In linguistics, grammar is the set of structural rules governing the composition of clauses and words in any given natural language. The term refers to the study of such rules, this field includes phonology and syntax complemented by phonetics and pragmatics. Speakers of a language have a set of internalized rules for using that language, these rules constitute that language's grammar; the vast majority of the information in the grammar is – at least in the case of one's native language – acquired not by conscious study or instruction, but by observing other speakers. Much of this work is done during early childhood. Thus, grammar is the cognitive information underlying language use; the term "grammar" can be used to describe the rules that govern the linguistic behavior of a group of speakers. The term "English grammar", may have several meanings, it may refer to the whole of English grammar, that is, to the grammars of all the speakers of the language, in which case, the term encompasses a great deal of variation.
Alternatively, it may refer only to what is common to the grammars of all, or of the vast majority of English speakers. Or it may refer to the rules of a particular well-defined variety of English. A specific description, study or analysis of such rules may be referred to as a grammar. A reference book describing the grammar of a language is called a "reference grammar" or "a grammar". A explicit grammar that exhaustively describes the grammatical constructions of a particular lect is called a descriptive grammar; this kind of linguistic description contrasts with linguistic prescription, an attempt to discourage or suppress some grammatical constructions, while codifying and promoting others, either in an absolute sense, or in reference to a standard variety. For example, preposition stranding occurs in Germanic languages, has a long history in English, is considered standard usage. John Dryden, objected to it, leading other English speakers to avoid the construction and discourage its use. Outside linguistics, the term grammar is used in a rather different sense.
In some respects, it may be used more broadly, including rules of spelling and punctuation, which linguists would not consider to form part of grammar, but rather as a part of orthography, the set of conventions used for writing a language. In other respects, it may be used more narrowly, to refer to a set of prescriptive norms only and excluding those aspects of a language's grammar that are not subject to variation or debate on their normative acceptability. Jeremy Butterfield claimed that, for non-linguists, "Grammar is a generic way of referring to any aspect of English that people object to." The word grammar is derived from Greek γραμματικὴ τέχνη, which means "art of letters", from γράμμα, "letter", itself from γράφειν, "to draw, to write". The same Greek root appears in graphics and photograph. Vedic Sanskrit is the earliest language known to the world; the grammatical rules were formulated by Indra, etc. but the modern systematic grammar, of Sanskrit, originated in Iron Age India, with Yaska, Pāṇini and his commentators Pingala and Patanjali.
Tolkāppiyam, the earliest Tamil grammar, is dated to before the 5th century AD. The Babylonians made some early attempts at language description,In the West, grammar emerged as a discipline in Hellenism from the 3rd century BC forward with authors like Rhyanus and Aristarchus of Samothrace; the oldest known grammar handbook is the Art of Grammar, a succinct guide to speaking and writing and written by the ancient Greek scholar Dionysius Thrax, a student of Aristarchus of Samothrace who established a school on the Greek island of Rhodes. Dionysius Thrax's grammar book remained the primary grammar textbook for Greek schoolboys until as late as the twelfth century AD; the Romans based their grammatical writings on it and its basic format remains the basis for grammar guides in many languages today. Latin grammar developed by following Greek models from the 1st century BC, due to the work of authors such as Orbilius Pupillus, Remmius Palaemon, Marcus Valerius Probus, Verrius Flaccus, Aemilius Asper.
A grammar of Irish originated in the 7th century with the Auraicept na n-Éces. Arabic grammar emerged with Abu al-Aswad al-Du'ali in the 7th century; the first treatises on Hebrew grammar appeared in the context of Mishnah. The Karaite tradition originated in Abbasid Baghdad; the Diqduq is one of the earliest grammatical commentaries on the Hebrew Bible. Ibn Barun in the 12th century compares the Hebrew language with Arabic in the Islamic grammatical tradition. Belonging to the trivium of the seven liberal arts, grammar was taught as a core discipline throughout the Middle Ages, following the influence of authors from Late Antiquity, such as Priscian. Treatment of vernaculars began during the High Middle Ages, with isolated works such as the First Grammatical Treatise, but became influential only in the Renaissance and Baroque periods. In 1486, Antonio de Nebrija published Las introduciones Latinas contrapuesto el romance al Latin, the first Spanish grammar, Gramática de la lengua castellana, in 1492.
During the 16th-century Italian Ren
Zapatista Army of National Liberation
The Zapatista Army of National Liberation referred to as the Zapatistas, is a far-left libertarian-socialist political and militant group that controls a large amount of territory in Chiapas, the southernmost state of Mexico. Since 1994 the group has been in a declared war against the Mexican state, against military and corporate incursions into Chiapas; this war has been defensive. In recent years, the EZLN has focused on a strategy of civil resistance; the Zapatistas' main body is made up of rural indigenous people, but it includes some supporters in urban areas and internationally. The EZLN's main spokesperson is Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano known as Subcomandante Marcos. Unlike other Zapatista spokespeople, Marcos is not an indigenous Maya; the group takes its name from Emiliano Zapata, the agrarian reformer and commander of the Liberation Army of the South during the Mexican Revolution, sees itself as his ideological heir. Nearly all EZLN villages contain murals with images of Zapata, Ernesto "Che" Guevara, Subcomandante Marcos.
While EZLN ideology reflects libertarian socialism, the Zapatistas have rejected and defied political classification, retaining its distinctiveness due in part to the importance of indigenous Mayan beliefs to the Zapatistas. The EZLN aligns itself with the wider alter-globalization, anti-neoliberal social movement, seeking indigenous control over their local resources land. Since their 1994 uprising was countered by the Mexican army, the EZLN has abstained from military offensives and adopted a new strategy that attempts to garner Mexican and international support; the Zapatistas describe themselves as a decentralized organization. The pseudonymous Subcommandante Marcos is considered its leader despite his claims that the group has no single leader. Political decisions are decided in community assemblies. Military and organizational matters are decided by the Zapatista area elders who compose the General Command. Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional was founded on November 17, 1983, by non-indigenous members of the FLN guerrilla group from Mexico's urban north and by indigenous inhabitants of the remote Las Cañadas/Selva Lacandona regions in eastern Chiapas, by members of former rebel movements.
Over the years, the group grew, building on social relations among the indigenous base and making use of an organizational infrastructure created by peasant organizations and the Catholic church. The Zapatista Army went public on January 1, 1994, the day when the North American Free Trade Agreement came into effect. On that day, they issued their First Revolutionary Laws from the Lacandon Jungle; the declaration amounted to a declaration of war on the Mexican government, which they considered so out of touch with the will of the people as to make it illegitimate. The EZLN stressed that it opted for armed struggle due to the lack of results achieved through peaceful means of protest, their initial goal was to instigate a revolution against the rise of neoliberalism throughout Mexico, but since no such revolution occurred, they used their uprising as a platform to call the world's attention to their movement to protest the signing of the EU, which the EZLN believed would increase the gap between rich and poor people in Chiapas—a prediction affirmed by subsequent developments.
Gaining attention on a global level through their convention called the Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and Against Neoliberalism, attended by 3,000 activists worldwide, the Zapatistas were able to help initiate a united platform for other anti-neoliberal groups. This project did not detract from the Zapatistas' national activism efforts, but rather expanded their existent ideologies; the EZLN called for greater democratization of the Mexican government, controlled by the Partido Revolucionario Institucional for 65 years, for land reform mandated by the 1917 Constitution of Mexico but ignored by the PRI. The EZLN did not demand independence from Mexico, but rather autonomy in the form of land access and use of natural resources extracted from Chiapas, as well as protection from despotic violence and political inclusion of Chiapas' indigenous communities. On the morning of January 1, 1994, an estimated 3,000 armed Zapatista insurgents seized towns and cities in Chiapas, including Ocosingo, Las Margaritas, Huixtán, Rancho Nuevo and Chanal.
They freed the prisoners in the jail of San Cristóbal de las Casas and set fire to several police buildings and military barracks in the area. The guerrillas enjoyed brief success, but Mexican army forces counterattacked the next day, fierce fighting broke out in and around the market of Ocosingo; the Zapatista forces retreated from the city into the surrounding jungle. Armed clashes in Chiapas ended on January 12, with a ceasefire brokered by the Catholic diocese in San Cristóbal de las Casas under Bishop Samuel Ruiz, a well known liberation theologian who had taken up the cause of the indigenous people of Chiapas; the Zapatistas retained some of the land for a little over a year, but in February 1995 the Mexican army overran that territory in a surprise breach of ceasefire. Following this offensive, the Zapatista villages were abandoned, the rebels fled to the mo
Pragmatics is a subfield of linguistics and semiotics that studies the ways in which context contributes to meaning. Pragmatics encompasses speech act theory, conversational implicature, talk in interaction and other approaches to language behavior in philosophy, sociology and anthropology. Unlike semantics, which examines meaning, conventional or "coded" in a given language, pragmatics studies how the transmission of meaning depends not only on structural and linguistic knowledge of the speaker and listener, but on the context of the utterance, any pre-existing knowledge about those involved, the inferred intent of the speaker, other factors. In this respect, pragmatics explains how language users are able to overcome apparent ambiguity, since meaning relies on the manner, time, etc. of an utterance. The ability to understand another speaker's intended meaning is called pragmatic competence; the word pragmatics derives via Latin pragmaticus from the Greek πραγματικός, meaning amongst others "fit for action", which comes from πρᾶγμα, "deed, act", that from πράσσω, "to do, to act, to pass over, to practise, to achieve".
Pragmatics was a reaction to structuralist linguistics. In many cases, it expanded upon his idea that language has an analyzable structure, composed of parts that can be defined in relation to others. Pragmatics first engaged only in synchronic study, as opposed to examining the historical development of language. However, it rejected the notion that all meaning comes from signs existing purely in the abstract space of langue. Meanwhile, historical pragmatics has come into being; this field only gained linguists' attention in the 70s. This is; the study of the speaker's meaning, not focusing on the phonetic or grammatical form of an utterance, but instead on what the speaker's intentions and beliefs are. The study of the meaning in context, the influence that a given context can have on the message, it requires knowledge of the speaker's identities, the place and time of the utterance. The study of implicatures, i.e. the things that are communicated though they are not explicitly expressed. The study of relative distance, both social and physical, between speakers in order to understand what determines the choice of what is said and what is not said.
The study of what is not meant, as opposed to the intended meaning, i.e. that, unsaid and unintended, or unintentional. Information structure, the study of how utterances are marked in order to efficiently manage the common ground of referred entities between speaker and hearer Formal Pragmatics, the study of those aspects of meaning and use for which context of use is an important factor, by using the methods and goals of formal semantics; the sentence "You have a green light" is ambiguous. Without knowing the context, the identity of the speaker or the speaker's intent, it is difficult to infer the meaning with certainty. For example, it could mean: the space that belongs to you has green ambient lighting; the sentence "Sherlock saw the man with binoculars" could mean that Sherlock observed the man by using binoculars, or it could mean that Sherlock observed a man, holding binoculars. The meaning of the sentence depends on an understanding of the speaker's intent; as defined in linguistics, a sentence is an abstract entity—a string of words divorced from non-linguistic context—as opposed to an utterance, a concrete example of a speech act in a specific context.
The more conscious subjects stick to common words, idioms and topics, the more others can surmise their meaning. This suggests that sentences do not have intrinsic meaning, that there is no meaning associated with a sentence or word, that either can only represent an idea symbolically; the cat sat on the mat is a sentence in English. If someone were to say to someone else, "The cat sat on the mat," the act is itself an utterance; this implies that a sentence, expression or word cannot symbolically represent a single true meaning. By contrast, the meaning of an utterance can be inferred through knowledge of both its linguistic and non-linguistic contexts. In mathematics, with Berry's paradox, there arises a similar systematic ambiguity with the word "definable"; the referential uses of language are. A sign is the link or relationship between a signified and the signifier as defined by Saussure and Huguenin; the signified is some concept in the world. The signifier represents the signified. An example would be: Signified: the concept cat Signifier: the word "cat"The relationship between the two gives the sign meaning.
This relationship can be further explained by considering what we mean by "meaning." In pragmatics, there are two different types of meaning to consider: semantico-referential meaning and indexical meaning. Semantico-referential meaning refers to the aspect of meaning, which describes events in the world that are independent of the circumstance they are uttered in. An example would be propositions s
In linguistics, morphology is the study of words, how they are formed, their relationship to other words in the same language. It analyzes the structure of words and parts of words, such as stems, root words and suffixes. Morphology looks at parts of speech and stress, the ways context can change a word's pronunciation and meaning. Morphology differs from morphological typology, the classification of languages based on their use of words, lexicology, the study of words and how they make up a language's vocabulary. While words, along with clitics, are accepted as being the smallest units of syntax, in most languages, if not all, many words can be related to other words by rules that collectively describe the grammar for that language. For example, English speakers recognize that the words dog and dogs are related, differentiated only by the plurality morpheme "-s", only found bound to noun phrases. Speakers of English, a fusional language, recognize these relations from their innate knowledge of English's rules of word formation.
They infer intuitively. By contrast, Classical Chinese has little morphology, using exclusively unbound morphemes and depending on word order to convey meaning; these are understood as grammars. The rules understood by a speaker reflect specific patterns or regularities in the way words are formed from smaller units in the language they are using, how those smaller units interact in speech. In this way, morphology is the branch of linguistics that studies patterns of word formation within and across languages and attempts to formulate rules that model the knowledge of the speakers of those languages. Phonological and orthographic modifications between a base word and its origin may be partial to literacy skills. Studies have indicated that the presence of modification in phonology and orthography makes morphologically complex words harder to understand and that the absence of modification between a base word and its origin makes morphologically complex words easier to understand. Morphologically complex words are easier to comprehend.
Polysynthetic languages, such as Chukchi, have words composed of many morphemes. The Chukchi word "təmeyŋəlevtpəγtərkən", for example, meaning "I have a fierce headache", is composed of eight morphemes t-ə-meyŋ-ə-levt-pəγt-ə-rkən that may be glossed; the morphology of such languages allows for each consonant and vowel to be understood as morphemes, while the grammar of the language indicates the usage and understanding of each morpheme. The discipline that deals with the sound changes occurring within morphemes is morphophonology; the history of morphological analysis dates back to the ancient Indian linguist Pāṇini, who formulated the 3,959 rules of Sanskrit morphology in the text Aṣṭādhyāyī by using a constituency grammar. The Greco-Roman grammatical tradition engaged in morphological analysis. Studies in Arabic morphology, conducted by Marāḥ al-arwāḥ and Aḥmad b. ‘alī Mas‘ūd, date back to at least 1200 CE. The linguistic term "morphology" was coined by August Schleicher in 1859; the term "word" has no well-defined meaning.
Instead, two related terms are used in morphology: word-form. A lexeme is a set of inflected word-forms, represented with the citation form in small capitals. For instance, the lexeme eat contains the word-forms eat, eats and ate. Eat and eats are thus considered. Eat and Eater, on the other hand, are different lexemes. Thus, there are three rather different notions of ‘word’. Here are examples from other languages of the failure of a single phonological word to coincide with a single morphological word form. In Latin, one way to express the concept of'NOUN-PHRASE1 and NOUN-PHRASE2' is to suffix'-que' to the second noun phrase: "apples oranges-and", as it were. An extreme level of this theoretical quandary posed by some phonological words is provided by the Kwak'wala language. In Kwak'wala, as in a great many other languages, meaning relations between nouns, including possession and "semantic case", are formulated by affixes instead of by independent "words"; the three-word English phrase, "with his club", where'with' identifies its dependent noun phrase as an instrument and'his' denotes a possession relation, would consist of two words or just one word in many languages.
Unlike most languages, Kwak'wala semantic affixes phonologically attach not to the lexeme they pertain to semantically, but to the preceding lexeme. Consider the following example:kwixʔid-i-da bəgwanəmai-χ-a q'asa-s-isi t'alwagwayu Morpheme by morpheme translation: kwixʔid-i-da = clubbed-PIVOT-DETERMINERbəgwanəma-χ-a = man-ACCUSATIVE-DETERMINERq'asa-s-is = otter-INSTRUMENTAL-3SG-POSSESSIVEt'alwagwayu = club"the man clubbed the otter with his club."That is, to the speaker of Kwak'wala, the sentence does not contain the "words"'him-the-otter' or'with-his-club' Instead, the markers -i-da, referring to "man", attaches not to the noun bəgwanəma but to the verb.
Origin of speech
The origin of speech refers to the more general problem of the origin of language in the context of the physiological development of the human speech organs such as the tongue and vocal organs used to produce phonological units in all human languages. Although related to the more general problem of the origin of language, the evolution of distinctively human speech capacities has become a distinct and in many ways separate area of scientific research; the topic is a separate one because language is not spoken: it can be written or signed. Speech is in this sense optional. Uncontroversially, monkeys and humans, like many other animals, have evolved specialised mechanisms for producing sound for purposes of social communication. On the other hand, no monkey or ape uses its tongue for such purposes. Our species' unprecedented use of the tongue and other moveable parts seems to place speech in a quite separate category, making its evolutionary emergence an intriguing theoretical challenge in the eyes of many scholars.
The term modality means the chosen representational format for encoding and transmitting information. A striking feature of language is. Should an impaired child be prevented from hearing or producing sound, its innate capacity to master a language may find expression in signing. Sign languages of the deaf are independently invented and have all the major properties of spoken language except for the modality of transmission. From this it appears that the language centres of the human brain must have evolved to function optimally irrespective of the selected modality. "The detachment from modality-specific inputs may represent a substantial change in neural organization, one that affects not only imitation but communication. This feature is extraordinary. Animal communication systems combine visible with audible properties and effects, but not one is modality-independent. No vocally impaired whale, dolphin or songbird, for example, could express its song repertoire in visual display. Indeed, in the case of animal communication and modality are not capable of being disentangled.
Whatever message is being conveyed stems from intrinsic properties of the signal. Modality independence should not be confused with the ordinary phenomenon of multimodality. Monkeys and apes rely on a repertoire of species-specific "gesture-calls" — expressive vocalisations inseparable from the visual displays which accompany them. Humans have species-specific gesture-calls — laughs, sobs and so forth — together with involuntary gestures accompanying speech. Many animal displays are polymodal in that each appears designed to exploit multiple channels simultaneously; the human linguistic property of "modality independence" is conceptually distinct from this. It allows the speaker to encode the informational content of a message in a single channel, while switching between channels as necessary. Modern city-dwellers switch effortlessly between the spoken word and writing in its various forms — handwriting, typing, e-mail and so forth. Whichever modality is chosen, it can reliably transmit the full message content without external assistance of any kind.
When talking on the telephone, for example, any accompanying facial or manual gestures, however natural to the speaker, are not necessary. When typing or manually signing, there's no need to add sounds. In many Australian Aboriginal cultures, a section of the population — women observing a ritual taboo — traditionally restrict themselves for extended periods to a silent version of their language; when released from the taboo, these same individuals resume narrating stories by the fireside or in the dark, switching to pure sound without sacrifice of informational content. Speaking is the default modality for language in all cultures. Humans' first recourse is to encode our thoughts in sound — a method which depends on sophisticated capacities for controlling the lips and other components of the vocal apparatus; the speech organs, everyone agrees, evolved in the first instance not for speech but for more basic bodily functions such as feeding and breathing. Nonhuman primates with different neural controls.
Apes use their flexible, maneuverable tongues for eating but not for vocalizing. When an ape is not eating, fine motor control over its tongue is deactivated. Either it is performing gymnastics with its tongue or it is vocalising. Since this applies to mammals in general, Homo sapiens is exceptional in harnessing mechanisms designed for respiration and ingestion to the radically different requirements of articulate speech; the word "language" derives from the Latin lingua, "tongue". Phoneticians agree. A natural language can be viewed as a particular way of using the tongue to express thought; the human tongue has an unusual shape. In most mammals, it's a long, flat structure contained within the mouth, it is attached at the rear to the hyoid bone, situated below oral level in the pharynx. In humans, the tongue has an circular sagittal contour, much of it lying vertically down an extended pharynx, where it is attached to a hyoid bone in a lowered position; as a result of this, the horizontal and vertical tubes forming the supralaryngeal vocal tract are equal in length (whereas in other species, the vertical se
A speech community is a group of people who share a set of linguistic norms and expectations regarding the use of language. It is a concept associated with sociolinguistics and anthropological linguistics. How to define speech community is debated in the literature. Definitions of speech community tend to involve varying degrees of emphasis on the following: Shared community membership Shared linguistic communicationA typical speech community can be a small town, but sociolinguists such as William Labov claim that a large metropolitan area, for example New York City, can be considered one single speech community. Early definitions have tended to see speech communities as bounded and localized groups of people who live together and come to share the same linguistic norms because they belong to the same local community, it has been assumed that within a community a homogeneous set of norms should exist. These assumptions have been challenged by scholarship that has demonstrated that individuals participate in various speech communities and at different times in their lives.
Each speech community has different norms. Communities may be de-localized and unbounded rather than local, they comprise different sub-communities with differing speech norms. With the recognition of the fact that speakers use language to construct and manipulate social identities by signalling membership in particular speech communities, the idea of the bounded speech community with homogeneous speech norms has become abandoned for a model based on the speech community as a fluid community of practice. A speech community comes to share a specific set of norms for language use through living and interacting together, speech communities may therefore emerge among all groups that interact and share certain norms and ideologies; such groups can be villages, political or professional communities, communities with shared interests, hobbies, or lifestyles, or just groups of friends. Speech communities may share both particular sets of vocabulary and grammatical conventions, as well as speech styles and genres, norms for how and when to speak in particular ways.
The adoption of the concept of the "speech community" as a unit of linguistic analysis emerged in the 1960s. John Gumperz described how dialectologists had taken issue with the dominant approach in historical linguistics that saw linguistic communities as homogeneous and localized entities in a way that allowed for drawing neat tree diagrams based on the principle of'descent with modification' and shared innovations. Dialectologists rather realized that dialect traits spread through diffusion and that social factors were decisive in how this happened, they realized that traits spread as waves from centers and that several competing varieties would exist in some communities. This insight prompted Gumperz to problematize the notion of the linguistic community as the community that carries a single speech variant, instead to seek a definition that could encompass heterogeneity; this could be done by focusing on the interactive aspect of language, because interaction in speech is the path along which diffused linguistic traits travel.
Gumperz defined the community of speech: Any human aggregate characterized by regular and frequent interaction by means of a shared body of verbal signs and set off from similar aggregates by significant differences in language usage. Regardless of the linguistic differences among them, the speech varieties employed within a speech community form a system because they are related to a shared set of social norms. Gumperz here identifies two important components of the speech community: members share both a set of linguistics forms and a set of social norms Gumperz sought to set up a typological framework for describing how linguistic systems can be in use within a single speech community, he introduced the concept of linguistic range, the degree to which the linguistic systems of the community differ so that speech communities can be multilingual, multidialectal, or homogeneous - depending on the degree of difference among the different language systems used in the community. Secondly the notion of compartmentalization described the degree to which the use of different varieties were either set off from each other as discrete systems in interaction or whether they are habitually mixed in interaction.
Gumperz's formulation was however overshadowed by Noam Chomsky's redefinition of the scope of linguistics as being: concerned with an ideal speaker-listener, in a homogeneous speech-community, who knows its language and is unaffected by such grammatically irrelevant conditions as memory limitations, shifts of attention and interest, errors in applying his knowledge of the language in actual performance. Another influential conceptualization of the linguistic community was that of William Labov, which can be seen as a hybrid of the Chomskyan structural homogeneity and Gumperz' focus on shared norms informing variable practices. Labov wrote: The speech community is not defined by any marked agreement in the use of language elements, so much as by participation in a set of shared norms: these norms may be observed in overt types of evaluative behavior, by the uniformity of abstract patterns of variation which are invariant in respect to particular levels of usage. Like that of Gumperz, Labov's formulation str
In spoken language analysis, an utterance is the smallest unit of speech. It is a continuous piece of speech ending with a clear pause. In the case of oral languages, it is but not always bounded by silence. Utterances do not exist in written language, only their representations do, they can be delineated in written language in many ways. In oral/spoken language utterances have several features including paralinguistic features which are aspects of speech such as facial expression and posture. Prosodic features include stress and tone of voice, as well as ellipsis, which are words that the listener inserts in spoken language to fill gaps. Moreover, other aspects of utterances found in spoken languages are non-fluency features including: voiced/un-voiced pauses, tag questions, false starts when someone begins their utterances again to correct themselves. Other features include: fillers. Utterances that are portrayed in writing are planned, in contrast to utterances in improvised spoken language.
In written language there are frameworks. Discourse structure is how the conversation is organized, in which adjacency pairs - an utterance and the answer to that utterance - are used. Discourse markers are used to organize conversation. Lexis denotes the words being spoken. For example, a semantic field of love can be created with lexical choices such as adore and care. Grammar/syntax is another feature of language in general but utterances, pragmatics means that when utterances are spoken or written the meaning is not literal, as in sarcasm. An utterance, found in spoken and written language as in a script has several characteristics; these include paralinguistic features, a feature of communication that doesn't involve words but is added around an utterance to give meaning. Examples of paralinguistic features include facial expressions, eye contact, gestures. Prosodic features refer to the sound of someone's voice as they speak: pitch and stress. Ellipsis can be used in either written or spoken language, when an utterance is conveyed and the speaker omits words because they are understood in the situation.
For example: A: Juice? B: Please. A: Room temperature? B: Cold. Non-fluency features occur when producing utterances; as people think about what to say to while speaking, there are corrections in speech. For example, voiced/un-voiced pauses which are "umm," "erm," etc. in voiced pauses and in transcripts un-voiced pauses are denoted as or relating to the amount of time of the pause. Tag questions are a part of non-fluency features. An example is "Do you know what I mean?" False alerts occur when the speaker is voicing an utterance but stops and starts again to correct themselves. Fillers give the speaker time to think and gather their thoughts in order to continue their utterance. Deictic expressions are utterances that need more explanation in order to be understood, like: "Wow! Look over there!" Simple conjunctions in speech are words. Colloquial lexis is a type of speech, casual in which the utterance is more relaxed; the development of utterances in children is facilitated by parents, adults, or any other guardian the child has growing up.
Studies have indicated that this development of utterances is affected by the parent, adult, or guardian's socioeconomic status. It has been shown that children have larger vocabularies and learn new words more during early childhood from parents with a high education and higher SES status, while children with less educated parents and lower SES status have a smaller vocabulary and a slower growth in their vocabulary skills; this correlation is due to the fact that more educated parents use more lexis when speaking to their children as opposed to parents that are less educated. Hoff conducted an analysis that shows support for this correlation in 2003 which shows that the mean length of utterance and vocabulary of mothers who talk to their children is related to their SES status and thus child vocabulary development. High-SES mothers use longer utterances when talking to a wider variety of words, they spend more time talking to their children. Low-SES mothers use a smaller vocabulary; as a result, children with more educated parents have larger vocabularies.
In child-directed speech, utterances have several additional features. For example, the phonology in child-directed speech is different: Utterances are spoken more with longer pauses in between utterances, higher pitches, etc; the lexis and semantics differ, a speaker uses words suited for children, "doggie" instead of "dog," for example. The grammar is simpler, with l