Niger or the Niger the Republic of the Niger, is a landlocked country in West Africa named after the Niger River. Niger is bordered by Libya to the northeast, Chad to the east, Nigeria to the south, Benin to the southwest, Burkina Faso and Mali to the west, Algeria to the northwest. Niger covers a land area of 1,270,000 km2, making it the largest country in West Africa. Over 80% of its land area lies in the Sahara Desert; the country's predominantly Islamic population of about 21 million live in clusters in the far south and west of the country. The capital city is Niamey, located in Niger's southwest corner. Niger is a developing country, which ranks near the bottom in the United Nations' Human Development Index. Much of the non-desert portions of the country are threatened by periodic drought and desertification; the economy is concentrated around subsistence, with some export agriculture in the more fertile south, export of raw materials uranium ore. Niger faces serious challenges to development due to its landlocked position, desert terrain, inefficient agriculture, high fertility rates without birth control, the resulting overpopulation, the poor educational level and poverty of its people, lack of infrastructure, poor healthcare, environmental degradation.
Nigerien society reflects a diversity drawn from the long independent histories of its several ethnic groups and regions and their short period living in a single state. What is now Niger has been on the fringes of several large states. Since independence, Nigeriens have lived under five constitutions and three periods of military rule. After the military coup in 2010, Niger became a multi-party state. A majority of the population lives in rural areas, have little access to advanced education. Early human settlement in Niger is evidenced by numerous archaeological remains. In prehistoric times, the climate of the Sahara was wet and provided favorable conditions for agriculture and livestock herding in a fertile grassland environment five thousand years ago. In 2005–06, a graveyard in the Ténéré desert was discovered by Paul Sereno, a paleontologist from the University of Chicago, his team discovered 5,000-year-old remains of two children in the Ténéré Desert. The evidence along with remains of animals that do not live in desert are among the strongest evidence of the'green' Sahara in Niger.
It is believed that progressive desertification around 5000 BC pushed sedentary populations to the south and south-east. By at least the 5th century BC, Niger had become an area of trans-Saharan trade, led by the Berber tribes from the north, who used camels as a well-adapted means of transportation through the desert; this trade made Agadez a pivotal place of the trans-Saharan trade. This mobility, which would continue in waves for several centuries, was accompanied with further migration to the south and interbreeding between southern black and northern white populations, it was aided by the introduction of Islam to the region at the end of the 7th century. Several empires and kingdoms flourished during this era, up to the beginning of colonization in Africa; the Songhai Empire was an empire bearing the name of its main ethnic group, the Songhai or Sonrai, located in western Africa on the bend of the Niger River in present-day Niger and Burkina Faso. In the 7th century, Songhai tribes settled down north of modern-day Niamey and founded the Songhai city-states of Koukia and Gao.
By the 11th century, Gao had become the capital of the Songhai Empire. From 1000 to 1325, The Songhai Empire prospered and managed to maintain peace with its neighboring empires including the Mali Empire. In 1325 the Songhai Empire was conquered by the Mali Empire but was freed in 1335 by prince Ali Kolen and his brother, Songhai princes held captive by Moussa Kankan, the ruler of the Mali Empire. From the mid-15th to the late 16th century, Songhai was one of the largest Islamic empires in history. Between the Niger River and Lake Chad lay Hausa kingdoms and fertile areas; these kingdoms flourished from the mid-14th century up until the early 19th century, when they were conquered by Usman dan Fodio, founder of the Sokoto Empire. The Hausa kingdoms were not a compact entity but several federations of kingdoms more or less independent of one other, their organization was somewhat democratic: the Hausa kings were elected by the notables of the country and could be removed by them. The Hausa Kingdoms began as seven states founded according to the Bayajidda legend by the six sons of Bawo.
Bawo was the only son of the Hausa queen Bayajidda or who came from Baghdad. The seven original Hausa states were: Daoura, Rano, Gobir and Biram; the Mali Empire was a Mandinka empire founded by Sundiata Keita circa 1230 that existed up to 1600. At its peak circa 1350, the empire extended as far west as Senegal and Guinee Conakry and as far east as western Niger; the Kanem-Bornu Empire was an empire that existed in modern-day Chad, Cameroon and Libya. The empire first existed and prospered as the Kanem Empire as early as the 9th century and as the Kingdom of Bornu until 1900. In the 19th century, contact with Europe began with the first European explorers—notably Monteil and Barth —to travel to Niger. Following the 1885 Berlin conference during which colonial powers outlined the division of Africa into colonial spheres, French military efforts to conquer existing African states were intensified in all French colo
Hamani Diori was the first President of the Republic of Niger. He was appointed to that office in 1960. Although corruption was a common feature of his administration, he gained international respect for his role as a spokesman for African affairs and as a popular arbitrator in conflicts, his rule ended with a coup in 1974. Born in Soudouré, near the capital, Diori was the son of a public health officer in the French colonial administration, he attended William Ponty Teachers' Training College in Dakar and worked as a teacher in Niger from 1936 to 1938 became a Hausa and Djerma foreign language instructor at the Institute of Study Abroad, in Paris. In 1946, while working as the headmaster of a school in Niger’s capital city of Niamey, he became one of the founders of the Nigerien Progressive Party, a regional branch of the African Democratic Rally; that year, he was elected to the French National Assembly. In the 1951 election, Diori was defeated by political rival Djibo Bakary, he was again elected to the assembly in 1956, was chosen deputy-speaker.
In 1958, after a referendum that granted Niger self-government, Diori became president of the provisional government. He became Prime Minister of the republic in 1959. During this period, the French government banned all political parties except the PPN making Niger a one-party state. Niger gained independence from France on 3 August 1960 and Diori was elected president by the country's national assembly in November 1960. Organizing a powerful coalition of Hausa and Djerma leaders, including chiefs and traditionalists, in support of Niger’s independence referendum, Diori gained French favor. Soon after independence, Diori made the PPN to be the only permitted party, his government favored the maintenance of traditional social structures and the retention of close economic ties with France. From the early 1960s, he ruled through a small number of pre-independence figures who sat on the PPN Politburo and bypassed the cabinet. In addition to being both president of the republic and president of the PPN, Diori directly led a number of Ministries.
From 1960 to 1963 he served as his own defence minister and foreign minister, again took over the Foreign Ministry from 1965 to 1967. Most prominent, most powerful, among Diori's advisers was writer and President of the National Assembly of Niger, Boubou Hama, who one writer has called the "eminence grise" behind Diori's rule; the National Assembly of Niger met in ceremonial yearly sittings to ratify government positions. Traditional notables, elected as parliamentary representatives unanimously endorsed government proposals; as president of the PPN, Diori was the only candidate for president of the republic, as such was re-elected unopposed in 1965 and 1970. He gained worldwide respect for his role as a spokesman for African affairs and as a popular arbitrator in conflicts involving other African nations. Domestically, his administration was rife with corruption, the government was unable to implement much-needed reforms or to alleviate the widespread famine brought on by the Sahelian drought of the early 1970s.
Criticized at home for his negligence in domestic matters, Diori put down a coup in December 1963, which occurred concurrently with a border dispute with the Republic of Dahomey. He narrowly escaped assassination in 1965. Faced with an attempted military coup and attacks by members of Sawaba, he used French advisers and troops to strengthen his rule. Close links with France lead to student and union protests against what they described as "French neocolonialism". However, his relationship with France suffered when his government voiced dissatisfaction with the level of investment in uranium production when Georges Pompidou visited Niger in 1972. Widespread civil disorder followed allegations that some government ministers were misappropriating stocks of food aid and accused Diori of consolidating power. Diori limited cabinet appointments to fellow Djerma, family members, close friends. In addition, he acquired new powers by declaring himself the minister of foreign and defense affairs. On 15 April 1974, Lieutenant colonel Seyni Kountché led a military coup.
He was imprisoned for six years. After his release in 1980, he remained under house arrest until 1987. After being released from house arrest, he moved to Morocco, where he died on 23 April 1989 at the age of 72. Appiah, Kwame Anthony & Gates Jr, Henry Louis: Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience: Basic Civitas Books: New York: 1999 André Salifou. Hamani Diori. Pp. 67–97 in La francophonie des "Pères fondateurs", Papa Alioune Ndao. Paris: KARTHALA Editions, ISBN 2-8111-0036-9 page on the French National Assembly website
Central Intelligence Agency
The Central Intelligence Agency is a civilian foreign intelligence service of the federal government of the United States, tasked with gathering and analyzing national security information from around the world through the use of human intelligence. As one of the principal members of the United States Intelligence Community, the CIA reports to the Director of National Intelligence and is focused on providing intelligence for the President and Cabinet of the United States. Unlike the Federal Bureau of Investigation, a domestic security service, the CIA has no law enforcement function and is focused on overseas intelligence gathering, with only limited domestic intelligence collection. Though it is not the only agency of the Federal government of the United States specializing in HUMINT, the CIA serves as the national manager for coordination of HUMINT activities across the U. S. intelligence community. Moreover, the CIA is the only agency authorized by law to carry out and oversee covert action at the behest of the President.
It exerts foreign political influence through its tactical divisions, such as the Special Activities Division. Before the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004, the CIA Director concurrently served as the head of the Intelligence Community. Despite transferring some of its powers to the DNI, the CIA has grown in size as a result of the September 11 attacks. In 2013, The Washington Post reported that in fiscal year 2010, the CIA had the largest budget of all IC agencies, exceeding previous estimates; the CIA has expanded its role, including covert paramilitary operations. One of its largest divisions, the Information Operations Center, has shifted focus from counter-terrorism to offensive cyber-operations; when the CIA was created, its purpose was to create a clearinghouse for foreign policy intelligence and analysis. Today its primary purpose is to collect, analyze and disseminate foreign intelligence, to perform covert actions. According to its fiscal 2013 budget, the CIA has five priorities: Counterterrorism, the top priority Nonproliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction.
Warning/informing American leaders of important overseas events. Counterintelligence Cyber intelligence; the CIA has an executive office and five major directorates: The Directorate of Digital Innovation The Directorate of Analysis The Directorate of Operations The Directorate of Support The Directorate of Science and Technology The Director of the Central Intelligence Agency is appointed by the President with Senate confirmation and reports directly to the Director of National Intelligence. The Deputy Director is formally appointed by the Director without Senate confirmation, but as the President's opinion plays a great role in the decision, the Deputy Director is considered a political position, making the Chief Operating Officer the most senior non-political position for CIA career officers; the Executive Office supports the U. S. military by providing it with information it gathers, receiving information from military intelligence organizations, cooperates on field activities. The Executive Director is in charge of the day-to-day operation of the CIA.
Each branch of the military service has its own Director. The Associate Director of military affairs, a senior military officer, manages the relationship between the CIA and the Unified Combatant Commands, who produce and deliver to the CIA regional/operational intelligence and consume national intelligence produced by the CIA; the Directorate of Analysis, through much of its history known as the Directorate of Intelligence, is tasked with helping "the President and other policymakers make informed decisions about our country's national security" by looking "at all the available information on an issue and organiz it for policymakers". The Directorate has four regional analytic groups, six groups for transnational issues, three that focus on policy and staff support. There is an office dedicated to Iraq; the Directorate of Operations is responsible for collecting foreign intelligence, for covert action. The name reflects its role as the coordinator of human intelligence activities between other elements of the wider U.
S. intelligence community with their own HUMINT operations. This Directorate was created in an attempt to end years of rivalry over influence and budget between the United States Department of Defense and the CIA. In spite of this, the Department of Defense organized its own global clandestine intelligence service, the Defense Clandestine Service, under the Defense Intelligence Agency; this Directorate is known to be organized by geographic regions and issues, but its precise organization is classified. The Directorate of Science & Technology was established to research and manage technical collection disciplines and equipment. Many of its innovations were transferred to other intelligence organizations, or, as they became more overt, to the military services. For example, the development of the U-2 high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft was done in cooperation with the United States Air
Ibrahim Baré Maïnassara
Colonel Ibrahim Baré Maïnassara was a military officer in Niger who seized power in a January 1996 coup d'état and ruled the country until his assassination during the military coup of April 1999. Maïnassara, a member of Niger's Hausa ethnic majority, was born in Dogondutchi in 1949, pursued a military career. Maïnassara was named Army Chief of Staff in March 1995, under a constitution which had moved Niger from military rule in 1991. Parliamentary elections in January 1995 resulted in cohabitation between President Mahamane Ousmane and a parliament controlled by his opponents, led by Prime Minister Hama Amadou. Rivalry between Ousmane and Amadou paralyzed the government, Maïnassara seized power on January 27, 1996, pointing to the difficult political situation as justification. Under Maïnassara's rule, a new constitution was approved by referendum in May 1996, a presidential election was held on July 7–8, 1996. Maïnassara took about 52% of the vote, but the election was viewed as fraudulent.
On the second day of polling he had the electoral commission dissolved and replaced it with another electoral commission. Maïnassara was sworn in on August 7; the National Union of Independents for Democratic Renewal was established in 1996 to support Maïnassara in that year's elections, but subsequently the Rally for Democracy and Progress-Jama'a was established as the ruling party. With the constitution barring presidents from leading parties, Hamid Algabid became leader of the RDP-Jama'a in August 1997. Local elections were held in February 1999, in early April the Supreme Court released results which showed the opposition winning more seats than Maïnassara's supporters; the opposition called for protests against the cancellation of results on April 8. On April 9, 1999, Maïnassara was ambushed and shot to death by soldiers members of the Presidential Guard, at the airport in the capital city of Niamey as he was going to board a helicopter attempting to flee the country; the circumstances of the killing were not clear.
His death was described as an "unfortunate accident", but this claim was considered implausible. Coup leader Daouda Malam Wanké succeeded him as head of state and initiated a political transition that ended with elections late in the year; the constitution adopted in a July 1999 referendum provides for an amnesty for participants in both the 1996 and 1999 coups. An investigation into Maïnassara's death had begun in June 1999, but following the amnesty it was ended in September; the RDP-Jama'a has demanded an international inquiry into his death in the years since
Maman Sambo Sidikou
Maman Sambo Sidikou is a diplomat and a former Nigerien politician. Is the head of the Permanent Secretariat of the G5 Sahel, he was appointed by the G5 Sahel heads of State at their summit in Niamey, Niger on 6 February 2018. Prior to his current appointment, Ambassador Sidikou served as the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Representative for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Head of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo from October 2015 until 31 January 2018. Before Mr. Sidikou served as the Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission for Somalia and Head of the African Union Mission in Somalia between 2014 and 2015. Broadly, Mr. Sidikou, a Nigerien, has vast diplomatic and public service experience, with more than 25 years in his country’s domestic and Foreign Services as well as with international organizations including the United Nations and the African Union. Mr. Sidikou served in various senior capacities in his Government’s Service since 1976, most as Ambassador of Niger to the United States.
In 1999, he served as Chief of Staff of the President of the Republic of Niger with ministerial rank and from 1997 to 1999 as Niger’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and African Integration. He served as the Chief of Staff of the Prime Minister and Director for the National Television within the Ministry of Information. Between 1999 and 2011, Mr. Sidikou worked for the World Bank in Washington DC. Trained as a journalist, Mr. Sidikou studied degree Political Science in Madrid and holds a PhD in Education from Florida State University. Https://www.un.org/press/en/2015/sga1596.doc.htm https://monusco.unmissions.org/en/portrait-maman-sambo-sidikou https://www.africaintelligence.fr/lc-/hommes-de-pouvoir/2018/06/20/le-monsieur-g5-sahel-maman-sambo-sidikou-sensibilise-rabat,108314288-art https://www.jeuneafrique.com/561417/politique/g5-sahel-pour-une-prosperite-partagee/ https://www.g5sahel.org/documentations/discours/1287-mot-du-secretaire-permanent-sidikou
Mahamadou Issoufou is a Nigerien politician, President of Niger since 7 April 2011. Issoufou was the Prime Minister of Niger from 1993 to 1994, President of the National Assembly from 1995 to 1996, he has been a candidate in each presidential election since 1993, he led the Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism, a social democratic party, from its foundation in 1990 until his election as President of Niger in 2011. During the Presidency of Mamadou Tandja, Issoufou was the main opposition leader. Issoufou, an ethnic Hausa, was born in the town of Dandaji in Tahoua Department. An engineer by trade, he served as National Director of Mines from 1980 to 1985 before becoming Secretary-General of the Mining Company of Niger, he is married to Aïssata Issoufou Mahamadou, a chemist, to second wife, Dr. Malika Issoufou Mahamadou, a physician. In February 1993, the country's first multiparty legislative and presidential elections were held. In the parliamentary election, Issoufou's party, the PNDS, won 13 seats in the National Assembly, Issoufou himself won a seat as a PNDS candidate in Tahoua constituency.
Together with other opposition parties, the PNDS joined a coalition, the Alliance of the Forces of Change. This coalition held the majority of the newly elected seats in the National Assembly. In February 1993, Issoufou ran as the PNDS candidate in the presidential election, he placed third. The AFC supported second-place finisher Mahamane Ousmane for president in the second round of the election, held on 27 March. Ousmane won the election, defeating Tandja Mamadou, the candidate of the National Movement of the Development Society. On 28 September 1994, Issoufou resigned in response to a decree from Ousmane a week earlier that weakened the powers of the prime minister, the PNDS withdrew from the governing coalition; as a result, the coalition lost its parliamentary majority and Ousmane called a new parliamentary election to be held in January 1995. Issoufou and the PNDS forged an alliance with their old opponents, the MNSD, in the January 1995 election that alliance won a slight majority of seats.
The opposition's victory in the election led to cohabitation between President Ousmane and a government, backed by a parliamentary majority, that opposed him. With the dispute between President Ousmane and the government deepening, on 26 January 1996 Issoufou requested that the Supreme Court remove Ousmane from office for alleged incapacity to govern. A day on 27 January 1996, Ibrahim Baré Maïnassara seized power in a military coup. Issoufou, along with President Ousmane and Prime Minister Hama Amadou, was arrested and subsequently placed under house arrest until April 1996, they were all put on television by the military regime in February 1996 to endorse the official view that the coup was caused by flaws in the political system and that changes in the system were needed. Issoufou placed fourth in the flawed and controversial 7–8 July 1996 presidential election that gave Maïnassara an outright victory. Along with the three other opposition candidates, Issoufou was placed under house arrest on the second day of polling and held for two weeks.
Afterward, he refused to meet with Maïnassara, unsuccessfully appealed to the Supreme Court for the election to be annulled, the PNDS called for demonstrations. On 26 July he was again placed under house arrest, along with another leading PNDS member, Mohamed Bazoum. Following a pro-democracy demonstration on 11 January 1997, Issoufou was arrested along with Ousmane and Tandja and held until 23 January. Maïnassara was killed in another military coup in April 1999, new elections were held in late in the year. In the first round of the presidential election, held in October, Issoufou placed second, winning 22.79% of the vote. He was defeated by Tandja Mamadou in the November run-off, capturing 40.11% of the vote compared to Tandja's 59.89%. He was backed in the second round by the unsuccessful first round candidates Hamid Algabid, Moumouni Adamou Djermakoye, Ali Djibo, while Tandja received Ousmane's support. After the announcement of the provisional results showing Tandja's victory, Issoufou accepted them and congratulated Tandja.
In the November 1999 parliamentary election, Issoufou was again elected to the National Assembly as a PNDS candidate in Tahoua constituency. In a repeat of the 1999 election, Issoufou placed second behind incumbent Tandja in the 2004 presidential election, winning 24.60% of the vote. He was defeated in the run-off, winning 34.47% of the vote to Tandja's 65.53%. Issoufou, who targeted corruption in his campaign, accused Tandja of using state funds for his own campaign, along with other accusations of electoral misconduct, said that the election was not as transparent as the 1999 election. In the December 2004 parliamentary election, Issoufou was re-elected to the National Assembly as a PNDS candidate in Tahoua constituency. In 2009, the PNDS opposed Tandja's efforts to hold a referendum on the creation of a new constitution that would allow him to run for re-election indefinitely. At an opposition rally in Niamey on 9 May 2009, Issoufou accused Tandja of seeking "a new constitution to stay in power forever" and the establishment of "a dictatorshi
Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti was President of Iraq from 16 July 1979 until 9 April 2003. A leading member of the revolutionary Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, the Baghdad-based Ba'ath Party and its regional organization the Iraqi Ba'ath Party—which espoused Ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and socialism—Saddam played a key role in the 1968 coup that brought the party to power in Iraq; as vice president under the ailing General Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, at a time when many groups were considered capable of overthrowing the government, Saddam created security forces through which he controlled conflicts between the government and the armed forces. In the early 1970s, Saddam nationalized oil and foreign banks leaving the system insolvent due to the Iran–Iraq War, the Gulf War, UN sanctions. Through the 1970s, Saddam cemented his authority over the apparatus of government as oil money helped Iraq's economy to grow at a rapid pace. Positions of power in the country were filled with Sunni Arabs, a minority that made up only a fifth of the population.
Saddam formally rose to power in 1979, although he had been the de facto head of Iraq for several years. He suppressed several movements Shi'a and Kurdish movements which sought to overthrow the government or gain independence and maintained power during the Iran–Iraq War and the Gulf War. Whereas some in the Arab world lauded Saddam for opposing the United States and attacking Israel, he was condemned for the brutality of his dictatorship; the total number of Iraqis killed by the security services of Saddam's government in various purges and genocides is conservatively estimated to be 250,000, or liberally estimated at 1.5 million. Saddam's invasions of Iran and Kuwait resulted in hundreds of thousands of deaths, he acquired the title "Butcher of Baghdad". In 2003, a coalition led by the United States invaded Iraq to depose Saddam, in which U. S. President George W. Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair falsely accused him of possessing weapons of mass destruction and having ties to al-Qaeda.
Saddam's Ba'ath party was disbanded and elections were held. Following his capture on 13 December 2003, the trial of Saddam took place under the Iraqi Interim Government. On 5 November 2006, Saddam was convicted by an Iraqi court of crimes against humanity related to the 1982 killing of 148 Iraqi Shi'a, sentenced to death by hanging, he was executed on 30 December 2006. Before he was born, cancer killed both Saddam's brother; these deaths so depressed Saddam's mother that she attempted to abort her pregnancy and commit suicide. When her son was born, Sabha "would have nothing to do with him", Saddam was taken in by an uncle, his mother remarried, Saddam gained three half-brothers through this marriage. His stepfather, Ibrahim al-Hassan, treated Saddam harshly after his return. At about age 10, Saddam fled the family and returned to live in Baghdad with his uncle Kharaillah Talfah. Talfah, the father of Saddam's future wife, was a devout Sunni Muslim and a veteran of the 1941 Anglo-Iraqi War between Iraqi nationalists and the United Kingdom, which remained a major colonial power in the region.
In his life relatives from his native Tikrit became some of his closest advisors and supporters. Under the guidance of his uncle he attended a nationalistic high school in Baghdad. After secondary school Saddam studied at an Iraqi law school for three years, dropping out in 1957 at the age of 20 to join the revolutionary pan-Arab Ba'ath Party, of which his uncle was a supporter. During this time, Saddam supported himself as a secondary school teacher. Revolutionary sentiment was characteristic throughout the Middle East. In Iraq progressives and socialists assailed traditional political elites. Moreover, the pan-Arab nationalism of Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt profoundly influenced young Ba'athists like Saddam; the rise of Nasser foreshadowed a wave of revolutions throughout the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s, with the collapse of the monarchies of Iraq and Libya. Nasser inspired nationalists throughout the Middle East by fighting the British and the French during the Suez Crisis of 1956, modernizing Egypt, uniting the Arab world politically.
In 1958, a year after Saddam had joined the Ba'ath party, army officers led by General Abd al-Karim Qasim overthrew Faisal II of Iraq in the 14 July Revolution. Of the 16 members of Qasim's cabinet, 12 were Ba'ath Party members. To strengthen his own position within the government, Qasim created an alliance with the Iraqi Communist Party, opposed to any notion of pan-Arabism; that year, the Ba'ath Party leadership was planning to assassinate Qasim. Saddam was a leading member of the operation. At the time, the Ba'ath Party was more of an ideological experiment than a strong anti-government fighting machine; the majority of its members were either educated professionals or students, Saddam fit the bill. The choice of Saddam was, according to historian Con Coughlin, "hardly surprising"; the idea of assassinating Qasim may have been Nasser's, there is speculation that some of those who participated in the operation received training in Damascus, part of the UAR. However, "no evidence has been produced to implicate Nasser directly in the plot."
The assassination attempt was conceived as revenge for communist massacres that killed h