Islamic banking and finance
Islamic banking or Islamic finance or sharia-compliant finance is banking or financing activity that complies with sharia and its practical application through the development of Islamic economics. Some of the modes of Islamic banking/finance include Mudarabah, Musharaka and Ijara. Sharia prohibits usury, defined as interest paid on all loans of money. Investment in businesses that provide goods or services considered contrary to Islamic principles is haraam; these prohibitions have been applied in varying degrees in Muslim countries/communities to prevent un-Islamic practices. In the late 20th century, as part of the revival of Islamic identity, a number of Islamic banks formed to apply these principles to private or semi-private commercial institutions within the Muslim community, their number and size has grown, so that by 2009, there were over 300 banks and 250 mutual funds around the world complying with Islamic principles, around $2 trillion was sharia-compliant by 2014. Sharia-compliant financial institutions represented 1% of total world assets, concentrated in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries and Malaysia.
Although Islamic banking still makes up only a fraction of the banking assets of Muslims, since its inception it has been growing faster than banking assets as a whole, is projected to continue to do so. The industry has been lauded for returning to the path of "divine guidance" in rejecting the "political and economic dominance" of the West, noted as the "most visible mark" of Islamic revivalism, its most enthusiastic advocates promise "no inflation, no unemployment, no exploitation and no poverty" once it is implemented. However, it has been criticized for failing to develop profit and loss sharing or more ethical modes of investment promised by early promoters, instead selling banking products that "comply with the formal requirements of Islamic law", but use "ruses and subterfuges to conceal interest", entail "higher costs, bigger risks" than conventional banks. Although Islamic finance contains many prohibitions—such as on consumption of alcohol, uncertainty, etc. -- the belief that "all forms of interest are riba and hence prohibited" is the idea upon which it is based.
The word "riba" means “excess or addition”, has been translated as "interest", "usury", "excess", "increase" or "addition". According to Islamic economists Choudhury and Malik, the elimination of interest followed a "gradual process" in early Islam, "culminating" with a "fully fledged Islamic economic system" under Caliph Umar. Other sources, do not agree, state that the giving and taking of interest continued in Muslim society "at times through the use of legal ruses more or less openly," including during the Ottoman Empire. In the late 19th century Islamic Modernists reacted to the rise of European power and influence and its colonization of Muslim countries by reconsidering the prohibition on interest and whether interest rates and insurance were not among the "preconditions for productive investment" in a functioning modern economy. Syed Ahmad Khan, argued for a differentiation between sinful riba "usury", which they saw as restricted to charges on lending for consumption, legitimate non-riba "interest", for lending for commercial investment.
However, in the 20th century, Islamic revivalists/Islamists/activists worked to define all interest as riba, to enjoin Muslims to lend and borrow at "Islamic Banks" that avoided fixed rates. By the 21st century this Islamic Banking movement had created "institutions of interest-free financial enterprises across the world”; the movement started with activists and scholars such as Anwar Qureshi,Naeem Siddiqui, Abul A'la Maududi, Muhammad Hamidullah, in the late 1940 and early 1950s. They believed commercial banks were a "necessary evil," and proposed a banking system based on the concept of Mudarabah, where shared profit on investment would replace interest. Further works devoted to the subject of interest-free banking were authored by Muhammad Uzair, Abdullah al-Araby, Mohammad Najatuallah Siddiqui, al-Najjar and Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr; the involvement of institutions and various conferences and studies on Islamic banking were instrumental in applying the application of theory to practice for the first interest-free banks.
At the First International Conference on Islamic Economics, "several hundred Muslim intellectuals, Shari'ah scholars and economists unequivocally declared... that all forms of interest" were riba. By 2004, the strength of this belief was demonstrated in the world's second largest Muslim country—Pakistan—when a minority member of the Pakistani parliament questioned it
N’Djamena is the capital and largest city of Chad. A port on the Chari River, near the confluence with the Logone River, it directly faces the Cameroonian town of Kousséri, to which the city is connected by a bridge, it is a special statute region, divided into 10 districts or arrondissements. It is a regional market for livestock, salt and grains. Meat and cotton processing are the chief industries, the city continues to serve as the center of economic activity in Chad. N’Djamena was founded as Fort-Lamy by French commander Émile Gentil on May 29, 1900, named after Amédée-François Lamy, an army officer, killed in the Battle of Kousséri a few days earlier, it became the capital of the region and nation. During the Second World War, the French relied upon the city's airport to move supplies. On 21 January 1942, a lone German He 111 of the Sonderkommando Blaich bombed the airfield at Fort-Lamy, destroying oil supplies and ten aircraft. Fort-Lamy received its first bank branch in 1950, when the Bank of West Africa opened a branch there.
On April 6, 1973, the President François Tombalbaye changed its name to N’Djamena as part of his authenticité program of Africanization. The city was occupied by Libya during the 1980–81 Libyan intervention as part of the Chadian–Libyan conflict, the associated Transitional Government of National Unity; the city was destroyed during the Chadian Civil War, in 1979 and again in 1980. In these years all of the population fled the town, searching for refuge on the opposite bank of the Chari River in Cameroon, next to the city of Kousseri; the residents did not return until 1981–82, after the end of the clashes. Until 1984, facilities and services were subject to strict rationing, schools remained closed; the period of turmoil in the city was started by the abortive coup attempted by the northerner Prime Minister Hissène Habré against the southerner President Félix Malloum: while Malloum and the national army loyal to him were defeated, the intervention in the battle of other northern factions rival to that of Habré complicated the situation.
A temporary truce was reached in 1979 through international mediation, establishing the warlord Goukouni Oueddei as head of a government of national unity with his rival Habré as Defense Minister. The intense rivalry between Goukouni and Habré caused the eruption of new clashes in the city in 1980; the tug-of-war reached a conclusion after many months only when Goukouni asked for the intervention of the Libyans, whose tanks overwhelmed Habré's defenses in the capital. Following differences between Goukouni and Muammar Gaddafi and international disapproval of Libyan intervention, the Libyan troops left the capital and Chad in 1981; this opened the door to Habré, who marched on N’Djamena, occupying the city with little resistance in 1982 and installing himself as the new president. He was dislodged in a similar fashion in 1990 by a former general of his, Idriss Déby, as of 2016 the head of state of Chad; the city had only 9,976 inhabitants in 1937, but a decade in 1947, the population had doubled to 18,435.
In 1968, after independence, the population reached 126,483. In 1993, it surpassed half a million with 529,555. A good deal of this growth has been due to refugees fleeing into N’Djamena for security, although many people fled N’Djamena depending on the political situation. On April 13, 2006, a rebel United Front for Democratic Change attack on the city was defeated in the Battle of N’Djamena; the city was once again attacked on February 2008, by UFDD and RFC rebels. In N’Djamena, only about twenty- six percent of the area is urbanized. Most residents of Chad live in the capital city, N’Djamena, or the Logone Occidental Region just south of the capital. Just about half of the population is under the age of fifteen. Of these people, it is a uniform divide of females. While the division between genders is the divide among ethnic groups and religion are different. A variety of religions are with a clear Islamic predominance; the main ethnic groups are: Daza, Chadian Arabs, Ngambaye, Kanembu, Kanuri, Kuka and Barma.
N'Djamena's primary economic source is agricultural work. About 80% of the population within N'Djamena works within farming-based industries, including cultivation of crops and growing livestock; the economy in N'Djamena is therefore totally reliant on good weather, making the economy struggle in years with low rainfall. N'Djamena receives financial aid from the World Bank, as well as the African Development Bank. There is a high demand for skilled laborers within N'Djamena to work for oil and gas sectors, as well as laborers for foreign non-governmental organizations, medical services, English teaching. Residents of N'Djamena are liable to pay tax up to a maximum amount of 60% of all net income. N'Djamena is located at 12 ° 6 ′ 47 ″ N 15 ° 2 ′ 57 ″ E, on the confluence of the Logone rivers. While an administrative center, the city includes the Nassara Strip commercial centre and residential areas, such as Mbololo, Paris Congo and Moursal; the main commercial avenue of the city is the Avenue Charles de Gaulle.
N'Djamena has a semi-arid climate with a lengthy dry season. Despite the fact that the city receives on average 510 mm of rain annuall
Kingdom of Kush
The Kingdom of Kush or Kush was an ancient kingdom in Nubia, located at the Sudanese and southern Egyptian Nile Valley. The Kushite era of rule in Nubia was established after the Late Bronze Age collapse and the disintegration of the New Kingdom of Egypt. Kush was centered at Napata during its early phase. After Kashta invaded Egypt in the 8th century BC, the monarchs of Kush were the pharaohs of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty of Egypt, until they were expelled by the Neo-Assyrian Empire under the rule of Esarhaddon a century later. During classical antiquity, the Kushite imperial capital was located at Meroë. In early Greek geography, the Meroitic kingdom was known as Aethiopia; the Kingdom of Kush with its capital at Meroe persisted until the 4th century AD, when it weakened and disintegrated due to internal rebellion. The seat was captured and burnt to the ground by the Kingdom of Aksum. Afterwards the Nubians established the three Christianized, kingdoms of Nobatia and Alodia; the native name of the Kingdom was recorded in Egyptian as k3š pronounced /kuɫuʃ/ or /kuʔuʃ/ in Middle Egyptian when the term is first used for Nubia, based on the New Kingdom-era Akkadian transliteration as the genitive kūsi.
It is an ethnic term for the native population who initiated the kingdom of Kush. The term is displayed in the names of Kushite persons, such as King Kashta. Geographically, Kush referred to the region south of the first cataract in general. Kush was the home of the rulers of the 25th dynasty; the name Kush, since at least the time of Josephus, has been connected with the biblical character Cush, in the Hebrew Bible, son of Ham. Ham had four sons named: Cush, Put and Mizraim. According to the Bible, Nimrod, a son of Cush, was the founder and king of Babylon, Erech and Calneh, in Shinar; the Bible makes reference to someone named Cush, a Benjamite. Some modern scholars, such as Friedrich Delitzsch, have suggested that the biblical Cush might be linked to the Kassites of the Zagros Mountains. Mentuhotep II, the 21st century BC founder of the Middle Kingdom, is recorded to have undertaken campaigns against Kush in the 29th and 31st years of his reign; this is the earliest Egyptian reference to Kush.
Under Thutmose I, Egypt made several campaigns south. This resulted in their annexation of Nubia circa 1504 BC. After the conquest, Kerma culture was Egyptianized, yet rebellions continued for 220 years until c. 1300 BC. During the New Kingdom, Nubia became a key province of the New Kingdom, economically and spiritually. Indeed, major Pharonic ceremonies were held at Jebel Barkal near Napata; as an Egyptian colony from the 16th century BC, Nubia was governed by an Egyptian Viceroy of Kush. With the disintegration of the New Kingdom around 1070 BC, Kush became an independent kingdom centered at Napata in modern northern Sudan; the extent of cultural/political continuity between the Kerma culture and the chronologically succeeding Kingdom of Kush is difficult to determine. The latter polity began to emerge around 500 years after the end of the Kingdom of Kerma. By 1200 BC, Egyptian involvement in the Dongola Reach was nonexistent. By the 8th century BC, the new Kushite kingdom emerged from the Napata region of the upper Dongola Reach.
The first Napatan king, dedicated his sister to the cult of Amun at the rebuilt Kawa temple, while temples were rebuilt at Barkal and Kerma. A Kashta stele at Elephantine, places the Kushites on the Egyptian frontier by the mid-eighteenth century; this first period of the kingdom's history, the'Napatan', was succeeded by the'Meroitic', when the royal cemeteries relocated to Meroe around 300 BC. The Kushites buried their monarchs along with all their courtiers in mass graves. Archaeologists refer to these practices as the "Pan-grave culture"; this was given its name due to the way. They would put stones around them in a circle. Kushites built burial mounds and pyramids, shared some of the same gods worshiped in Egypt Ammon and Isis. With the worshiping of these gods the Kushites began to take some of the names of the gods as their throne names; the Kush rulers were regarded as guardians of the state religion and were responsible for maintaining the houses of the gods. Some scholars believe; the state would redistribute to the people.
Others believe that most of the society worked on the land and required nothing from the state and did not contribute to the state. Northern Kush seemed to be wealthier than the Southern area. Dental trait analysis of fossils dating from the Meroitic period in Semna, found that they were related to Afroasiatic-speaking populations inhabiting the Nile, Horn of Africa and Canary Islands; the Meroitic skeletons and these ancient and recent fossils were phenotypically distinct from those belonging to recent Niger–Congo, Nilo-Saharan and Khoisan-speaking populations in Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as from the Mesolithic inhabitants of Jebel Sahaba in Nubia. Resistance to the early eighteenth Dynasty Egyptian rule by neighbouring Kush is evidenced in the writings of Ahmose, son of Ebana, an Egyptian warrior who served under Nebpehtrya Ahmose, Djeserkara Amenhotep I and Aakheperkara Thutmose I. At the end of the Second Intermediate Period (mid-sixteenth century BC
Second Sudanese Civil War
The Second Sudanese Civil War was a conflict from 1983 to 2005 between the central Sudanese government and the Sudan People's Liberation Army. It was a continuation of the First Sudanese Civil War of 1955 to 1972. Although it originated in southern Sudan, the civil war spread to the Nuba mountains and the Blue Nile, it is one of the longest civil wars on record. The war resulted in the independence of South Sudan. Two million people died as a result of war and disease caused by the conflict. Four million people in southern Sudan were displaced at least once during the war; the civilian death toll is one of the highest of any war since World War II and was marked by a large number of human rights violations. These include mass killings; the Sudanese war is characterized as a fight between the central government expanding and dominating peoples of the periphery, raising allegations of marginalization. Kingdoms and great powers based along the Nile River have fought against the people of inland Sudan for centuries.
Since at least the 18th century, central governments have attempted to regulate and exploit the undeveloped southern and inland Sudan. Some sources describe the conflict as an ethnoreligious one where the Muslim central government's pursuits to impose sharia law on non-Muslim southerners led to violence, to the civil war. Douglas Johnson has pointed to an exploitative governance as the root cause; when the British governed Sudan as a colony they administered the northern and southern provinces separately. The south was held to be more similar to the other east-African colonies — Kenya and Uganda — while northern Sudan was more similar to Arabic-speaking Egypt. Northern Arabs were prevented from holding positions of power in the south with its African traditions, trade was discouraged between the two areas. However, in 1946, the British gave in to northern pressure to integrate the two areas. Arabic was made the language of administration in the south, northerners began to hold positions there.
The southern elite, trained in English, resented the change as they were kept out of their own government. After decolonization most power was given to the northern elites based in Khartoum, causing unrest in the south; the British moved towards granting Sudan independence, but they failed to give enough power to Southern leaders. Southern Sudanese leaders weren't invited to negotiations during the transitional period in the 1950s. In the post-colonial government of 1953, the Sudanization Committee only included 6 southern leaders, though there were some 800 available senior administrative positions; the second war was about natural resources. Between the north and the south lie significant oil fields and thus significant foreign interests; the north wanted to control these resources because they are situated on the edge of the Sahara desert, unsuitable for agricultural development. Oil revenues make up about 70% of Sudan's export earnings, contribute to the development of the country which, unlike the south, does not depend on international aid.
Due to numerous tributaries of the Nile river and heavier precipitation in the south of Sudan they have superior water access and fertile land. There has been a significant amount of death from warring tribes in the south. Most of the conflict has been between Nuer and Dinka but other ethnic groups have been involved; these tribal conflicts have remained after independence. For example, in January 2012 3,000 Murle people were massacred by the Nuer; the first civil war ended with the Addis Ababa Agreement. Part of the agreement gave cultural autonomy to the south; the Addis Ababa Accords were incorporated in the Constitution of Sudan. The first violations occurred when President Jaafar Nimeiry attempted to take control of oil fields straddling the north-south border. Oil had been discovered in Bentiu in 1978, in southern Kurdufan and Upper Blue Nile in 1979, the Unity oilfields in 1980 and Adar oilfields in 1981, in Heglig in 1982. Access to the oil fields meant significant economic benefit to. Islamic fundamentalists in the north had been discontented with the Addis Ababa Agreement, which gave relative autonomy to the non-Islamic majority Southern Sudan Autonomous Region.
The fundamentalists continued to grow in power, in 1983 President Nimeiry declared all Sudan an Islamic state, terminating the Southern Sudan Autonomous Region. The Sudan People's Liberation Army was founded in 1983 as a rebel group, to reestablish an autonomous Southern Sudan by fighting against the central government. While based in Southern Sudan, it identified itself as a movement for all oppressed Sudanese citizens, was led by John Garang; the SPLA campaigned for a United Sudan, criticizing the central government for policies that were leading to national "disintegration". In September 1985 announced the end of the state of emergency and dismantled the emergency courts but soon promulgated a new judiciary act, which continued many of the practices of the emergency courts. Despite Nimeiry's public assurances that the rights of non-Muslims would be respected and other non-Muslims remained suspicious. On 6 April 1985, senior military officers led by Gen. Abdul Rahman Suwar ad-Dahhab mounted a coup.
Among the first acts of the new government was to suspend the 1983 constitution, rescind the decree declaring Sudan's intent to become an Islamic state, disband Nimeiry's Sudan Socialist Union. However, the "September laws" instituting Islamic Sharia law were not sus
Uganda the Republic of Uganda, is a landlocked country in East-Central Africa. It is bordered to the east by Kenya, to the north by South Sudan, to the west by the Democratic Republic of the Congo, to the south-west by Rwanda, to the south by Tanzania; the southern part of the country includes a substantial portion of Lake Victoria, shared with Kenya and Tanzania. Uganda is in the African Great Lakes region. Uganda lies within the Nile basin, has a varied but a modified equatorial climate. Uganda takes its name from the Buganda kingdom, which encompasses a large portion of the south of the country, including the capital Kampala; the people of Uganda were hunter-gatherers until 1,700 to 2,300 years ago, when Bantu-speaking populations migrated to the southern parts of the country. Beginning in 1894, the area was ruled as a protectorate by the UK, who established administrative law across the territory. Uganda gained independence from the UK on 9 October 1962; the period since has been marked by intermittent conflicts, including a lengthy civil war against the Lord's Resistance Army in the Northern Region led by Joseph Kony, which has caused hundreds of thousands of casualties.
The official languages are English and Swahili, although "any other language may be used as a medium of instruction in schools or other educational institutions or for legislative, administrative or judicial purposes as may be prescribed by law." Luganda, a central language, is spoken across the country, several other languages are spoken including Runyoro, Rukiga and Lusoga. The president of Uganda is Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, who came to power in January 1986 after a protracted six-year guerrilla war, he has since eliminated the presidential term limits and the presidential age limit, becoming president for life. The residents of Uganda were hunter-gatherers until 1,700–2,300 years ago. Bantu-speaking populations, who were from central Africa, migrated to the southern parts of the country. According to oral tradition, the Empire of Kitara covered an important part of the great lakes area, from the northern lakes Albert and Kyoga to the southern lakes Victoria and Tanganyika. Bunyoro-Kitara is claimed as the antecedent of the Buganda, Toro and Busoga kingdoms.
Some Luo invaded the area of Bunyoro and assimilated with the Bantu there, establishing the Babiito dynasty of the current Omukama of Bunyoro-Kitara. Arab traders moved inland from the Indian Ocean coast of East Africa in the 1830s, they were followed in the 1860s by British explorers searching for the source of the Nile. British Anglican missionaries arrived in the kingdom of Buganda in 1877 and were followed by French Catholic missionaries in 1879; the British government chartered the Imperial British East Africa Company to negotiate trade agreements in the region beginning in 1888. From 1886, there were a series of religious wars in Buganda between Muslims and Christians and from 1890, between ba-Ingleza Protestants and ba-Fransa Catholics; because of civil unrest and financial burdens, IBEAC claimed that it was unable to "maintain their occupation" in the region. British commercial interests were ardent to protect the trade route of the Nile, which prompted the British government to annex Buganda and adjoining territories to create the Uganda Protectorate in 1894.
In the 1890s, 32,000 labourers from British India were recruited to East Africa under indentured labour contracts to construct the Uganda Railway. Most of the surviving Indians returned home, but 6,724 decided to remain in East Africa after the line's completion. Subsequently, some took control of cotton ginning and sartorial retail. From 1900 to 1920, a sleeping sickness epidemic in the southern part of Uganda, along the north shores of Lake Victoria, killed more than 250,000 people. Uganda gained independence from Britain on 9 October 1962 with Queen Elizabeth II as head of state and Queen of Uganda. In October 1963, Uganda became a republic but maintained its membership in the Commonwealth of Nations; the first post-independence election, held in 1962, was won by an alliance between the Uganda People's Congress and Kabaka Yekka. UPC and KY formed the first post-independence government with Milton Obote as executive prime minister, with the Buganda Kabaka Edward Muteesa II holding the ceremonial position of president.
Uganda's immediate post-independence years were dominated by the relationship between the central government and the largest regional kingdom – Buganda. From the moment the British created the Uganda protectorate, the issue of how to manage the largest monarchy within the framework of a unitary state had always been a problem. Colonial governors had failed to come up with a formula; this was further complicated by Buganda's nonchalant attitude to its relationship with the central government. Buganda never sought independence, but rather appeared to be comfortable with a loose arrangement that guaranteed them privileges above the other subjects within the protectorate or a special status when the British left; this was evidenced in part by hostilities between the British colonial authorities and Buganda prior to independence. Within Buganda there were divisions – between those who wanted the Kabaka to remain a dominant monarch, those who wanted to join with the rest of Uganda to create a modern secular state.
The split resulted in the creation of two dominant Buganda based parties – the Kabaka Yekka KY, the Democratic Party that had roots in the Catholic Church. The bitterness between these two parties was intense especiall
War in Darfur
The War in Darfur nicknamed the Land Cruiser War, is a major armed conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan that began in February 2003 when the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Justice and Equality Movement rebel groups began fighting the government of Sudan, which they accused of oppressing Darfur's non-Arab population. The government responded to attacks by carrying out a campaign of ethnic cleansing against Darfur's non-Arabs; this resulted in the death of hundreds of thousands of civilians and the indictment of Sudan's president, Omar al-Bashir, for genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court. One side of the conflict is composed of the Sudanese military and the Janjaweed, a Sudanese militia group whose members are recruited among Arabized indigenous Africans and a small number of Bedouin of the northern Rizeigat; the other side is made up of rebel groups, notably the SLM/A and the JEM, recruited from the non-Arab Muslim Fur and Masalit ethnic groups.
The African Union and the United Nations have a joint peacekeeping mission in the region, named UNAMID. Although the Sudanese government publicly denies that it supported the Janjaweed, evidence supports claims that it provided financial assistance and weapons and coordinated joint attacks, many against civilians. Estimates of the number of human casualties range up to several hundred thousand dead, from either combat or starvation and disease. Mass displacements and coercive migrations forced millions into refugee camps or across the border, creating a humanitarian crisis. Former US Secretary of State Colin Powell described the situation as a genocide or acts of genocide; the Sudanese government and the JEM signed a ceasefire agreement in February 2010, with a tentative agreement to pursue peace. The JEM could see semi-autonomy much like South Sudan. However, talks were disrupted by accusations that the Sudanese army launched raids and air strikes against a village, violating the Tolu agreement.
The JEM, the largest rebel group in Darfur, vowed to boycott negotiations. Darfur, Arabic for "the home of the Fur", was not a traditional part of the states organized along the upper Nile valley but instead organized as an independent sultanate in the 14th century. Owing to the migration of the Banu Hilal tribe in the 11th century AD, the peoples of the Nile valley became Arabicized while the hinterlands remained closer to native Sudanese cultures, it was first annexed to the Egyptian Sudan in 1875 and surrendered by its governor Slatin Pasha to the Mahdia in 1883. Following the Anglo-Egyptian victory in the Mahdist War, Sultan Ali Dinar was reinstated as a British client before being deposed by a 1916 expedition after he made overtures in favor of Turkey amid the First World War. Subsequently, Darfur remained a province of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the independent Republic of the Sudan. There are several different explanations for the origins of the present conflict. One explanation involves the land disputes between semi-nomadic livestock herders and those who practice sedentary agriculture.
Water access has been identified as a major source of the conflict. The Darfur crisis is related to a second conflict. In southern Sudan, civil war has raged for decades between the northern, Arab-dominated government and Christian and animist black southerners, yet another origin is conflict between the Islamist, Khartoum-based national government and two rebel groups based in Darfur: the Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement. In early 1991, non-Arabs of the Zaghawa tribe of Sudan attested that they were victims of an intensifying Arab apartheid campaign, segregating Arabs and non-Arabs. Sudanese Arabs, who controlled the government, were referred to as practicing apartheid against Sudan's non-Arab citizens; the government was accused of "deftly manipulat Arab solidarity" to carry out policies of apartheid and ethnic cleansing. American University economist George Ayittey accused the Arab government of Sudan of practicing racism against black citizens. According to Ayittey, "In Sudan... the Arabs monopolized power and excluded blacks – Arab apartheid."
Many African commentators joined Ayittey in accusing Sudan of practising Arab apartheid. Alan Dershowitz labeled Sudan an example of a government that "actually deserve" the appellation "apartheid". Former Canadian Minister of Justice Irwin Cotler echoed the accusation. Flint and de Waal marked the onset of the genocide on 26 February 2003, when a group calling itself the Darfur Liberation Front publicly claimed credit for an attack on Golo, the headquarters of Jebel Marra District. Prior to this attack, conflict had broken out, as rebels attacked police stations, army outposts and military convoys and the government engaged in a massive air and land assault on the rebel stronghold in the Marrah Mountains; the rebels' first military action was a successful attack on an army garrison on 25 February 2002. The government had been aware of a unified rebel movement since an attack on the Golo police station in June 2002. Flint and de Waal date the beginning of the rebellion to 21 July 2001, when a group of Zaghawa and Fur met in Abu Gamra and swore oaths on the Qur'an to work together to defend against government-sponsored attacks on their villages.
Nearly all of Darfur's residents are Muslim, including the Janjaweed, as well as government leaders in Khartoum. On 25 March 2003, the rebels seized the garrison town of Tine along the Chadian border, seizing large quantities of supplies and arms. Despite a threat by President Omar al-Bashir to "unleash" the army, the military had little in reserve; the army was deployed in bot
National Umma Party
The National Umma Party is an Islamic centrist political party in Sudan. In August 1944 Sayyid Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, leader of the Ansar, met with senior Congress members and tribal leaders to discuss formation of a pro-independence political party, not associated with Mahdism; the first step taken was the launch of al-Umma. In February 1945 the al-Umma party had been organized and the party's first secretary, Abdullah Khalil, applied for a government license; the constitution made no mention of the Ansar. The only visible link to Abd al-Rahman was the party's reliance on him for funding. However, there were rumors that al-Umma had been created by the government and aimed to place Abd al-Rahman on the throne; these rumors persisted until June 1945, when the government publicly said it would not support a Mahdist monarchy. Sadiq al-Mahdi has been the prominent leader of the faction through much of the last century to the present day. In 2002, 37 elected members split from the National Umma Party and formed the Umma Party led by Mubarak al Fadil al Mahdi, the first cousin of Sadiq al-Mahdi, this party joined the ranks of the National Congress Party Government and stayed in governance until Mubarak al-Fadil was dismissed from office.
The Umma Party further split into four factions and was dissolved to re-join the National Umma Party. All members of the Umma Party were integrated back into the Umma National Party except for Mubarak al-Fadil due to allegations of conspiracy with the State of South Sudan and for spreading slander and false information about colleagues in the National Umma Party and colleagues in the opposition; the most prominent of Umma factions was the Umma Party headed by Mubarak al Fadil al Mahdi, former Interior Minister when the Umma Party was last in power under Sadiq as Prime Minister from 1986 to 1989. Another faction of the Umma Party is led by Information Minister Alzahawi Ibrahim Maalik. Another faction of the Umma Party is led by Dr. al Sadiq al Hadi al Mahdi, the nephew of Mubarak al Fadil and first cousin of Sadiq al Mahdi. Dr al Sadiq is the son of Imam al Hadi al Mahdi who led a faction of the Umma Party that rivaled a faction, led by Sadiq al Mahdi in the 1960s. Dr al Sadiq is an advisor to the President of Sudan.
The Umma Party is part of the current government and has agreed to continue cooperation with Sudan's ruling National Congress Party in the mid-interim period after 2008. The last faction of the Umma Party is the Federal Umma Party, led by Ahmad Babiker Nahar, ex Secretary General of Umma Party who formed his party as a result of being wrongfully fired from post by Mubarak al Fadil, he now serves as the current minister of Environment and Physical Development. Umma Party Sudan Electionnaire