The History of Song or Song Shi is one of the official Chinese historical works known as the Twenty-Four Histories of China that records the history of the Song dynasty. It was commissioned in 1343 and compiled under the direction of First Minister Toqto'a and Prime Minister Alutu during the Yuan dynasty at the same time as the History of Liao and the History of Jin. Running to a total of 496 chapters, the History of Song includes biographies of the Song Emperors along with contemporary records and biographical sketches of Song dynasty politicians and philosophers. Kublai Khan endorsed a proposal by Liu Bingzhong and Wang E 王鹗 for the compilation of historic records of the Song and Liao dynasties but the compilation effort stalled for some time. In March 1343, the third year of Ukhaantu Khan, Emperor Huizong of Yuan's Zhizheng Era, an Imperial edict ordered the creation of histories of the Song and Jin Dynasties. Under the overall supervision of Toktogan, Temür Daš, He Weiyi, Zhang Qiyan, Ouyang Xuan Li Haowen, Wang Yi and Yang Zongduan were given responsibility for the project with Woyuluntu, Taibuhua, Yu Wenzhuan, Gong Shidao, Yu Que, Jia Lu Wei Su and 23 others appointed as historiographers.
Toktogan resigned in May 1344 to be replaced on the project by Prime Minister Alutu though the latter was not familiar with Chinese characters. The final book took only two and a half years to produce and was published in Zhejiang Province in 1346, the sixth year of the Zhizheng Era; the History of Song with its 496 chapters is the largest of the 24 Dynastic Histories. It contains 47 chapters of Imperial biographies, 162 chapters covering Song dynasty records, 32 chapters of tables and 255 chapters of historical biographies. A work of enormous breadth, the History of Song contains more than 2,000 individual historical biographies, more than twice as many as the Old Book of Tang that chronicles the history of the Early Tang dynasty. In the section of the book covering Song dynasty records there are fifteen separate categories viz: astronomy, the system of five phases known as Wu Xing, the legal calendar, geography and water ways, Confucian rites, ceremonial weaponry and bodyguards, military dress, government positions, consumer goods, the army and punishment together with art and culture.
Altogether these chapters make up one third of the work. The historical biographies section of the History of Song is unsurpassed by any of the other Dynastic Histories. Sections covering consumer goods and the army are well written with much more detail than found in the other Dynastic Histories; the fourteen chapters on consumer goods contain seven times the amount of information as the corresponding chapters of the Book of Tang. A total of seven chapters contain biographies of traitors and rebels including Cai Jing, Huang Qianshan, Qin Hui, Zhang Bangchang and Liu Yu whilst the four chapters on Confucian scholars feature individuals such as Zhou Dunyi, Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi, Zhang Zai and Zhu Xi. Chien includes a translation to English of the treatise on the salt monopoly contained in volumes 181-183; this treatise is the largest of the treatises in the Economics section. Chien includes maps in English corresponding to the main administrative regions described in volumes 85-90 comprising the Geography section.
The ideology behind the History of Song is that of Neo-confucianism, with coverage of the Confucian doctrines of loyalty and ethics regarding the well-known scholars Zhou Dunyi, Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi, Zhang Zai and Zhu Xi amongst others. No less than 278 individuals feature in the section on loyalty and righteousness. Qing dynasty historian Qian Daxin once said: "The History of Song esteems neo-confucianism the school of Zhu Xi", its compilation follows the principles of Confucian life. Fine logic and language is used to convey morality whilst eschewing utilitarianism; the book's style is highly regarded and considered a model example. Wang Anshi's Xining Reforms are rejected by the History of Song whilst political reform campaigners including Lu Huiqing, Zeng Bu and Zhang Dun feature in the section on traitors and rebels, Shi Miyuan however, despite his involvement in the suicide of Emperor Ningzong of Song's eldest heir, does not feature in this section or indeed the entire History of Song. Famous general Wang Jianzai, regardless of his valiant combat record, is omitted as are many other individuals involved in Mongol defeats by the Song.
Despite both the History of Song and the History of Jin being completed at the same time they are different in many ways. The History of Song records Yue Fei emerging victorious from every battle with the Jin dynasty, yet the History of Jin mentions Emperor Taizu of Jin's capture of Bozhou, Shunchangfu and Songzhou when Yue Fei and other commanders withdrew from the battle. Information in the History of Song regarding Yue Fei all comes from a work by his descendant Yue Ke's Eguo Jintuo Zuibian, the reliability of, questioned by some sources, for example whether the Battle of Yancheng was a great victory for the Song and if the claim regarding Yue Fei's twelve gold medals is true. Furthermore, there remains the issue of whether Yu Fei's troops left the people unharmed as is sometimes claimed. Qing dynasty poet a
Dean M. Kelley was an American legal scholar, religious freedom advocate and executive with the National Council of Churches, where his work was concerned with religious liberty issues, he served on the board of the American Civil Liberties Union. Kelley opposed a constitutional amendment allowing organized prayer in public schools, doubting that anyone, no matter how well-intentioned, was capable of writing prayers that would be acceptable to everyone and still be meaningful, his 1972 book, Why Conservative Churches are Growing, is said by the Encyclopedia of Religion in American Politics to be seminal in the study of the relationship of religion and politics in the United States. In Why Conservative Churches are Growing, Kelley pointed out what he saw as the essential difference between liberal and conservative churches: conservative churches concentrated on spiritual needs, liberal churches on political causes, which causes were better promoted by political organizations such as the Democratic Party and the Americans for Democratic Action.
He predicted the ongoing decline of the liberal churches, based on his extensive research, his conclusions earned him widespread opprobrium on the Left. The work contains a strong implied warning to those pastors on the right who would politicize their churches, his 1977 study, Why Churches Should Not Pay Taxes, is considered "essential reading" for those who support tax exemptions for religious organizations, according to James Dunn, executive director of the Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs. Supporting the separation of church and state, he has said that the best thing government can do to help religion is "leave it alone." Dean Kelley was born on June 1926 in Cheyenne, Wyoming. He graduated from University of Denver in 1946 and from the Iliff School of Theology, where he received a master's degree in theology, in 1949. In 1946 he married the former Maryon Hoyle, he worked as a minister for United Methodist churches in Colorado and New York until 1960, when he joined the NCC. In 1964 he was chosen for a leadership and spokesman role by the coalition lobbying the United States Congress to defeat an effort to promote school prayer.
He died on May 1997 in West Swanzey, New Hampshire. Why Conservative Churches Are Growing, Harper & Row, 1972, ASIN: B00268XMJU Why Churches Should Not Pay Taxes, Harper & Row, 1977, ISBN 0-06-064302-1 Government Intervention in Religious Affairs, Pilgrim Press, 1982, ISBN 0-8298-0602-4 Law of Church and State in America, Kelley's final work, published online by the First Amendment Center
REAL Women of Canada is a conservative advocacy group in Canada. The organization was founded in 1983. REAL stands for "Realistic, Active, for Life"; the group believes that the nuclear family is the most important unit in Canadian society, that the fragmentation of the Canadian family is a primary cause of social disorder. It lobbies the Government of Canada in favour of legislation to promote what it believes to be the Judeo-Christian model of family life, to support homemaking, it is opposed to feminism, abortion and LGBT rights. The group has intervened in Supreme Court of Canada cases including R. v. Morgentaler and M. v. H.. In R. v. Sullivan it argued. According to its website, its aims are to emphasize the importance of the family and promote what it refers to as a "Judeo-Christian" understanding of marriage and family, to promote homemaking, to oppose abortion and assisted suicide. Part of their economic policies to help meet their objectives are increased tax relief for single-income families, families with children, individuals with children.
REAL Women is similar in political and social outlook to Phyllis Schlafly's Eagle Forum and to Concerned Women for America in the United States. The organization has criticized individuals who have spoken out against Uganda's criminalization of homosexual relations. On August 7, 2013, the group issued a statement criticizing Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird for speaking out on LGBT human rights issues in both Uganda and Russia as part of Canada's foreign policy. In January 1983, Judy Erola, the federal cabinet minister for the status of women, proposed scrapping the tax exemption for dependent spouses, including mothers at home raising young children. Seeing this change as anti-family, persons active in the anti-abortion campaign began to speak out in opposition. On September 3, 1983, a group of Ontario women formed what would become known as REAL Women: Realistic and Active for Life. REAL Women was dissatisfied with how feminist organizations addressed women's issues, said that many housewives felt disparaged and attacked by these organizations.
REAL Women was formed as an anti-feminist counterweight to the National Action Committee on the Status of Women. A press conference was held in 1984 announcing their formation; the group claimed to have 10,000 members, however this was discredited. The year following their formation, the group held its first national conference, claiming to have 20,000 members, though this could not be verified. REAL Women said, they promoted male-led, single-breadwinner families, believed that women should be homemakers and wives. Their views and beliefs differed from the stance taken by the National Action Committee on the Status of Women and its umbrella organizations, the group argued against the equality guarantees enacted in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms: they denounce the equal rights clause in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and feminist movements and organizations, they argue that government spending and funding of these feminist organizations is undermining traditional gender and family relations.
1987 its president Lynne Scime stated that "REAL women want to look at issues such as how a woman can pick a husband to fulfill her needs". They believed that women are nurturing and dependent beings, suited to motherhood, they use the slogan "equal but different" while pushing for increased tax credits for stay-at-home mothers. And have made suggestions on how to augment the options and resources available to families. REAL is directly opposed to issues that organizations such as the National Action Committee advocatet. One is abortion. In addition, the group opposes the idea of the universal childcare model, as they believe that governmental childcare represents a loss of parental control and increases the influence of the state on the family, they argue. REAL oppose laws guaranteeing equal pay for women, believing that this would reduce the income disparity between genders, draw women into the paid labour force, incentivize the economic position of female-led households, they believe this represents a major threat to family values, demeans women and breaks down the traditional family.
They believe that women taking men's jobs will destroy the free market economy. Other viewpoints they oppose include programs to reduce family violence, which they claim encourage hatred toward men; the overarching goal of REAL Women is to support the way of life traditionally associated with the 1950s nuclear family and arch-conservative values. Their belief is that their activism will improve their lives, their monthly newsletter, mirrors the American conservative movement. It attacks feminists such as Flora MacDonald as well as feminist campaigns. Official website