December 2001 riots in Argentina
The December 2001 crisis, sometimes known as the Argentinazo, was a period of civil unrest and rioting in Argentina, which took place during December 2001, with the most violent incidents taking place on 19 and 20 December in the capital, Buenos Aires and other large cities around the country. It was preceded by a popular revolt against the Argentine government, rallying behind the motto "All of them must go!", which caused the resignation of then-president Fernando de la Rúa, giving way to a period of political instability during which five government officials performed the duties of the Argentinian presidency. This period of instability occurred during the larger period of crisis known as the Argentine great depression, an economic and social crisis that lasted from 1998 until 2002; the December 2001 crisis was a direct response to the government's imposition of "Corral" policies at the behest of economic minister Domingo Cavallo, which restricted people's ability to withdraw cash from banks.
Rioting and protests became widespread on 19 December 2001 following the president's declaration of a state of emergency and his resignation on the following day. A state of extreme institutional instability continued for the next twelve days, during which the successor president Adolfo Rodríguez Saá resigned as well. While the degree of instability subsided, the events of December 2001 would become a blow against the legitimacy of the Argentine government that would persist for the following years; the majority of the participants in the protests were unaffiliated with any political party or organization. Over the course of the protests, 39 people were killed by security forces. Of the 39 killed, nine were minors, an indication of the degree of repression ordered by the government to oppose the protests. Fernando de la Rúa, as the candidate for the Alliance for Work and Education, had assumed the role of president in December of 1999 in the middle of a recession, caused in part by the Convertibility plan passed in 1991 which pegged the value of the Argentine peso to the United States dollar.
While political reforms under the previous president Carlos Menem had succeeded in reducing inflation, the downsides of his economic policies became more and more apparent starting in 1997. Maintaining the convertibility of pesos to dollars required the government of Argentina to obtain an abundant supply of American dollars. At first, this supply was maintained by the privatization of nearly all of the Argentinian state's industries and pension funds; as the privatization process was completed, Argentina's agriculture export-based economy was unable to maintain a sufficient flow of dollars to the state, the system began to require more and more sovereign debt. One of the key factors leading to the victory of the Alliance in the 1999 elections was its promise to uphold the convertibility plan. One of de la Rúa's campaign slogans declared "With me, one peso, one dollar". Despite a changing international economic situation, mounting demands for increased monetary sovereignty, the Alliance committed itself to maintain the status quo at all costs.
De la Rúa's political situation was precarious. His arrival to power in 1999 had been possible thanks to the Alliance for Work and Education, a coalition formed by the Radical Civic Union and the FrePaSo, which managed to defeat the incumbent Justicialist Party in that year's presidential elections. However, the Alliance failed to achieve a majority in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, lost the provincial elections to the Peronists, who remained in charge of large and critical districts such as the Buenos Aires, Córdoba and Santa Fe provinces; the government coalition was strained from the first moment. In late 2000 a political scandal broke out when it was reported that SIDE, Argentina's intelligence service, had paid massive bribes to a number of senators to approve a controversial Labor Reform Act; the head of SIDE, Fernando de Santibañes, was a personal friend of De la Rúa. The crisis came to a head on October 2000 when Vice President Carlos Álvarez resigned, citing De la Rúa's unwillingness to tackle corruption.
De la Rúa's economic policies suffered a severe blow in March 2001 when Economy Minister José Luis Machinea resigned from office. He was replaced by the then-Defense Minister Ricardo López Murphy, who himself was forced to resign following negative reception to his shock program. After only two weeks in office, López Murphy was replaced by Domingo Cavallo, who had served as Economy Minister between 1991 and 1996, and, the original author of the Convertibility plan during Menem's presidency; because of the worsening economic situation and mounting foreign debt, the government enacted two enormous campaigns of debt-expansion and refinancing under the supervision of the International Monetary Fund, named "The armoring" and "The Megaexchange" respectively. From the first moment, there were allegations of corruption and money laundering about the megacanje; the crisis caused the resignation of all the FrePaSo Cabin
Central Bank of Argentina
The Central Bank of the Argentine Republic is the central bank of Argentina. Established by six Acts of Congress enacted on May 28, 1935, the bank replaced Argentina's currency board, in operation since 1899, its first president was Ernesto Bosch, who served in that capacity from 1935 to 1945. The Central Bank's headquarters on San Martín Street, was designed in 1872 by architects Henry Hunt and Hans Schroeder. Completed in 1876, the Italian Renaissance-inspired building housed the Mortgage Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires; the Central Bank's offices were transferred to an adjacent address upon its establishment, were expanded to their present size by the purchase of the Mortgage Bank building in 1940, as well as by the construction of a twin building behind it. Drawing from a 1933 study on Argentine finance by Bank of England director Sir Otto Niemeyer, the institution's charter was drafted by Argentine economist Raúl Prebisch; the Central Bank was a private entity during its first decade, British Empire interests held a majority stake.
Pursuant to the Roca–Runciman Treaty of 1933, Central Bank reserves accrued from Argentine trade surpluses with the United Kingdom were deposited in escrow at the Bank of England, this clause, which had led to nearly US$1 billion in inaccessible reserves by 1945, prompted the BCRA's nationalization by order of Juan Perón on March 24, 1946. Subordinate to the Economy Ministry in matters of policy, the Central Bank took a more prominent role during the Latin American debt crisis when, in April 1980, it enacted Circular 1050; this measure, enacted to shield the financial sector from the cost of receiving payments in devalued pesos, bankrupted thousands of homeowners and businesses by indexing mortgages to the value of the US dollar locally, which had risen around fifteenfold by July 1982 when Central Bank President Domingo Cavallo rescinded the policy. During the years of Cavallo's Convertibility Law, which established a 1:1 fixed exchange rate between the Argentine peso and the United States dollar on April 1, 1991, the BCRA was in charge of keeping foreign currency reserves in synch with the monetary base.
The policy deprived the Central Bank of exchange-rate flexibility and ended at the depth of a record economic crisis a decade later. The repeal of the Convertibility Law in January 2002 was accompanied by a 70% devaluation and depreciation of the peso to nearly 4 pesos, the Central Bank's role afterward was the accumulation of reserves in order to gain a measure of control of the exchange rate; the BCRA buys and sells dollars from the market as needed to absorb large foreign trade surpluses and keep the official exchange rate at internationally competitive levels for Argentine exports and to encourage import substitution. As part of a wider debt restructuring effort that brought Argentina out of its default three years earlier, in December 2005 President Néstor Kirchner announced the payment of Argentina's IMF debts in a single, anticipated disbursement; the payment was effected on January 2006, employing about US$9.8 billion from BCRA reserves. This decreased the amount of reserves by one third, but did not cause adverse monetary effects, save from an increased reliance on the local bond market, which requires somewhat higher interest rates.
The BCRA continued to intervene in the exchange market buying dollars, though selling small amounts. Its reserves reached US$28 billion in September 2006, recovering the levels prior to the IMF payment, rose to US$32 billion at the close of the year; the exchange rate was maintained undervalued, prompted by the BCRA's market intervention as a buyer. While fiscal policy remained tight, monetary policy was expansionary with growth in Argentina's money supply of over 23% annually from 2003 to 2007. Citing its disapproval of this policy, the influential Global Finance magazine gave Martín Redrado, President of the Central Bank, a D grade in its October 2006 survey of global central bankers; the magazine held that Redrado "missed the opportunity to act to curb inflation when the economy was expanding at its fastest, with inflation expected to reach 12% in 2006, up from 7.7% in 2005 and 4.4% in 2004." Price controls helped keep inflation that year to 9.8%, though the public's perception of it was higher due to the sample composition used to measure the index.
The BCRA, obtained exceptionally high returns on investment funded by its reserves, for a total of US$1.4 billion in 2006, continued to do so in subsequent years. Fallout from the 2008 financial crisis forced President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner's administration to seek domestic financing for growing public spending, as well as for foreign debt service obligations; the president ordered a US$6.7 billion account opened at the Central Bank for the latter purpose in December 2009, implying the use of the Central Bank's foreign exchange reserves, drawing direct opposition from Redrado. He was dismissed by presidential decree on January 7, 2010
Argentine Revolution was the name given by its leaders to a military coup d'état which overthrew the government of Argentina in June 1966 and began a period of military dictatorship by a junta from until 1973. The June 1966 coup established General Juan Carlos Onganía as de facto president, supported by several leaders of the General Confederation of Labour, including the general secretary Augusto Vandor; this was followed by a series of military-appointed presidents and the implementation of neo-liberal economic policies, supported by multinational companies, employers' federations, part of the more-or-less corrupt workers' movement, the press. While preceding military coups were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional juntas, the Revolución Argentina headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and to Communism, which would give the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading political and economic role. Political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell named this type of regime "authoritarian-bureaucratic state", in reference to the Revolución Argentina, the 1964–1985 Brazilian military regime and Augusto Pinochet's regime.
Onganía implemented corporatist policies, experimenting in particular in Córdoba under the governance of Carlos Caballero. The new Minister of Economy, Adalbert Krieger Vasena, decreed a wage freeze and a 40% devaluation, which weakened the economy – in particular the agricultural sector – and favored foreign capital. Vasena suspended collective labour conventions, reformed the "hydrocarbons law" which had established a partial monopoly of the Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales state firm, passed a law facilitating the eviction of tenants over their non-payment of domestic rent; the right to strike was suspended and several other laws passed reversing previous progressive labor legislation. The workers' movement divided itself between Vandoristas, who supported a "Peronism without Perón" line and advocated negotiation with the junta, alongside "Participationists" headed by José Alonso, Peronists, who formed the General Confederation of Labour of the Argentines in 1968 and were opposed to any kind of participation with the military junta.
Perón himself, from his exile in Francoist Spain, maintained a cautious and ambiguous line of opposition to the regime, rejecting both endorsement and open confrontation. Onganía ended university autonomy, achieved by the University Reform of 1918, he was responsible for the July 1966 La Noche de los Bastones Largos, where university autonomy was violated, in which he ordered police to invade the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires. They arrested students and professors; the university repression led to the exile of 301 university professors, among whom were Manuel Sadosky, Tulio Halperín Donghi, Sergio Bagú and Risieri Frondizi. Onganía ordered repression on all forms of "immoralism", proscribing miniskirts, long hair for young men, all avant-garde artistic movements; this moral campaign alienated the middle classes. Towards the end of May 1968, General Julio Alsogaray dissented from Onganía, rumors spread about a possible coup d'état, with Algosaray leading the opposition to Onganía.
At the end of the month Onganía dismissed the leaders of the Armed Forces: Alejandro Lanusse replaced Julio Alsogaray, Pedro Gnavi replaced Benigno Varela, Jorge Martínez Zuviría replaced Adolfo Alvarez. On 19 September 1968, two important events affected Revolutionary Peronism. John William Cooke, former personal delegate of Perón, an ideologist of the Peronist Left and friend of Fidel Castro, died from natural causes. On the same day a group of 13 men and one woman who aimed at establishing a foco in Tucumán Province, in order to head the resistance against the junta, was captured. In 1969, the CGT de los Argentinos headed protest movements, in particular the Cordobazo, as well as other movements in Tucumán, Santa Fe and Rosario. While Perón managed a reconciliation with Augusto Vandor, he followed, in particular through the voice of his delegate Jorge Paladino, a cautious line of opposition to the military junta, criticizing with moderation the neoliberal policies of the junta but waiting for discontent inside the government.
Thus, Onganía had an interview with 46 CGT delegates, among them Vandor, who agreed on "participationism" with the military junta, thus uniting themselves with the Nueva Corriente de Opinión headed by José Alonso and Rogelio Coria. In December 1969, more than 20 priests, members of the Movement of Priests for the Third World, marched on the Casa Rosada to present to Onganía a petition pleading him to abandon the eradication plan of villas miserias; the same year, the MSTM issued a declaration supporting Socialist revolutionary movements, which led the Catholic hierarchy, by the voice of Juan Carlos Aramburu, coadjutor archbishop of Buenos Aires, to proscribe priests from making political or social declarations. Various armed actions, headed by the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación, composed by former members of the Revolutionary Communist Party, occurred in April 1969, leading to several arrests among FAL members; these were the first left-wing urban guerrilla actions in Argentina. Beside these isolated actions, the Cordobazo uprising of 1969, called forth by the CGT de los Argenti
Arturo Umberto Illia
Arturo Umberto Illia Francesconi was an Argentine politician and physician, President of Argentina from 12 October 1963, to 28 June 1966. He was a member of the centrist Radical Civic Union. Arturo Umberto Illia was born August 4, 1900, in Pergamino, Buenos Aires Province, to Emma Francesconi and Martín Illia, Italian immigrants from the Lombardy Region, he enrolled in the School of Medicine at the University of Buenos Aires in 1918. That year, he joined the movement for University reform in Argentina, which first emerged in the city of Córdoba, set the basis for a free and public university system less influenced by the Catholic Church; this development changing the concept and administration of higher education in Argentina, in a good portion of Latin America. As a part of his medical studies, Illia begun working in the San Juan de Dios Hospital in the city of La Plata, obtaining his degree in 1927. In 1928 he had an interview with President Hipólito Yrigoyen, the longtime leader of the centrist UCR, the first freely-elected President of Argentina.
Illia offered him his services as a physician, Yrigoyen, in turn, offered him a post as railroad physician in different parts of the country, upon which Illia decided to move to scenic Cruz del Eje, in Cordoba Province. He worked there as a physician from 1929 until 1963, except for three years in which he was Vice-Governor of the province. On February 15, 1939, he married Silvia Elvira Martorell, had three children: Emma Silvia, Martín Arturo and Leandro Hipólito. Martín Illia was elected to Congress in 1995, served until his death in 1999. Gabriela Michetti, elected Vice President in 2015, is a great-grandniece of Illia. Arturo Illia became a member of the Radical Civic Union when he reached adulthood, in 1918, under the strong influence of the radical militancy of his father and of his brother, Italo; that same year, he began his university studies, with the events of the aforementioned Universitarian Reform taking place in the country. From 1929 onwards, after moving to Cruz del Eje, he began intense political activity, which he alternated with his professional life.
In 1935 he was elected Provincial Senator for the Department of Cruz del Eje, in the elections that took place on November 17. In the Provincial Senate, he participated in the approval of the Law of Agrarian Reform, passed in the Córdoba Legislature but rejected in the National Congress, he was head of the Budget and Treasury Commission, pressed for the construction of dams, namely Nuevo San Roque, La Viña, Cruz del Eje and Los Alazanes. In the elections that took place on March 10, 1940, he was elected Vice-Governor of Córdoba Province, with Santiago del Castillo, who became governor, he occupied this post until the provincial government was replaced by the newly installed dictatorship of General Pedro Ramírez, in 1943. From 1948 to 1952, Illia served in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies. Working in a Congress dominated by the Peronist Party, he took an active part in the Public Works and Medical Assistance Commissions. After the fall of the government of Juan Perón in 1955, a long period of political instability took over Argentina.
During this period, the army became the Praetorian Guard over the politics of the country, though elections still took place, these were marked by a considerable lack of legitimacy, since Peronism was banned during this period. From 1955 to 1963 the country had five presidents, of which only Arturo Frondizi was democratically elected. Frondizi governed the country from May 1, 1958, until his overthrow on March 29, 1962, in a military coup. Frondizi's removal was precipitated by his lifting the ban on Peronism ahead of the March 1962 mid-term elections. Among those affected was Illia, though a UCR candidate, was thus barred from office following his election as Governor of Córdoba. After the fall of Frondizi, the President of the Senate, José María Guido, became interim President of the country, starting a process of'normalization' which led to new elections on July 7, 1963; the 1963 elections were made possible by support from the moderate, "Blue" faction of the Argentine military, led by the Head of the Joint Chiefs, General Juan Carlos Onganía and by the Internal Affairs Minister, General Osiris Villegas.
Together, they exercised control over Guido's puppet presidency – though they shared his commitment to elections. The UCR, out of power since Yrigoyen's 1930 overthrow, had been divided since their contentious 1956 convention into the mainstream "People's UCR" and the center-left UCRI; the leader of the UCRP, Ricardo Balbín, withdrew his name from the March 10 nominating convention and instead supported a less conservative, less anti-Peronist choice, the party nominated Dr. Illia for President and Entre Ríos Province lawyer Carlos Perette as his running-mate. A military ban on the Popular Front organized by Perón and Frondizi led to their joint call for blank voting as a means of protest; the moderately anti-Peronist UCRP was hampered by former President Pedro Aramburu's candidacy, which made opposition to Perón central to its platform. However, Illia would win, despite carrying only a fourth of the vote, he "defeated" the blank vote option by 4 points; the results were: People's Radical Civic Union: 2,441,000 Intransigent Radical Civic Union: 1,593,000 UDELPA-PDP alliance: 1,346,000 Others: 2,272,000 Blank and invalid votes: 2,058,000In the electoral college on Ju
Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín Foulkes was an Argentine lawyer and statesman who served as the President of Argentina from 10 December 1983 to 8 July 1989. Alfonsín was the first democratically elected president after more than seven years of military dictatorship and is considered the "father of modern democracy in Argentina". Born in Chascomús, Buenos Aires Province, he began his studies of law at the National University of La Plata and was a graduate of the University of Buenos Aires, he was affiliated with the Radical Civic Union, joining the faction of Ricardo Balbín after the party split. He was elected a deputy in the legislature of the Buenos Aires province in 1958, during the presidency of Arturo Frondizi, a national deputy during the presidency of Arturo Umberto Illia, he opposed both sides of the Dirty War, several times filed a writ of Habeas corpus, requesting the freedom of victims of forced disappearances, during the National Reorganization Process. He denounced the crimes of the military dictatorship of other countries, opposed the actions of both sides in the Falklands War as well.
He became the leader of the UCR after Balbín's death, was the Radical candidate for the presidency in the 1983 elections, which he won. When he became president, he sent a bill to the Congress to revoke the self-amnesty law established by the military, he established the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons to investigate the crimes committed by the military, which led to the Trial of the Juntas and resulted in the sentencing of the heads of the former regime. Discontent within the military led to the mutinies of the Carapintadas, leading Alfonsín to appease them with the full stop law and the law of Due Obedience, he had conflicts with the unions, which were controlled by the opposing Justicialist Party. He resolved the Beagle conflict, increased trade with Brazil, proposed the creation of the Contadora support group to mediate between the United States and the Nicaraguan Contras, he passed the first divorce law of Argentina. He initiated the Austral plan to improve the national economy, but that plan, as well as the Spring plan, failed.
The resulting hyperinflation and riots led to his party's defeat in the 1989 presidential elections, won by Peronist Carlos Menem. He continued as the leader of the UCR, opposed the presidency of Carlos Menem, he initiated the Pact of Olivos with Menem in order to negotiate the terms for the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution. Fernando de la Rúa led a faction of the UCR that opposed the pact, became president in 1999. De la Rúa resigned during the December 2001 riots, Alfonsín's faction provided the support needed for the Peronist Eduardo Duhalde to be appointed president by the Congress. Alfonsín died of lung cancer on 31 March 2009, at the age of 82, was given a large state funeral. Raúl Alfonsín was born on 12 March 1927, in the city of Chascomús, 123 km south of Buenos Aires, his parents were Ana María Foulkes. His father was of Spanish and German descent, his mother was the daughter of Welsh immigrant Ricardo Foulkes and Falkland Islander María Elena Ford. Following his elementary schooling, Raúl Alfonsín enrolled at the General San Martín Military Lyceum, graduating after five years as a second lieutenant.
He did not pursue a military career, began studying law instead. He began his studies at the National University of La Plata, completed them at the University of Buenos Aires, graduating at the age of 23, he married María Lorenza Barreneche, whom he met in the 1940s at a masquerade ball, in 1949. They moved to Mendoza, La Plata, returned to Chascomús, they had six sons, of whom only Ricardo Alfonsín would follow a political career. Alfonsín bought a local newspaper, he joined the Radical Civic Union in 1946, as a member of the Intransigent Renewal Movement, a faction of the party that opposed the incorporation of the UCR into the Democratic Union coalition. He was appointed president of the party committee in Chascomús in 1951, was elected to the city council in 1954, he was detained for a brief time, during the reaction of the government of Juan Perón to the bombing of Plaza de Mayo. The Revolución Libertadora ousted Perón from the national government; the UCR broke up into two parties: the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, led by Arturo Frondizi, the People's Radical Civic Union, led by Ricardo Balbín and Crisólogo Larralde.
Alfonsín did not like the split, but opted to follow the UCRP. Alfonsín was elected deputy for the legislature of the Buenos Aires province in 1958, on the UCRP ticket, was reelected in 1962, he moved to capital of the province, during his tenure. President Frondizi was ousted by a military coup on 29 March 1962, which closed the provincial legislature. Alfonsín returned to Chascomús; the UCRP prevailed over the UCRI the following year, leading to the presidency of Arturo Umberto Illia. Alfonsín was elected a national deputy, vice president of the UCRP bloc in the congress. In 1963 he was appointed president of the party committee for the province of Buenos Aires. Illia was deposed by a new military coup in the Argentine Revolution. Alfonsín was detained while trying to hold a political rally in La Plata, a second time when he tried to re-open the UCRP committee, he was forced to resign as deputy in November 1966. He was detained a third time in 1968 after a political rally in La Plata, he wrote opinion articles in newspapers, under the pseudonyms Alfonso Carrido Lura and Serafín Feijó.
The Dirty War began during this time, as many guerrilla groups rejected both the right-wing mi
María Eva Duarte de Perón was the wife of Argentine President Juan Perón and First Lady of Argentina from 1946 until her death in 1952. She is referred to as Eva Perón or Evita, she was born in poverty in the rural village of Los Toldos, in the Pampas, as the youngest of five children. At 15 in 1934, she moved to the nation's capital of Buenos Aires to pursue a career as a stage and film actress, she met Colonel Juan Perón there on 22 January 1944 during a charity event at the Luna Park Stadium to benefit the victims of an earthquake in San Juan, Argentina. The two were married the following year. Juan Perón was elected President of Argentina in 1946, she ran the Ministries of Labor and Health and ran the charitable Eva Perón Foundation, championed women's suffrage in Argentina, founded and ran the nation's first large-scale female political party, the Female Peronist Party. In 1951, Eva Perón announced her candidacy for the Peronist nomination for the office of Vice President of Argentina, receiving great support from the Peronist political base, low-income and working-class Argentines who were referred to as descamisados or "shirtless ones".
Opposition from the nation's military and bourgeoisie, coupled with her declining health forced her to withdraw her candidacy. In 1952, shortly before her death from cancer at 33, Eva Perón was given the title of "Spiritual Leader of the Nation" by the Argentine Congress, she was given a state funeral upon her death, a prerogative reserved for heads of state. Eva Perón has become a part of international popular culture, most famously as the subject of the musical Evita. Cristina Álvarez Rodríguez claims that Evita has never left the collective consciousness of Argentines. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the first woman elected President of Argentina, claims that women of her generation owe a debt to Eva for "her example of passion and combativeness". Eva's autobiography, La Razón de mi Vida, contains no dates or references to childhood occurrences, does not list the location of her birth or her name at birth. According to Junín's civil registry, a birth certificate shows that one María Eva Duarte was born on 7 May 1922.
Her baptismal certificate lists the date of birth as 7 May 1919 under the name Eva María Ibarguren. It is thought that in 1945 the adult Eva Perón created a forgery of her birth certificate for her marriage. Eva Perón spent her childhood in Buenos Aires province, her father, Juan Duarte, was descended from French Basque immigrants. Her mother Juana Ibarguren, was descended from Spanish Basque immigrants. Juan Duarte, a wealthy rancher from nearby Chivilcoy had a wife and family there. At that time in rural Argentina, it was not uncommon for a wealthy man to have multiple families; when Eva was a year old, Duarte returned permanently to his legal family, leaving Juana Ibarguren and her children in penury. Ibarguren and her children were forced to move to the poorest area of Junín. Los Toldos was a village in the dusty region of Las Pampas, with a reputation as a desolate place of abject poverty. To support herself and her children, Ibarguren sewed clothes for neighbors; the family was stigmatized by the abandonment of the father and by the illegitimate status of the children under Argentine law, was somewhat isolated.
A desire to expunge this part of her life might have been a motivation for Eva to arrange the destruction of her original birth certificate in 1945. When Duarte died and his mistress and their children sought to attend his funeral, there was an unpleasant scene at the church gates. Although Juana and the children were permitted to enter and pay their respects to Duarte, they were promptly directed out of the church. Mrs. Juan Duarte did not want her husband's mistress and children at the funeral and, as those of the legitimate wife, her orders were respected. Prior to abandoning Juana Ibarguren, Juan Duarte had been her sole means of support. Biographer John Barnes writes that, after this abandonment, all Duarte left to the family was a document declaring that the children were his, thus enabling them to use the Duarte surname. Soon after, Juana moved her children to a one-room apartment in Junín. To pay the rent on their single-roomed home and daughters took up jobs as cooks in the houses of the local estancias.
Owing to Eva's older brother's financial help, the family moved into a bigger house, which they transformed into a boarding house. During this time, young Eva participated in school plays and concerts. One of her favorite pastimes was the cinema. Though Eva's mother had a few plans for Eva, wanting to marry her off to one of the local bachelors, Eva herself dreamed of becoming a famous actress. Eva's love for acting was reinforced in October 1933, when she played a small role in a school play called Arriba estudiantes, which Barnes describes as "an emotional, flag-waving melodrama." After the play, Eva was determined to become an actress. In her autobiography, she explained that all the people from her own town, to the big cities described them as "marvelous places, where nothing was given but wealth". In 1934, at the age of 15, Eva escaped her poverty-stricken village when she ran off with a young musician to the nation's capital of Buenos Aires; the young couple's relationship ended as as it had begun, but Eva remained in Buenos Aires.
She began to pursue jobs on the stage and the radio, became a film actress. Eva had a series of relationships and via some of these men she did acquire a number of her modeling appoi
The Falklands War known as the Falklands Conflict, Falklands Crisis, Malvinas War, South Atlantic Conflict, the Guerra del Atlántico Sur, was a ten-week war between Argentina and the United Kingdom over two British dependent territories in the South Atlantic: the Falkland Islands, its territorial dependency, the South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands. It began on Friday, 2 April 1982, when Argentina invaded and occupied the Falkland Islands in an attempt to establish the sovereignty it had claimed over them. On 5 April, the British government dispatched a naval task force to engage the Argentine Navy and Air Force before making an amphibious assault on the islands; the conflict lasted 74 days and ended with the Argentine surrender on 14 June 1982, returning the islands to British control. In total, 649 Argentine military personnel, 255 British military personnel, three Falkland Islanders died during the hostilities; the conflict was a major episode in the protracted confrontation over the territories' sovereignty.
Argentina asserted that the islands are Argentine territory, the Argentine government thus characterised its military action as the reclamation of its own territory. The British government regarded the action as an invasion of a territory, a Crown colony since 1841. Falkland Islanders, who have inhabited the islands since the early 19th century, are predominantly descendants of British settlers, favour British sovereignty. Neither state declared war, although both governments declared the Islands a war zone. Hostilities were exclusively limited to the territories under dispute and the area of the South Atlantic where they lie; the conflict has had a strong effect in both countries and has been the subject of various books, articles and songs. Patriotic sentiment ran high in Argentina, but the outcome prompted large protests against the ruling military government, hastening its downfall. In the United Kingdom, the Conservative government, bolstered by the successful outcome, was re-elected with an increased majority the following year.
The cultural and political effect of the conflict has been less in the UK than in Argentina, where it remains a common topic for discussion. Diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and Argentina were restored in 1989 following a meeting in Madrid, at which the two governments issued a joint statement. No change in either country's position regarding the sovereignty of the Falkland Islands was made explicit. In 1994, Argentina's claim to the territories was added to its constitution. In the period leading up to the war—and, in particular, following the transfer of power between the military dictators General Jorge Rafael Videla and General Roberto Eduardo Viola late in March 1981—Argentina had been in the midst of a devastating economic stagnation and large-scale civil unrest against the military junta, governing the country since 1976. In December 1981 there was a further change in the Argentine military regime, bringing to office a new junta headed by General Leopoldo Galtieri, Air Brigadier Basilio Lami Dozo and Admiral Jorge Anaya.
Anaya was the main architect and supporter of a military solution for the long-standing claim over the islands, calculating that the United Kingdom would never respond militarily. By opting for military action, the Galtieri government hoped to mobilise the long-standing patriotic feelings of Argentines towards the islands, thus divert public attention from the country's chronic economic problems and the regime's ongoing human rights violations of the Dirty War; such action would bolster its dwindling legitimacy. The newspaper La Prensa speculated in a step-by-step plan beginning with cutting off supplies to the islands, ending in direct actions late in 1982, if the UN talks were fruitless; the ongoing tension between the two countries over the islands increased on 19 March when a group of Argentine scrap metal merchants raised the Argentine flag at South Georgia Island, an act that would be seen as the first offensive action in the war. The Royal Navy ice patrol vessel HMS Endurance was dispatched from Stanley to South Georgia on the 25th in response.
The Argentine military junta, suspecting that the UK would reinforce its South Atlantic Forces, ordered the invasion of the Falkland Islands to be brought forward to 2 April. The UK was taken by surprise by the Argentine attack on the South Atlantic islands, despite repeated warnings by Royal Navy captain Nicholas Barker and others. Barker believed that Defence Secretary John Nott's 1981 review had sent a signal to the Argentines that the UK was unwilling, would soon be unable, to defend its territories and subjects in the Falklands. On 2 April 1982, Argentine forces mounted amphibious landings, known as Operation Rosario, on the Falkland Islands; the invasion was met with a nominal defence organised by the Falkland Islands' Governor Sir Rex Hunt, giving command to Major Mike Norman of the Royal Marines. The events of the invasion included the landing of Lieutenant Commander Guillermo Sanchez-Sabarots' Amphibious Commandos Group, the attack on Moody Brook barracks, the engagement between the troops of Hugo Santillan and Bill Trollope at Stanley, the final engagement and surrender at Government House.
Word of the invasion first reached the UK from Argentine sources. A Ministry of Defence operative in London had a short telex conversation with Governor Hunt's telex operator, who confirmed th