Race and ethnicity in the United States Census
Race and ethnicity in the United States Census, defined by the federal Office of Management and Budget and the United States Census Bureau, are self-identification data items in which residents choose the race or races with which they most identify, indicate whether or not they are of Hispanic or Latino origin. The racial categories represent a social-political construct for the race or races that respondents consider themselves to be and, "generally reflect a social definition of race recognized in this country." OMB defines the concept of race as outlined for the US Census as not "scientific or anthropological" and takes into account "social and cultural characteristics as well as ancestry", using "appropriate scientific methodologies" that are not "primarily biological or genetic in reference." The race categories include both national-origin groups. Race and ethnicity are considered separate and distinct identities, with Hispanic or Latino origin asked as a separate question. Thus, in addition to their race or races, all respondents are categorized by membership in one of two ethnic categories, which are "Hispanic or Latino" and "Not Hispanic or Latino".
However, the practice of separating "race" and "ethnicity" as different categories has been criticized both by the American Anthropological Association and members of US Commission on Civil Rights. In 1997, OMB issued a Federal Register notice regarding revisions to the standards for the classification of federal data on race and ethnicity. OMB developed race and ethnic standards in order to provide "consistent data on race and ethnicity throughout the Federal Government; the development of the data standards stem in large measure from new responsibilities to enforce civil rights laws." Among the changes, OMB issued the instruction to "mark one or more races" after noting evidence of increasing numbers of interracial children and wanting to capture the diversity in a measurable way and having received requests by people who wanted to be able to acknowledge their or their children's full ancestry rather than identifying with only one group. Prior to this decision, the Census and other government data collections asked people to report only one race.
The OMB states, "many federal programs are put into effect based on the race data obtained from the decennial census. Race data are critical for the basic research behind many policy decisions. States require these data to meet legislative redistricting requirements; the data are needed to monitor compliance with the Voting Rights Act by local jurisdictions". "Data on ethnic groups are important for putting into effect a number of federal statutes. Data on Ethnic Groups are needed by local governments to run programs and meet legislative requirements." The 1790 United States Census was the first census in the history of the United States. The population of the United States was recorded as 3,929,214 as of Census Day, August 2, 1790, as mandated by Article I, Section 2 of the United States Constitution and applicable laws."The law required that every household be visited, that completed census schedules be posted in'two of the most public places within, there to remain for the inspection of all concerned...' and that'the aggregate amount of each description of persons' for every district be transmitted to the president."
This law along with U. S. marshals were responsible for governing the census. One third of the original census data has been lost or destroyed since documentation; the data was lost in 1790–1830 time period and included data from: Connecticut, Maryland, New Hampshire, New York, North Carolina, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Delaware, New Jersey, Virginia. Census data included the name of the head of the family and categorized inhabitants as follows: free white males at least 16 years of age, free white males under 16 years of age, free white females, all other free persons, slaves. Thomas Jefferson the Secretary of State, directed marshals to collect data from all thirteen states, from the Southwest Territory; the census was not conducted in Vermont until 1791, after that state's admission to the Union as the 14th state on March 4 of that year. There was some doubt surrounding the numbers, President George Washington and Thomas Jefferson maintained the population was undercounted; the potential reasons Washington and Jefferson may have thought this could be refusal to participate, poor public transportation and roads, spread out population, restraints of current technology.
No microdata from the 1790 population census is available, but aggregate data for small areas and their compatible cartographic boundary files, can be downloaded from the National Historical Geographic Information System. In 1800 and 1810, the age question regarding free white males was more detailed; the 1820
Haida are a nation and ethnic group native to, or otherwise associated with, Haida Gwaii and the Haida language. Haida language, an isolate language, has been spoken across Haida Gwaii and certain islands on the Alaska Panhandle, where it has been spoken for at least 14,000 years. Prior to the 19th century, Haida would speak a number of coastal First Nations languages such as Lingít, Nisg̱a'a and Sm'álgyax. After settlers' arrival and colonisation of the Haida through residential schools, few Haida speak X̱aayda/X̱aad kíl, though there are many efforts to revive the language; the Haida national government, the Council of the Haida Nation, is based in the archipelago of Haida Gwaii in northern British Columbia, Canada. A group known as the Kaigani Haida live across the international border of the Dixon Entrance on Prince of Wales Island in Southeast Alaska, United States; the Kaigani Haida migrated there in the late 18th century. Haida have occupied Haida Gwaii since at least 14,000 BP. Pollen fossils and oral histories both confirm that Haida ancestors were present when the first tree, a Lodgepole pine, arrived at SG̱uuluu Jaads Saahlawaay, the westernmost of the Swan Islands located in Gwaii Haanas.
In British Columbia, the term "Haida Nation" can refer both to Haida people as a whole and their government, the Council of the Haida Nation. While all people of Haida ancestry are entitled to Haida citizenship, the Kaigani are part of the Central Council Tlingit Haida Indian Tribes of Alaska government; the Haida language has sometimes been classified as one of the Na-Dene group, but is considered to be an isolate. Haida society continues to produce a robust and stylized art form, a leading component of Northwest Coast art. While artists have expressed this in large wooden carvings, Chilkat weaving, or ornate jewellery, in the 21st century, younger people are making art in popular expression such as Haida manga. In June 2017, the first feature-length Haida-language film, The Edge of the Knife, was in production with an all-Haida cast; the actors learned some Haida for their performances in the film. Gwaii Edenshaw is the co-screenwriter. Traditional Haida territory spans the current international boundary between British Columbia and Alaska, United States.
Their heartland is the two large and many smaller islands known as Haida Gwaii, which means "island of the people" in Haida. This archipelago was surveyed in 1787 by Captain George Dixon of the British Navy, who named them after one of his ships, the Queen Charlotte, in turn named after Charlotte, queen consort of George III of the United Kingdom; the name "Queen Charlotte Islands" was subsequently "given back" to the Crown in a ceremony between the British Columbia government and the Council of the Haida Nation. Haida live in Southeast Alaska on the southern half of Prince of Wales Island in communities such as Hydaburg, in large cities elsewhere in the region such as Ketchikan. Haida live in various cities in mainland British Columbia and the western United States; the Haida are known for their craftsmanship, trading skills, seamanship. They are thought to practise slavery. Canadian Museum of Civilization anthropologist Diamond Jenness has compared the tribe to Vikings. Oral histories and archaeological evidence indicate that the Haida have occupied Haida Gwaii for more than 17,000 years.
In that time they have established an intimate connection with the islands' lands and oceans, established structured societies, constructed many villages. The Haida have occupied present-day southern Alaska for more than the last 200 years, the modern group having emigrated from Haida Gwaii in the 18th century; the Haida conducted regular trade with Russian, Spanish and American fur traders and whalers. According to sailing records, they diligently maintained strong trade relationships with Westerners, coastal people, among themselves. Like other groups on the Northwest Coast, the Haida defended themselves with fortifications, including palisades and platforms, they took to water in large ocean-going canoes, each created from a single Western red cedar tree, big enough to accommodate as many as 60 paddlers. The aggressive tribe were feared in sea battles, although they did respect rules of engagement in their conflicts; the Haida developed effective weapons for boat-based battle, including a special system of stone rings weighing 18 to 23 kg which could destroy an enemy's dugout canoe and be reused after the attacker pulled it back with the attached cedar bark rope.
The Haida took captives from defeated enemies. Between 1780 and 1830, the Haida turned their aggression towards American traders. Among the half-dozen ships the tribe captured were the Susan Sturgis; the tribe made use of the weapons they so acquired, using canoe-mounted swivel guns. In 1856, an expedition in search of a route across Vancouver Island was at the mouth of the Qualicum River when they observed a large fleet of Haida canoes approaching and hid in the forest, they observed these attackers holding human heads. When the explorers reached the mouth of the river, they came upon the charred remains of the village of the Qualicum people and the mutilated bodies of its inhabitants, with only one survivor, an elderly woman, hiding terrified inside a tree stump. In 1857, the USS Massachusetts was sent from Seattle to nearby Port Gamble, where indigenous raiding parties made up of Haida and
Hydaburg Totem Park
The Hydaburg Totem Park is a city park in the small community of Hydaburg, located on the western side of Prince of Wales Island in southeastern Alaska. The park, created in 1939, contains a collection of preserved and recreated totem poles, based on originals collected from small communities abandoned by the Haida people to form Hydaburg; the old totem poles were brought to the park by crews from the Civilian Conservation Corps, were recreated and preserved under the guidance of Haida master carvers. The park has been the subject of a major restoration effort in the 2010s; the park was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2006. National Register of Historic Places listings in Prince of Wales–Hyder Census Area, Alaska Hydaburg Totem Park at The Living New Deal Project
A census is the procedure of systematically acquiring and recording information about the members of a given population. The term is used in connection with national population and housing censuses; the United Nations defines the essential features of population and housing censuses as "individual enumeration, universality within a defined territory and defined periodicity", recommends that population censuses be taken at least every 10 years. United Nations recommendations cover census topics to be collected, official definitions and other useful information to co-ordinate international practice; the word is of Latin origin: during the Roman Republic, the census was a list that kept track of all adult males fit for military service. The modern census is essential to international comparisons of any kind of statistics, censuses collect data on many attributes of a population, not just how many people there are. Censuses began as the only method of collecting national demographic data, are now part of a larger system of different surveys.
Although population estimates remain an important function of a census, including the geographic distribution of the population, statistics can be produced about combinations of attributes e.g. education by age and sex in different regions. Current administrative data systems allow for other approaches to enumeration with the same level of detail but raise concerns about privacy and the possibility of biasing estimates. A census can be contrasted with sampling in which information is obtained only from a subset of a population. Modern census data are used for research, business marketing, planning, as a baseline for designing sample surveys by providing a sampling frame such as an address register. Census counts are necessary to adjust samples to be representative of a population by weighting them as is common in opinion polling. Stratification requires knowledge of the relative sizes of different population strata which can be derived from census enumerations. In some countries, the census provides the official counts used to apportion the number of elected representatives to regions.
In many cases, a chosen random sample can provide more accurate information than attempts to get a population census. A census is construed as the opposite of a sample as its intent is to count everyone in a population rather than a fraction. However, population censuses rely on a sampling frame to count the population; this is the only way to be sure that everyone has been included as otherwise those not responding would not be followed up on and individuals could be missed. The fundamental premise of a census is that the population is not known and a new estimate is to be made by the analysis of primary data; the use of a sampling frame is counterintuitive as it suggests that the population size is known. However, a census is used to collect attribute data on the individuals in the nation; this process of sampling marks the difference between historical census, a house to house process or the product of an imperial decree, the modern statistical project. The sampling frame used by census is always an address register.
Thus it is not known how many people there are in each household. Depending on the mode of enumeration, a form is sent to the householder, an enumerator calls, or administrative records for the dwelling are accessed; as a preliminary to the dispatch of forms, census workers will check any address problems on the ground. While it may seem straightforward to use the postal service file for this purpose, this can be out of date and some dwellings may contain a number of independent households. A particular problem is what are termed'communal establishments' which category includes student residences, religious orders, homes for the elderly, people in prisons etc; as these are not enumerated by a single householder, they are treated differently and visited by special teams of census workers to ensure they are classified appropriately. Individuals are counted within households and information is collected about the household structure and the housing. For this reason international documents refer to censuses of housing.
The census response is made by a household, indicating details of individuals resident there. An important aspect of census enumerations is determining which individuals can be counted from which cannot be counted. Broadly, three definitions can be used: de facto residence; this is important to consider individuals who have temporary addresses. Every person should be identified uniquely as resident in one place but where they happen to be on Census Day, their de facto residence, may not be the best place to count them. Where an individual uses services may be more useful and this is at their usual, or de jure, residence. An individual may be represented at a permanent address a family home for students or long term migrants, it is necessary to have a precise definition of residence to decide whether visitors to a country should be included in the population count. This is becoming more important as students travel abroad for education for a period of several years. Other groups causing problems of enumeration are new born babies, people away on holiday, people moving home around census day, people without a fixed address.
People having second homes because of working in another part of the country or retaining a holiday cottage are dif
Area code 907
Area code 907 covers the state of Alaska, except for the small southeastern community of Hyder, which uses area codes 236, 250 and 778 of neighboring Stewart, British Columbia. Despite having telephone service to the contiguous US via a terrestrial line from Juneau since 1937, Alaska was not included in the North American Numbering Plan until after the Alaska submarine cable was opened for traffic in 1956; the Alaska numbering plan area was assigned the area code 907, entered service in 1957. The Alaska numbering plan area is geographically the largest of any in the United States, it is the second-largest on the NANP and on the entire North American continent behind 867, which serves Canada's northern territories. Because the Aleutian Islands of Alaska cross longitude 180, the Anti-Meridian, 907 may be considered to be both the farthest west and the farthest east of all area codes in the NANP. Due to Alaska's low population, 907 is one of only 12 remaining area codes serving an entire state.
It is not projected to be exhausted until 2029. Many calls within Alaska are long-distance calls and must be dialed with the leading 1-907, except for cellphone services. Local calls and cellphone calls for long-distance service within Alaska, only require seven-digit dialing. At the time of its creation, area code 907 was one of the two longest area codes to dial on a rotary phone, taking 26 pulses to dial out in an era before the first touch tone phones; this is the same number of pulses as Hawaii's area code 808, introduced the same year. List of NANP area codes NANPA Area Code Map of Alaska List of exchanges from AreaCodeDownload.com, 907 Area Code
To cities, towns, charter townships and boroughs. The term can be used to describe municipally owned corporations. Municipal incorporation occurs when such municipalities become self-governing entities under the laws of the state or province in which they are located; this event is marked by the award or declaration of a municipal charter. A city charter or town charter or municipal charter is a legal document establishing a municipality, such as a city or town. In Canada, charters are granted by provincial authorities; the Corporation of Chennai is the oldest Municipal Corporation in the world after UK. The title "corporation" was used in boroughs from soon after the Norman conquest until the Local Government Act 2001. Under the 2001 act, county boroughs were renamed "cities" and their corporations became "city councils". After the Partition of Ireland, the corporations in the Irish Free State were Dublin, Cork and Waterford and Drogheda, Sligo and Wexford. Dún Laoghaire gained borough status in 1930 as “The Corporation of Dun Laoghaire".
Galway's borough status, lost in 1840, was restored in 1937. The New Zealand Constitution Act 1852 allowed municipal corporations to be established within the new Provinces of New Zealand; the term fell out of favour following the abolition of the Provinces in 1876. In the United States, such municipal corporations are established by charters that are granted either directly by a state legislature by means of local legislation, or indirectly under a general municipal corporation law after the proposed charter has passed a referendum vote of the affected population. Under the enterprise meaning of the term, municipal corporations are "organisations with independent corporate status, managed by an executive board appointed by local government officials, with majority public ownership"; some MOCs rely on revenue from user fees, distinguishing them from agencies and special districts funded through taxation, although this is not always the case. Municipal corporation follows a process of externalization that requires new skills and orientations from the respective local governments, follow common changes in the institutional landscape of public services.
They are argued to be more efficient than bureaucracy but have higher failure rates because of their legal and managerial autonomy. Unincorporated area German town law Municipal incorporationA Brief Summary of Municipal Incorporation Procedures by State - University of Georgia Characteristics and State Requirements for Incorporated Places - United States CensusMunicipal disincorporation / dissolutionDissolving Cities - University of California, Berkeley Municipal Disincorporation in California - California City Finance
Cordova Bay is a bay in the Alexander Archipelago of southeast Alaska. It opens between Cape Muzon on Dall Island and Point Marsh; the name Puerto Cordova y Cordova was given by the Spanish explorer Lieutenant Don Jacinto Caamaño in 1792, in honor of Admiral Luis de Córdova y Córdova. The name was published by George Vancouver in 1798. Cordova Bay is bordered on the west by Dall Island, Long Island, Tlevak Strait, Sukkwan Island, on the east by Prince of Wales Island. Cordova Bay extends west from its mouth to Lime Point, where it connects with Hetta Inlet; the Coast Survey lists the length as about 19 nautical miles from a point between the SE corner of Long Island and Dewey Rocks to Lime Point and an average width of about 3 nautical miles from Ship Islands to Lime Point. Hetta Inlet extends a further 15 nautical miles north, turns east for about 3 nautical miles. Gould Island closes the inlet shortly after it turns east, above this point the inlet is accessible only to small craft. Portage Bay is the portion of the inlet above Gould Island.
The Coast Survey does not consider Tlevak Strait, Hetta Inlet, or Kaigani Strait to be parts of Cordova Bay, but the Geographic Dictionary of Alaska included the latter two, Sukkwan Strait, as parts of the bay. In 2006, the US Supreme Court ruled against a petition by Alaska that would have declared all these waters, including Tlevak Strait, parts of a juridical Cordova Bay. If this petition had been successful it would have put all these waters under state control, rather than the current mix of state and federal jurisdiction. Cordova Bay and Tlevak Strait provide a sheltered route to Bucareli Bay and other points on the west coast of Prince of Wales Island; the Coast Guard has estimated that 150 commercial fishing vessels use this route each week during the summer. The shores of Cordova Bay are a mix of federal land belonging to the Tongass National Forest, private land, a small amount of state-owned land. Much of the eastern shore of the bay is part of the South Prince of Wales Wilderness within the National Forest.
The shoreline of the northeast part of the bay and between Hetta and Klakas inlets, is steep and rocky. South of Hunter Bay, the Prince of Wales shoreline is more gentle, rising to low rolling hills dotted with lakes; the other three large islands have a mixture of mountainous terrain and hills, with low-lying land at some places along the shore. The small city of Hydaburg is situated on the north shore of Sukkwan Strait, it is connected to the Prince-of-Wales road system and provides the only public road access to the bay. It has a seaplane base. Hydaburg was formed in 1911 by consolidation of the three Haida villages on Cordova Bay; these villages were Howkan on the west coast of Long Island, Sukkwan at the northern end of Sukkwan Island, Klinkwan on Prince of Wales Island at the mouth of Hunter Bay. Mining and cannery villages on Hetta Inlet, now all abandoned, were Copper City, Hetta and Sulzer. There were canneries on Hunter Bay and on Rose Inlet. Orca Bay, Alaska called Cordova Bay. Alaska Department of Commerce, Division of community and regional affairs.
Alaska Community Database. Hydaburg Alaska Department of Natural Resources, Prince of Wales Island Area Plan Amendment Maps 4-7 show land ownership around Cordova Bay. Baker, Marcus "Geographic dictionary of Alaska, ed 2" United States Geological Survey Bulletin 299 Office of Coast Survey, NOAA Chapter 6 - Coast Pilot 8 - Edition 32 West Coast of Prince of Wales Island Le Cornu, Adrian "Haida" in Frederick E. Hoxie, ed. Encyclopedia of North American Indians pp 227–228. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt ISBN 0-395-66921-9, ISBN 978-0-395-66921-1 Rey-Tejerina, Arsenio. Cordova in Alaska Section Other places named Cordova A lecture given at the Cordova Museum in summer of 1990, the bicentennial of the naming of the community. Reprinted at Explore North. United States Geological Survey Geographic Names Identification System. Feature Detail Report for: Cordova Bay 546 US_ Alaska v United States 128 Original. Decree entered January 23, 2006 Report of the Special Master March 2004 US Coast and Geodetic Survey United States coast pilot: Alaska.
Dixon Entrance to Yakutat Bay, Part 1 Cordova Bay p 95 ff. US Forest Service interactive Prince of Wales Recreation Map Brown areas are private land, light green is national forest, dark green is wilderness. Van den Brink, J. H; the Haida Indians: cultural change between 1876-1970 Brill Archive. Pp 226–228. Aerial panorama of Cordova Bay US Geological Survey 1908 report including mining at several sites on Hetta Inlet. Bufvers, John History of Mines and prospects, Ketchikan district, prior to 1952 State of Alaska, Department of Natural Resources, Division of Mines and Minerals. Biographical sketch of William Sulzer, developer of the Jumbo copper mine and namesake of the former village of Sulzer, on Hetta Inlet. Coppermount, photograph showing boats and smelter and/or cannery. (Description on the Alaska Digital Archives website says this is a cannery, bu