Direct action originated as a political activist term for economical and political acts in which the actors use their power to directly reach certain goals of interest, in contrast to those actions that appeal to others by, for instance, revealing an existing problem, highlighting an alternative, or demonstrating a possible solution. Both direct action and actions appealing to others can include nonviolent and violent activities which target persons, groups, or property deemed offensive to the action participants. Examples of nonviolent direct action can include sit-ins, workplace occupations, street blockades or hacktivism, while violent direct action may include political violence or assaults. Tactics such as sabotage and property destruction are sometimes considered violent. By contrast, electoral politics, negotiation and arbitration are not described as direct action, as they are politically mediated. Non-violent actions are sometimes a form of civil disobedience, may involve a degree of intentional law-breaking where persons place themselves in arrestable situations in order to make a political statement but other actions may not violate criminal law.
The aim of direct action is to either obstruct another political agent or political organization from performing some practice to which the activists object, or to solve perceived problems which traditional societal institutions are not addressing to the satisfaction of the direct action participants. Non-violent direct action has been an assertive regular feature of the tactics employed by social movements, including Mahatma Gandhi's Indian Independence Movement and the Civil Rights Movement. Direct action tactics have been around for as long as conflicts have existed but it is not known when the term first appeared; the radical union the Industrial Workers of the World first mentioned the term "direct action" in a publication in reference to a Chicago strike conducted in 1910. Other noted historical practitioners of direct action include the American Civil Rights Movement, the Global Justice Movement, the Suffragettes, revolutionary Che Guevara, certain environmental advocacy groups. American anarchist Voltairine de Cleyre wrote an essay called "Direct Action" in 1912, cited today.
In this essay, de Cleyre points to historical examples such as the Boston Tea Party and the American anti-slavery movement, noting that "direct action has always been used, has the historical sanction of the people now reprobating it."In his 1920 book, Direct Action, William Mellor placed direct action in the struggle between worker and employer for control "over the economic life of society." Mellor defined direct action "as the use of some form of economic power for securing of ends desired by those who possess that power." Mellor considered direct action a tool of both owners and workers and for this reason, he included within his definition lockouts and cartels, as well as strikes and sabotage. However, by this time the US anarchist and feminist Voltairine de Cleyre had given a strong defense of direct action, linking it with struggles for civil rights:...the Salvation Army, started by a gentleman named William Booth was vigorously practising direct action in the maintenance of the freedom of its members to speak and pray.
Over and over they were arrested and imprisoned... till they compelled their persecutors to let them alone. Martin Luther King felt that non-violent direct action's goal was to "create such a crisis and foster such a tension" as to demand a response; the rhetoric of Martin Luther King, James Bevel, Mohandas Gandhi promoted non-violent revolutionary direct action as a means to social change. Gandhi and Bevel had been influenced by Leo Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God Is Within You, considered a classic text that ideologically promotes passive resistance. By the middle of the 20th century, the sphere of direct action had undoubtedly expanded, though the meaning of the term had contracted. Many campaigns for social change—such as those seeking suffrage, improved working conditions, civil rights, abortion rights or an end to abortion, an end to gentrification, environmental protection—claim to employ at least some types of violent or nonviolent direct action; some sections of the anti-nuclear movement used direct action during the 1980s.
Groups opposing the introduction of cruise missiles into the United Kingdom employed tactics such as breaking into and occupying United States air bases, blocking roads to prevent the movement of military convoys and disrupt military projects. In the US, mass protests opposed nuclear energy and military intervention throughout the decade, resulting in thousands of arrests. Many groups set up semi-permanent "peace camps" outside air bases such as Molesworth and Greenham Common, at the Nevada Test Site. Environmental movement organizations such as Greenpeace have used direct action to pressure governments and companies to change environmental policies for years. On April 28, 2009, Greenpeace activists, including Phil Radford, scaled a crane across the street from the Department of State, calling on world leaders to address climate change. Soon thereafter, Greenpeace activists dropped a banner off of Mt. Rushmore, placing President Obama's face next to other historic presidents, which read "History Honors Leaders.
Overall, more than 2,600 people were arrested while protesting energy policy and associated health issues under the Barack Obama Administration. In 2009
Anarchy refers to a society, group of people, or a single person that rejects hierarchy. The word meant leaderlessness, but Pierre-Joseph Proudhon adopted the term in his 1840 treatise What Is Property? to refer to anarchism, a new political philosophy which advocates stateless societies based on voluntary associations. In practical terms, anarchy can refer to the curtailment or abolition of traditional forms of government and institutions, it can designate a nation—or anywhere on earth, inhabited—that has no system of government or central rule. Anarchy is advocated by individual anarchists who propose replacing government with voluntary institutions; the word anarchy comes from the ancient Greek ἀναρχία which combines ἀ, "not, without" and ἀρχή, "ruler, authority". Thus, the term refers to the state of a society being without authorities or an authoritative governing body. Anarchism as a political philosophy advocates self-governed societies based on voluntary institutions; these are described as stateless societies, although several authors have defined them more as institutions based on non-hierarchical free associations.
Anarchism holds the state to be unnecessary, or harmful. While anti-statism is central, anarchism entails opposing authority or hierarchical organisation in the conduct of all human relations, including yet not limited to the state system. There are many traditions of anarchism, not all of which are mutually exclusive. Anarchist schools of thought can differ fundamentally, supporting anything from extreme individualism to complete collectivism. Strains of anarchism have been divided into the categories of social and individualist anarchism or similar dual classifications. Anarchism is considered to be a radical left-wing ideology and much of anarchist economics and anarchist legal philosophy reflect anti-statist interpretations of communism, syndicalism, or participatory economics; some individualist anarchists are socialists or communists while some anarcho-communists are individualists or egoists. Anarchism as a social movement has endured fluctuations in popularity; the central tendency of anarchism as a mass social movement has been represented by anarcho-communism and anarcho-syndicalism, with individualist anarchism being a literary phenomenon which did influence the bigger currents and individualists participated in large anarchist organizations.
Some anarchists oppose all forms of aggression and support self-defense or non-violence while others have supported the use of militant measures, including revolution and propaganda of the deed, on the path to an anarchist society. Since the 1890s, the term libertarianism has been used as a synonym for anarchism and was used exclusively in this sense until the 1950s in the United States. At this time, classical liberals in the United States began to describe themselves as libertarians and it has since become necessary to distinguish their individualist and capitalist philosophy from socialist anarchism. Thus, the former is referred to as right-wing libertarianism or right-libertarianism whereas the latter is described by the terms libertarian socialism, socialist libertarianism, left-libertarianism and left-anarchism. Right-libertarians voluntarists. Outside the English-speaking world, libertarianism retains its association with left-wing anarchism; the German philosopher Immanuel Kant treated anarchy in his Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View as consisting of "Law and Freedom without Force".
For Kant, anarchy falls short of being a true civil state because the law is only an "empty recommendation" if force is not included to make this law efficacious. For there to be such a state, force must be included while law and freedom are maintained, a state which Kant calls a republic. Kant identified four kinds of government: Law and freedom without force Law and force without freedom Force without freedom and law Force with freedom and law Although most known societies are characterized by the presence of hierarchy or the state, anthropologists have studied many egalitarian stateless societies, including most nomadic hunter-gatherer societies and horticultural societies such as the Semai and the Piaroa. Many of these societies can be considered to be anarchic in the sense that they explicitly reject the idea of centralized political authority; the egalitarianism typical of human hunter-gatherers is interesting when viewed in an evolutionary context. One of humanity's two closest primate relatives, the chimpanzee, is anything but egalitarian, forming hierarchies that are dominated by alpha males.
So great is the contrast with human hunter-gatherers that it is argued by palaeoanthropologists that resistance to being dominated was a key factor driving the development of human consciousness, language and social organization. In Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, anarchist anthropologist David Graeber attempts to outline areas of research that intellectuals might explore in creating a cohesive body of anarchist social theory. Graeber posits that anthropology is "particularly well positioned" as an academic discipline that can look at the gamut of human societies and organizations to study and catalog alternative social and economic structures around the world, most present these alternatives to the world. In Society Against the State, Pierre Clastres examines stateless societies where certain cultural practices and attitudes avert the development of hierarchy and the state. He
Anarcho-capitalism is a political philosophy and school of anarchist thought that advocates the elimination of centralized state dictum in favor of self-ownership, private property and free markets. Anarcho-capitalists hold that in the absence of statute, society tends to contractually self-regulate and civilize through the spontaneous and organic discipline of the free market. In an anarcho-capitalist society, law enforcement and all other security services would be operated by funded competitors selected by consumers rather than centrally through confiscatory taxation. Money, along with all other goods and services, would be and competitively provided in an open market. Personal and economic activities under anarcho-capitalism would therefore be regulated by victim-based dispute resolution organizations under tort and contract law, rather than by statute through centrally determined punishment under political monopolies, which tend to become corrupt in proportion to their monopolization.
Business regulations, such as corporate standards, public relations, product labels, rules for consumer protection and labor relations would be regulated voluntarily via the use of competitive trade associations, professional societies, standards bodies. Various theorists have espoused legal philosophies similar to anarcho-capitalism. However, the first person to use the term was Murray Rothbard who, in the mid-20th century, synthesized elements from the Austrian School of economics, classical liberalism and 19th-century American individualist anarchists Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker. A Rothbardian anarcho-capitalist society would operate under a mutually agreed-upon libertarian "legal code which would be accepted, which the courts would pledge themselves to follow"; this pact would recognize self-ownership, property and tort law, in keeping with the universal non-aggression principle. Anarcho-capitalists are distinguished from minarchists, who advocate a small Jeffersonian night-watchman state limited to protecting individuals and their properties from foreign and domestic aggression.
Anarcho-capitalists argue for a society based on the voluntary trade of private property and services in order to minimize conflict while maximizing individual liberty and prosperity. However, they recognize charity and communal arrangements as part of the same voluntary ethic. Although anarcho-capitalists are known for asserting a right to private property, some propose that non-state public or community property can exist in an anarcho-capitalist society. For them, what is important is that it is acquired and transferred without help or hindrance from the compulsory state. Anarcho-capitalist libertarians believe that the only just and most economically beneficial way to acquire property is through voluntary trade, gift, or labor-based original appropriation, rather than through aggression or fraud. Anarcho-capitalists see free market capitalism as the basis for a prosperous society. Murray Rothbard said that the difference between free market capitalism and "state capitalism" is the difference between "peaceful, voluntary exchange" and a collusive partnership between business and government that uses coercion to subvert the free market.
"Capitalism", as anarcho-capitalists employ the term, is not to be confused with state monopoly capitalism, crony capitalism, corporatism, or contemporary mixed economies, wherein market incentives and disincentives may be altered by state action. They therefore reject the state, seeing it as an entity which steals property, initiates aggression, has a compulsory monopoly on the use of force, uses its coercive powers to benefit some businesses and individuals at the expense of others, creates artificial monopolies, restricts trade and restricts personal freedoms via drug laws, compulsory education, laws on food and morality and the like. Many anarchists view capitalism as an inherently authoritarian and hierarchical system and seek the expropriation of private property. There is disagreement between these left anarchists and laissez-faire anarcho-capitalists as the former rejects anarcho-capitalism as a form of anarchism and considers anarcho-capitalism an oxymoron, while the latter holds that such expropriation is counterproductive to order and would require a state.
On the Nolan chart, anarcho-capitalists are located at the extreme edge of the libertarian quadrant since they reject state involvement in both economic and personal affairs. Anarcho-capitalists argue that the state relies on initiating force because force can be used against those who have not stolen private property, vandalized private property, assaulted anyone, or committed fraud. Many argue that subsidized monopolies tend to be corrupt and inefficient. Murray Rothbard argued that all government services, including
Magonism is an anarchist, or more anarcho-communist, school of thought precursor of the Mexican Revolution of 1910. It is based on the ideas of Ricardo Flores Magón, his brothers Enrique and Jesús, other collaborators of the Mexican newspaper Regeneración, as Práxedis Guerrero, Librado Rivera and Anselmo L. Figueroa; the Mexican government and the press of the early 20th century called as magonistas people and groups who shared the ideas of the Flores Magón brothers, who inspired the overthrow of the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz and performed an economic and political revolution. The fight against tyranny encouraged by the Flores Magón contravened official discourse of Porfirian Peace by which the protesters were rated as the Revoltosos Magonistas to isolate any social basis and preserve the image of peace and progress imposed by force. Both of Flores Magón's brothers, like other members of the Mexican Liberal Party, used the term magonista to refer to the libertarian movement that promoted.
The same Ricardo Flores Magón affirmed: Liberal Party members are not magonistas, they are anarchists!. In his literary work Verdugos y Víctimas, one of the characters responds indignantly when he was arrested and judged: I'm not a magonist, I am an anarchist. An anarchist has no idols. Magonist thinking was influenced by anarchist philosophers such as Mikhail Bakunin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, others such as Élisée Reclus, Charles Malato, Errico Malatesta, Anselmo Lorenzo, Emma Goldman, Fernando Tarrida del Mármol and Max Stirner, they were influenced by the works of Marx and Ibsen. However, the most influential works were the ones of Peter Kropotkin The Conquest of Bread and Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution, at the same time they were influenced by the Mexican liberal tradition of the 19th century and the self-government system of the indigenous people. Indigenous peoples, since the Spanish conquest of Mexico, searched to preserve the practice of direct democracy, decision-making in assembly, rotation of administrative charges, the defense of communal property, mutual aid as the community exploitation and rational use of natural resources, shared anarchist principles raised by the magonists.
The direct influence of indigenous thought in magonism were the teachings of Teodoro Flores, mestizo Nahua, father of the Flores Magón brothers, the coexistence of other members of the PLM with indigenous groups during periods of organization and insurrection of PLM, between 1905 and 1910, such as the Popoluca in Veracruz, the Yaqui and Mayo in Sonora, the Cocopah in Baja California. Fernando Palomares, a Mayo indigenous, was one of the most active members of the Liberal Party who took part in the Cananea strike and libertarian campaign of 1911 in Mexicali and Tijuana. After the end of the armed phase of Mexican Revolution, after the death of Ricardo Flores Magón in 1922, began the rescue of magonist thought due to trade unionists in Mexico and the United States. In the post-revolutionary Mexico, the figures of Flores Magón brothers was recollected by governments, considering them precursors of the revolution. Both the insurrection of 1910 as social rights enshrined in the Mexican Constitution of 1917 was due to the magonistas, which since 1906 took up arms and drafted an economic and social program.
However, although the demands that led to the revolution in theory were resolved in the Constitution and in the speeches of the revolutionary governments, there was no significant change in the lives of the most vulnerable populations. The magonistas considered not fighting to change the administrators of the state, but to abolish them. For this reason, the survived magonistas continued to spread anarchist propaganda. Librado Rivera was persecuted and imprisoned during the government of Plutarco Elías Calles and Enrique Flores Magón, who believed that the Mexican social revolution is not yet over, could enjoy security until the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas; the Mexican Anarchist Federation, founded in 1941 and active for about 40 years, edited the newspaper Regeneración and spread Magonist thought. In the 1980s Magonism survived among some youth anarcho-punk groups; the Biblioteca Social Reconstruir, founded in 1980 by the Spanish anarchist in exile Ricardo Mestre and located in Mexico City, was a library where to find anarchist literature and works on Ricardo Flores Magón or copies of Regeneración.
In 1994, when the Zapatista Army of National Liberation took up arms in Chiapas, claimed the ideas of the Flores Magón brothers. In 1997, indigenous organizations, social groups of libertarians and municipal councils of the state of Oaxaca, declared the "Citizen Year of Ricardo Flores Magón" from 21 November to 16 September 1998. In August 2000, driven by indigenous organizations in the State of Oaxaca and libertarian groups in Mexico City, the Magonistas Days were held for the 100 years of the founding of the newspaper Regeneración. In the popular uprising of Oaxaca of 2006, took part organizations and youth groups influenced by anarchist magonistas ideals. Rubén Trejo: Magonismo: utopía y revolución, 1910–1913. 2005, Cultura Libre – ISBN 970-9815-00-8 M. Ballesteros, J. C. Beas, B. Maldonado: Magonismo y Movimiento Indígena en México. 2003, Ce-Acatl AC An overview about the magonism Ricardo Flores Magón Archive
Egoist anarchism is a school of anarchist thought that originated in the philosophy of Max Stirner, a 19th-century existentialist philosopher whose "name appears with familiar regularity in orientated surveys of anarchist thought as one of the earliest and best known exponents of individualist anarchism". Johann Kaspar Schmidt, better known as Max Stirner, was a German philosopher, who ranks as one of the literary precursors of nihilism, post-modernism and anarchism of individualist anarchism. Stirner's main work is The Ego and Its Own known as The Ego and His Own; this work was first published in 1844 in Leipzig and has since appeared in numerous editions and translations. Stirner's philosophy is called "egoism", he says that the egoist rejects pursuit of devotion to "a great idea, a good cause, a doctrine, a system, a lofty calling", saying that the egoist has no political calling, but rather "lives themselves out" without regard to "how well or ill humanity may fare thereby". Stirner held that the only limitation on the rights of the individual is one's power to obtain what they desire.
He proposes that most accepted social institutions—including the notion of State, property as a right, natural rights in general and the notion of society—were mere "spooks" in the mind. Stirner wanted to "abolish not only the state but society as an institution responsible for its members". Max Stirner's idea of the Union of egoists, was first expounded in Its Own; the Union is understood as a non-systematic association, which Stirner proposed in contradistinction to the state. The Union is understood as a relation between egoists, continually renewed by all parties' support through an act of will; the Union requires. If one party silently finds themselves to be suffering, but puts up and keeps the appearance, the union has degenerated into something else; this union is not seen as an authority above a person's own will. This idea has received interpretations for politics, economics and sex. Stirner claimed that property comes about through might: "I do not step shyly back from your property, but look upon it always as my property, in which I respect nothing.
Pray do the like with what you call my property! What I have in my power, my own. So long as I assert myself as holder, I am the proprietor of the thing. Whoever knows how to take, to defend, the thing, to him belongs property", his concept of "egoistic property" not only rejects moral restraint on how one obtains and uses things, but includes other people as well. Though Stirner's philosophy is individualist, it has influenced some libertarian communists and anarcho-communists. "For Ourselves Council for Generalized Self-Management" discusses Stirner and speaks of a "communist egoism", said to be a "synthesis of individualism and collectivism" and says that "greed in its fullest sense is the only possible basis of communist society". Forms of libertarian communism such as insurrectionary anarchism are influenced by Stirner. Anarcho-communist Emma Goldman was influenced by both Stirner and Peter Kropotkin and blended their philosophies together in her own; the Scottish born German writer John Henry Mackay found out about Stirner while reading a copy of Friedrich Albert Lange's History of Materialism and Critique of its Present Importance.
Mackay looked for a copy of The Ego and Its Own and after being fascinated with it wrote a biography of Stirner, published in German in 1898. Mackay's propaganda of Stirnerist egoism and of male homosexual and bisexual rights influenced Adolf Brand who in 1896 published the world's first ongoing homosexual publication, Der Eigene; the name of that publication was taken from Stirner—who had influenced the young Brand—and refers to Stirner's concept of "self-ownership" of the individual. Der Eigene concentrated on cultural and scholarly material and may have averaged around 1500 subscribers per issue during its lifetime. Benjamin Tucker followed this journal from the United States. Another German anarchist publication influenced by Stirner was Der Einzige, it appeared in 1919 as a weekly sporadically until 1925 and was edited by cousins Anselm Ruest and Mynona. Its title was adopted from the book Der Einzige und sein Eigentum by Max Stirner. Another influence was the thought of German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche.
The publication was connected to the local expressionist artistic current and the transition from it towards dada. Stirnerian egoism became a main influence on European individualist anarchism including its main proponents in the early 20th century such as Emile Armand, Han Ryner and Gérard de Lacaze-Duthiers in France, Renzo Novatore in Italy, Miguel Giménez Igualada in Spain and in Russia Lev Chernyi. For Novatore, "a reader of Stirner, but not for that a disciple of stirnerism", the affirmation of the individual, the continuous tension toward freedom, led to the struggle against the existent, to the violent battle against authority and against every type of'wait-and-see' attitude". Emile Armand's Stirnerist egoism can be appreciated when he writes in Anarchist Individualism as Life and Activity when he says that anarchists "are pioneers attached to no party, non-conformists, standing outside herd
Illegalism is an anarchist philosophy that developed in France, Italy and Switzerland during the early 1900s as an outgrowth of individualist anarchism. The illegalists embraced either or secretly criminality as a lifestyle; the illegalists use Max Stirner's Egoism as a justification for illegalism. However, not all illegalists are supporters of his philosophy. Jules Bonnot and the Bonnot Gang have been described as illegalist by some. Illegalism does not specify the type of crime, though it is associated with shoplifting. Illegalism first rose to prominence among a generation of Europeans inspired by the unrest of the 1890s, during which Ravachol, Émile Henry, Auguste Vaillant and Caserio committed daring crimes in the name of anarchism, in what is known as propaganda of the deed. Influenced by theorist Max Stirner's egoism, the illegalists in France broke from anarchists like Clément Duval and Marius Jacob who justified theft with a theory of individual reclamation. Instead, the illegalists argued that their actions required no moral basis and illegal acts were taken not in the name of a higher ideal, but in pursuit of one's own desires.
In Paris, this milieu was centred on the weekly papers L'Anarchie and the Causeries Populaires, both of which were founded by Albert Libertad and his associates. After Peter Kropotkin along with others decided to enter labor unions after their initial reservations, there remained the anti-syndicalist anarchist-communists, who in France were grouped around Sebastien Faure's Le Libertaire. From 1905 onwards, the Russian counterparts of these anti-syndicalist anarchist-communists become partisans of economic terrorism and illegal expropriations. Illegalism as a practice emerged and within it "he acts of the anarchist bombers and assassins and the anarchist burglars expressed their desperation and their personal, violent rejection of an intolerable society. Moreover, they were meant to be exemplary, invitations to revolt". In another less dramatic sense, " that time this term was used to indicate all those practices prohibited by law that were useful for resolving the economic problems of comrades: robbery, smuggling, counterfeiting money and so on".
Such acts of rebellion which could be individual were in the long run seen as acts of rebellion which could ignite a mass insurrection leading to revolution. Proponents and activists of this tactic among others included Johann Most, Luigi Galleani, Victor Serge and Severino Di Giovanni. In Argentina, these tendencies flourished at the end of the 1920s and during the 1930s, "years of acute repression and of flinching of the once powerful workers movement—this was a desperation, though heroic, of a decadent movement". France's Bonnot Gang was the most famous group to embrace illegalism; the Bonnot Gang was a French criminal anarchist group that operated in France and Belgium during the Belle Époque from 1911 to 1912. Composed of individuals who identified with the emerging illegalist milieu, the gang utilized cutting-edge technology not yet available to the French police. Referred to by the press as "The Auto Bandits", the gang was dubbed "The Bonnot Gang" after Jules Bonnot gave an interview at the office of Petit Parisien, a popular daily paper.
Bonnot's perceived prominence within the group was reinforced by his high-profile death during a shootout with French police in Nogent-sur-Marne. Following his arrest for harbouring members of the Bonnot Gang, Victor Serge, once a forceful defender of illegalism, became a sharp critic. In Memoirs of a Revolutionary, he describes illegalism as "a collective suicide". Marius Jacob reflected in 1948: "I don't think that illegalism can free the individual in present-day society... Illegalism, considered as an act of revolt, is more a matter of temperament than of doctrine". Illegalism has been updated by currents such as post-left anarchy. In Spain and Latin America, a campaign called Yomango has appeared, which advocates shoplifting and thus updates individual reclamation. Horst Fantazzini was an Italian-German individualist anarchist who pursued an illegalist lifestyle and practice until his death in 2001, he gained media notoriety due to his many bank robberies through Italy and other countries.
In 1999, the film based on his life Ormai è fatta! was released. Egoism Amoralism Expropriative anarchism Insurrectionary anarchism Piracy Propaganda of the deed Social bandits Parry, Richard; the Bonnot Gang. Rebel Press. ISBN 0-946061-04-1.. "The "illegalists" by Doug Imrie. From "Anarchy: a Journal Of Desire Armed", Fall-Winter, 1994-95. Cacucci, Pino. Without a Glimmer of Remorse. Christie Books. ISBN 1-873976-28-3. On Illegalism and Ultra-Leftism. Philippe Gavi, J-P Sartre, & Pierre Victor. Gallimard, Paris, 1974. "Illegalism and Insurrectionary Anarchism" by Freedom
Anarchist schools of thought
Anarchism is defined as the political philosophy which holds ruling classes and the state to be undesirable and harmful, or alternatively as opposing authority and hierarchical organization in the conduct of human relations. Proponents of anarchism, known as "anarchists", advocate stateless societies based on non-hierarchical voluntary associations. However, anarchist schools of thought can differ fundamentally, supporting anything from extreme individualism to complete collectivism. Strains of anarchism have been divided into the categories of social and individualist anarchism or similar dual classifications. Anarchism is considered a radical left-wing ideology and much of anarchist economics and anarchist legal philosophy reflect anti-authoritarian interpretations of communism, syndicalism, mutualism or participatory economics. At some point "the collectivist and liberal and individualist strands of thought from which anarchists drew their inspiration began to assume an distinctive quality, supporting the rise of a number of anarchist schools".
Anthropologist David Graeber has noted that while the major schools of Marxism always have founders, schools of anarchism "almost invariably emerge from some kind of organizational principle or form of practice", citing anarcho-syndicalism, individualist anarchism and platformism as examples. Mutualism began in 18th-century English and French labor movements took an anarchist form associated with Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in France and others in the United States; this influenced individualist anarchists in the United States such as Benjamin Tucker and William B. Greene. Josiah Warren proposed similar ideas in 1833 after participating in a failed Owenite experiment. In the 1840s and 1850s, Charles A. Dana and William B. Greene introduced Proudhon's works to the United States. Greene introduced it to Benjamin R. Tucker. Mutualist anarchism is concerned with reciprocity, free association, voluntary contract and credit and currency reform. Many mutualists believe a market without government intervention drives prices down to labor-costs, eliminating profit and interest according to the labor theory of value.
Firms would be forced to compete over workers. Some see mutualism as between collectivist anarchism. In What Is Property?, Proudhon develops a concept of "liberty", equivalent to "anarchy", the dialectical "synthesis of communism and property". Greene, influenced by Pierre Leroux, sought mutualism in the synthesis of three philosophies—communism and socialism. Individualist anarchists used the term mutualism, but retained little emphasis on synthesis while social anarchists such as the authors of An Anarchist FAQ claim mutualism as a subset of their philosophical tradition. Social anarchism is an umbrella term used to identify a broad category of anarchism independent of individualist anarchism. Where individualist forms of anarchism emphasize personal autonomy and the rational nature of human beings, social anarchism sees "individual freedom as conceptually connected with social equality and emphasize community and mutual aid". Social anarchism is used to describe anarchist tendencies within anarchism that have an emphasis on the communitarian and cooperative aspects of anarchist theory and practice.
Social anarchism includes collectivist anarchism, anarcho-communism, libertarian socialism, anarcho-syndicalism and social ecology. Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary form of anarchism most associated with Mikhail Bakunin, Johann Most and the anti-authoritarian section of the First International. Unlike mutualists, collectivist anarchists oppose all private ownership of the means of production, instead advocating that ownership be collectivized; this was to be initiated by small cohesive elite group through acts of violence, or "propaganda by the deed", which would inspire the workers to revolt and forcibly collectivize the means of production. Workers would be compensated for their work on the basis of the amount of time they contributed to production, rather than goods being distributed "according to need" as in anarcho-communism. Although the collectivist anarchists advocated compensation for labor, some held out the possibility of a post-revolutionary transition to a communist system of distribution according to need.
Collective anarchism arose contemporaneously with Marxism, but it opposed the Marxist dictatorship of the proletariat despite Marxism striving for a collectivist stateless society. Some collectivist anarchists do not oppose the use of currency; some support workers being paid based on the amount of time they contributed to production. These salaries would be used to purchase commodities in a communal market; this contrasts with anarcho-communism where wages would be abolished and where individuals would take from a storehouse of goods "to each according to his need". Many modern-day collectivist anarchists hold their form of anarchism as a permanent society rather than a carryover to anarcho-communism or a gift economy; some collectivist anarchists such as proponents of participatory economics believe in remuneration and a form of credit but do not believe in money or markets. Although collectivist anarchism shares many similarities with anarchist communism, there are many key differences between them.
For example, collectivist anarchists believe that the economy and most or all property should be collectively owned by society while anarchist communists by contrast believe that the concept of ownership should be rejected by society and replaced with the concept of usage. Also