hungarian linguist, Franz Kern, a German philologist, of Heimann Hariton Tiktin, a Romanian linguist. Modern dependency grammars, begin with the work of Lucien Tesnière. Tesnière was a Frenchman, a polyglot, a professor of linguistics at the universities in Strasbourg and Montpellier, his major work Éléments de syntaxe structurale was published posthumously in 1959 – he died in 1954. The basic approach to syntax he developed seems to have been seized upon independently by others in the 1960s and a number of other dependency-based grammars have gained prominence since those early works.
DG has generated a lot of interest in Germany in both theoretical language pedagogy. In recent years, the great development surrounding dependency-based theories has come from computational linguistics and is due, in part, to the influential work that David Hays did in machine translation at the RAND Corporation in the 1950s and 1960s. Dependency-based systems are being used to parse natural language and generate tree banks. Interest in dependency grammar is growing at present, international conferences on dependency linguistics being a recent development. Dependency is a one-to-one correspondence: for every element in the sentence, there is one node in the structure of that sentence that corresponds to that element; the result of this one-to-one correspondence is. All that exist are the dependencies that connect the elements into a structure; this situation should be compared with phrase structure. Phrase structure is a one-to-one-or-more correspondence, which means that, for every element in a sentence, there is one or more nodes in the structure that correspond to that element.
The result of this difference is that dependency structures are minimal compared to their phrase structure counterparts, since they tend to contain many fewer nodes. These trees illustrate two possible ways to render the phrase structure relations; this dependency tree is an "ordered" tree. Many dependency trees abstract away from linear order and focus just on hierarchical order, which means they do not show actual word order; this constituency tree follows the conventions of bare phrase structure, whereby the words themselves are employed as the node labels. The distinction between dependency and phrase structure grammars derives in large part from the initial division of the clause; the phrase structure relation derives from an initial binary division, whereby the clause is split into a subject noun phrase and a predicate verb phrase. This division is present in the basic analysis of the clause that we find in the works of, for instance, Leonard Bloomfield and Noam Chomsky. Tesnière, argued vehemently against this binary division, preferring instead to position the verb as the root of all clause structure.
Tesnière's stance was that the subject-predicate division stems from term logic and has no place in linguistics. The importance of this distinction is that if one acknowledges the initial subject-predicate division in syntax is real one is to go down the path of phrase structure grammar, while if one rejects this division one must consider the verb as the root of all structure, so go down the path of dependency grammar; the following frameworks are dependency-based: Algebraic syntax Operator grammar Link grammar Functional generative description Lexicase Meaning–text theory Word grammar Extensible dependency grammar Universal DependenciesLink grammar is similar to dependency grammar, but link grammar does not include directionality between the linked words, thus does not describe head-dependent relationships. Hybrid dependency/phrase structure grammar uses dependencies between words, but includes dependencies between phrasal nodes – see for example the Quranic Arabic Dependency Treebank; the derivation trees of tree-adjoining grammar are dependency struc
In linguistics, a verb phrase is a syntactic unit composed of at least one verb and its dependents—objects and other modifiers—but not always including the subject. Thus in the sentence A fat man put the money in the box, the words put the money in the box are a verb phrase. A verb phrase is similar to. Verb phrases are divided among two types: finite, of which the head of the phrase is a finite verb. Phrase structure grammars acknowledge both types, but dependency grammars treat the subject as just another verbal dependent, they do not recognize the finite verbal phrase constituent. Understanding verb phrase analysis depends on knowing which theory applies in context. In phrase structure grammars such as generative grammar, the verb phrase is one headed by a verb, it may be composed of only a single verb, but it consists of combinations of main and auxiliary verbs, plus optional specifiers and adjuncts. For example: Yankee batters hit the ball well enough to win their first World Series since 2000.
Mary saw the man through the window. David gave Mary a book; the first example contains the long verb phrase hit the ball well enough to win their first World Series since 2000. The third example presents three elements, the main verb gave, the noun Mary, the noun phrase a book, all of which comprise the verb phrase. Note, the verb phrase described here corresponds to the predicate of traditional grammar. Current views vary on. Phrase structure grammars view both finite and nonfinite verb phrases as constituent phrases and do not draw any key distinction between them. Dependency grammars are much different in this regard. While phrase structure grammars acknowledge both finite and non-finite VPs as constituents, dependency grammars reject the former; that is, dependency grammars acknowledge only non-finite VPs as constituents. For example: John has finished the work. – Finite VP in bold John has finished the work. – Non-finite VP in boldSince has finished the work contains the finite verb has, it is a finite VP, since finished the work contains the non-finite verb finished but lacks a finite verb, it is a non-finite VP.
Similar examples: They do not want to try that. – Finite VP in bold They do not want to try that. – One non-finite VP in bold They do not want to try that. – Another non-finite VP in boldThese examples illustrate well that many clauses can contain more than one non-finite VP, but they contain only one finite VP. Starting with Lucien Tesnière 1959, dependency grammars challenge the validity of the initial binary division of the clause into subject and predicate, which means they reject the notion that the second half of this binary division, i.e. the finite VP, is a constituent. They do, however acknowledge the existence of non-finite VPs as constituents; the two competing views of verb phrases are visible in the following trees: The constituency tree on the left shows the finite VP has finished the work as a constituent, since it corresponds to a complete subtree. The dependency tree on the right, in contrast, does not acknowledge a finite VP constituent, since there is no complete subtree there that corresponds to has finished the work.
Note that the analyses agree concerning the non-finite VP finished the work. Dependency grammars point to the results of many standard constituency tests to back up their stance. For instance, topicalization and answer ellipsis suggest that non-finite VP does, but finite VP does not, exist as a constituent: *...and has finished the work, John. – Topicalization *What John has done is has finished the work. – Pseudoclefting What has John done? – *Has finished the work. -- Answer ellipsisThe * indicates. These data must be compared to the results for non-finite VP:...and finished the work, John has. – Topicalization What John has done is finished the work. – Pseudoclefting What has John done? – Finished the work. – Answer ellipsisThe strings in bold are the ones in focus. Attempts to in some sense isolate the finite VP fail, but the same attempts with the non-finite VP succeed. Verb phrases are sometimes defined more narrowly in scope, in effect counting only those elements considered verbal in verb phrases.
That would limit the definition to only main and auxiliary verbs, plus infinitive or participle constructions. For example, in the following sentences only the words in bold form the verb phrase: John has given Mary a book; the picnickers were being eaten alive by mosquitos. She kept screaming like a football maniac. Thou shalt not kill; this more narrow definition is applied in functionalist frameworks and traditional Euro