Malina is a solar deity in Inuit religion. She is found most in the legends of Greenland that link her with the lunar deity Anningan, her brother. Malina is fleeing from Anningan as the result of strife between the two, their constant chase is the traditional explanation for the movement of the sun and moon through the sky. According to Inuit mythology and his sister Malina lived together in a village, they were close when young, but came to live apart as they grew older, in the lodges for women and for men. One day, as Igaluk looked at the women, he found, and so that night, as everyone slept, he crept into the women's dwelling and forced himself upon her. As it was dark, Malina was unable to tell who her attacker was, but the next night, when the same thing happened, she covered her hands with the soot from the oil lamps and smeared the Anningan's face with it. Afterwards, she looked through the skylight of the men's lodge, she was surprised to find that the man was her own brother. So Malina cut off her breasts.
She put them in a bowl and carried this to the men's lodge, presented it to Igaluk, saying "If you enjoy me so much eat these," and ran away out the door, grabbing a torch as she went. Igaluk chased after her taking a torch, was able to follow her path, as her footsteps were marked with great pools of blood. However, he tripped and dropped his torch, the flame was put out, except for a faint glow. However, Igaluk caught up to his sister, the two ran so fast that they took off into the sky and became the moon and the sun. Malina was known for her passion and beauty. Malina and Anningan the Sun and The Moon: An Inuit Sky Tale When Moon Chases Sun
In the folklore of Nepal, the Yeti or Abominable Snowman is an ape-like creature taller than an average human, said to inhabit the Himalayan and Siberian regions of East Asia. The names Yeti and Meh-Teh are used by the people indigenous to the region, are part of their history and mythology. Stories of the Yeti first emerged as a facet of Western popular culture in the 19th century; the scientific community has regarded the Yeti as a legend, given the lack of evidence of its existence. In one genetic study, researchers matched DNA from hair samples found in the Himalaya with a prehistoric bear from the Pleistocene epoch; the word Yeti is derived from Tibetan: གཡའ་དྲེད་, Wylie: g.ya' dred, ZYPY: Yachê, a compound of the words Tibetan: གཡའ་, Wylie: g.ya', ZYPY: ya "rocky", "rocky place" and "bear". Pranavananda states that the words "ti", "te" and "teh" are derived from the spoken word'tre', Tibetan for bear, with the'r' so pronounced as to be inaudible, thus making it "te" or "teh". Other terms used by Himalayan peoples do not translate the same, but refer to legendary and indigenous wildlife: Michê translates as "man-bear".
Dzu-teh –'dzu' translates as "cattle" and the full meaning translates as "cattle bear", referring to the Himalayan brown bear. Migoi or Mi-go translates as "wild man". Bun Manchi – Nepali for "jungle man", used outside Sherpa communities where yeti is the common name. Mirka – Another name for "wild-man". Local legend holds that "anyone who sees one dies or is killed"; the latter is taken from a written statement by Frank Smythe's sherpas in 1937. Kang Admi – "Snow Man"; the name "Abominable Snowman" was coined in 1921, the same year Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Howard-Bury led the 1921 British Mount Everest reconnaissance expedition which he chronicled in Mount Everest The Reconnaissance, 1921. In the book, Howard-Bury includes an account of crossing the Lhakpa La at 21,000 ft where he found footprints that he believed "were caused by a large'loping' grey wolf, which in the soft snow formed double tracks rather like a those of a bare-footed man", he adds that his Sherpa guides "at once volunteered that the tracks must be that of'The Wild Man of the Snows', to which they gave the name'metoh-kangmi'".
"Metoh" translates as "man-bear" and "Kang-mi" translates as "snowman". Confusion exists between Howard-Bury's recitation of the term "metoh-kangmi" and the term used in Bill Tilman's book Mount Everest, 1938 where Tilman had used the words "metch", which does not exist in the Tibetan language, "kangmi" when relating the coining of the term "Abominable Snowman". Further evidence of "metch" being a misnomer is provided by Tibetan language authority Professor David Snellgrove from the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London, who dismissed the word "metch" as impossible, because the consonants "t-c-h" cannot be conjoined in the Tibetan language." Documentation suggests. It has been suggested that "metch" is a misspelling of "metoh"; the use of "Abominable Snowman" began when Henry Newman, a longtime contributor to The Statesman in Calcutta, writing under the pen name "Kim", interviewed the porters of the "Everest Reconnaissance expedition" on their return to Darjeeling.
Newman mistranslated the word "metoh" as "filthy", substituting the term "abominable" out of artistic license. As author Bill Tilman recounts, " wrote long after in a letter to The Times: The whole story seemed such a joyous creation I sent it to one or two newspapers". According to H. Siiger, the Yeti was a part of the pre-Buddhist beliefs of several Himalayan people, he was told. He reported that followers of the Bön religion once believed the blood of the "mi rgod" or "wild man" had use in certain mystical ceremonies; the being was depicted as an apelike creature who carries a large stone as a weapon and makes a whistling swoosh sound. In 1832, James Prinsep's Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal published trekker B. H. Hodgson's account of his experiences in northern Nepal, his local guides spotted a tall, bipedal creature covered with long dark hair, which seemed to flee in fear. Hodgson concluded. An early record of reported footprints appeared in 1899 in Laurence Waddell's Among the Himalayas.
Waddell reported his guide's description of a large apelike creature that left the prints, which Waddell thought were made by a bear. Waddell heard stories of bipedal, apelike creatures but wrote that "none, however, of the many Tibetans I have interrogated on this subject could give me an authentic case. On the most superficial investigation it always resolved into something that somebody heard tell of." The frequency of reports increased during the early 20th century, when Westerners began making determined attempts to scale the many mountains in the area and reported seeing odd creatures or strange tracks. In 1925, N. A. Tombazi, a photographer and member of the Royal Geographical Society, writes that he saw a creature at about 15,000 ft near Zemu Glacier. Tombazi wrote that he observed the creature from about 200 to 300 yd, for about a minute. "Unquestionably, the figure in outline was like a human being, walking upright and stopping to pull at some dwarf rhododendron bushes. It showed up dark against the snow, as far as I could make out, wore no clothes."
About two hours Tombazi and his companions descended
In Greenlandic Inuit religion, a tupilaq was an avenging monster fabricated by a practitioner of witchcraft or shamanism by using various objects such as animal parts and parts taken from the corpses of children. The creature was given life by ritualistic chants, it was placed into the sea to seek and destroy a specific enemy. The use of a tupilaq was risky, because if it was sent to destroy someone who had greater magical powers than the one who had formed it, it could be sent back to kill its maker instead, although the maker of tupilaq could escape by public confession of her or his own deed; because tupilaqs were made in secret, in isolated places and from perishable materials, none have been preserved. Early European visitors to Greenland, fascinated by the native legend, were eager to see what tupilaqs looked like so the Inuit began to carve representations of them out of sperm whale teeth. Today, tupilaqs of many different shapes and sizes are carved from various materials such as narwhal and walrus tusk and caribou antler.
They are an important part of Greenlandic Inuit art and are prized as collectibles. The making of a tupilaq started most at night, in secrecy; the shaman would don the anorak backwards, with the hood over his face, engage in sexual contact with the bones used to make a tupilaq and chanting during the entire process, which could take several days. The making of a tupilaq was risky to its own maker if the attacked person made it rebound: in this case, public confession was the only rescue; the magic consequences of situations of concealment, the neutralizing effect of public confession was believed in several other areas of life, this is an example of the more general topic of secrecy versus publicity. Concealment or secrecy could raise magic consequences in several areas of life: Concealed miscarriage or infanticide could give birth to a monster called anngiaq, it could make harm for the community. Secrecy was preliminary for the functioning of so-called formulae. Thus, concealment was a preliminary for several magical effects.
If this was broken, unintentionally or intentionally, the effect could lose its power. Angakkuit in some groups resolved the consequence of taboo breach by achieving public confession of the breacher. Hunting means killing, animals were believed to have souls as well. Efforts were made to please the game symbolically; such would be the danger inherent in the first kill of a boy and it was "neutralized" by a public ritual, in which each adult member of the community had to make an incision into the head of the game, or eat a piece from it. Thus, the belief was, that public partaking in a dangerous thing reduced the danger, that it has a neutralizing effect. Inuit cultures were far from being alike; the tupilaq concept had variants. It might be a ghost-like being or a haunting soul. In some cultures it was the shaman who had to deal with it; such distant groups like the Caribou Inuit, Greenlandic Inuit, Iglulingmiut Inuit and Copper Inuit knew the concept of tupilaq, but the details differed: Igloolik The tupilaq was an invisible ghost.
Only the shaman could notice it. It was the soul of a dead person, it scared game away from the vicinity. Thus, the shaman had to help by scaring it away with a knife. Caribou Inuit The tupilaq was an invisible being. Like a tupilaq of the Iglulik the shaman was the only one who could see it, it was a chimera-like creature, with human head and parts from different species of animals. It was dangerous, it could attack the settlement; the shaman had to combat it and devour it with his/her helping spirits. Greenland The tupilaq was manifested in the human-made object, it was made by people to the detriment of their enemies. It was thought of have magical power onto the victim, it might be made from mixed parts of dead children. Copper Inuit To the Copper Inuit the tupilaq was similar to the Devil of Christianity. Anchimayen Tikoloshe Burch, Ernest S.. The Eskimos. Norman, Oklahoma 73018, USA: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 0-8061-2126-2. Kleivan, Inge. Sonne. Eskimos: Greenland and Canada. Iconography of religions, section VIII, "Arctic Peoples", fascicle 2.
Leiden, The Netherlands: Institute of Religious Iconography • State University Groningen. E. J. Brill. ISBN 90-04-07160-1. Rasmussen, Knud. Across Arctic America. New York • London: G. P. Putnams sons. Rasmussen, Knud. Eskimo Folk-Tales. Edited and rendered into English by W. Worster, with illustrations by native Eskimo artists. London • Copenhagen: Gyldendal. Rasmussen, Knud. Across Arctic America. New York • London: G. P. Putnams sons
In Inuit mythology, Igaluk is one of the most powerful gods of the pantheon. He is a lunar deity. In Greenland, he is known as Aningan. According to Inuit mythology and his sister Malina lived together in a village, they were close when young, but came to live apart as they grew older, in the lodges for women and for men. One day, as Igaluk looked at the women, he found, and so that night, as everyone slept, he crept into the women's dwelling and forced himself upon her. As it was dark, Malina was unable to tell who her attacker was, but the next night, when the same thing happened, she covered her hands with the soot from the lamps and smeared the Anningan's face with it. Afterwards, she looked through the skylight of the men's lodge, she was surprised to find that the man was her own brother. So Malina cut off her breasts, she put them in a bowl and carried this to the men's lodge, presented it to Igaluk, saying "If you enjoy me so much eat these," and ran away out the door, grabbing a torch as she went.
Igaluk chased after her taking a torch, was able to follow her path, as her footsteps were marked with great pools of blood. However, he tripped and dropped his torch, the flame was put out, except for a faint glow. However, Igaluk caught up to his sister, the two ran so fast that they took off into the sky and became the moon and the sun. Tulok, according to Inuit mythology, is the nemesis of Aningan. A true warrior, after hearing of the incest of Aningan decided to challenge him to battle; as by this time Aningan had become the sun he devised a plan to run so fast he could reach into the sky and pour a bucket of mythical water over the sun to put out its flames. But upon hearing this, realising the devastating effect of the loss of the sun, banded together with Aningan and became an eclipse, so that when Tulok reached the sky he would become trapped, it is said after this he split to a thousand pieces, became the stars. Malina and Anningan the Sun and The Moon: An Inuit Sky Tale When Moon Chases Sun
Franz Uri Boas was a German-born American anthropologist and a pioneer of modern anthropology, called the "Father of American Anthropology". His work is associated with the movement of anthropological historicism. Studying in Germany, Boas was awarded a doctorate in 1881 in physics while studying geography, he participated in a geographical expedition to northern Canada, where he became fascinated with the culture and language of the Baffin Island Inuit. He went on to do field work with the indigenous languages of the Pacific Northwest. In 1887 he emigrated to the United States, where he first worked as a museum curator at the Smithsonian, in 1899 became a professor of anthropology at Columbia University, where he remained for the rest of his career. Through his students, many of whom went on to found anthropology departments and research programmes inspired by their mentor, Boas profoundly influenced the development of American anthropology. Among his most significant students were A. L. Kroeber, Ruth Benedict, Edward Sapir, Margaret Mead, Zora Neale Hurston, many others.
Boas was one of the most prominent opponents of the then-popular ideologies of scientific racism, the idea that race is a biological concept and that human behavior is best understood through the typology of biological characteristics. In a series of groundbreaking studies of skeletal anatomy he showed that cranial shape and size was malleable depending on environmental factors such as health and nutrition, in contrast to the claims by racial anthropologists of the day that held head shape to be a stable racial trait. Boas worked to demonstrate that differences in human behavior are not determined by innate biological dispositions but are the result of cultural differences acquired through social learning. In this way, Boas introduced culture as the primary concept for describing differences in behavior between human groups, as the central analytical concept of anthropology. Among Boas's main contributions to anthropological thought was his rejection of the then-popular evolutionary approaches to the study of culture, which saw all societies progressing through a set of hierarchic technological and cultural stages, with Western European culture at the summit.
Boas argued that culture developed through the interactions of groups of people and the diffusion of ideas and that there was no process towards continuously "higher" cultural forms. This insight led Boas to reject the "stage"-based organization of ethnological museums, instead preferring to order items on display based on the affinity and proximity of the cultural groups in question. Boas introduced the ideology of cultural relativism, which holds that cultures cannot be objectively ranked as higher or lower, or better or more correct, but that all humans see the world through the lens of their own culture, judge it according to their own culturally acquired norms. For Boas, the object of anthropology was to understand the way in which culture conditioned people to understand and interact with the world in different ways and to do this it was necessary to gain an understanding of the language and cultural practices of the people studied. By uniting the disciplines of archaeology, the study of material culture and history, physical anthropology, the study of variation in human anatomy, with ethnology, the study of cultural variation of customs, descriptive linguistics, the study of unwritten indigenous languages, Boas created the four field subdivision of anthropology which became prominent in American anthropology in the 20th century.
Franz Boas was born in Minden, the son of Sophie Meyer and Meier Boas. Although his grandparents were observant Jews, his parents embraced Enlightenment values, including their assimilation into modern German society. Boas's parents were educated, well-to-do, liberal. Due to this, Boas was granted the independence to pursue his own interests. Early in life, he displayed a penchant for natural sciences. Boas vocally opposed anti-Semitism and refused to convert to Christianity, but he did not identify himself as a Jew; this is disputed however by Ruth Bunzel, a protégée of Boas, who called Boas "the essential protestant". According to his biographer, "He was an'ethnic' German and promoting German culture and values in America." In an autobiographical sketch, Boas wrote: The background of my early thinking was a German home in which the ideals of the revolution of 1848 were a living force. My father, but not active in public affairs. My parents had broken through the shackles of dogma. My father had retained an emotional affection for the ceremonial of his parental home, without allowing it to influence his intellectual freedom.
From kindergarten on, Boas was educated in natural history, a subject he enjoyed. In gymnasium, he was most proud of his research on the geographic distribution of plants; when he started his university studies, Boas first attended Heidelberg University for a semester followed by four terms at Bonn University, studying physics and mathematics at these schools. In 1879, he hoped to transfer to Berlin University to study physics under Hermann von Helmholtz, but ended up transferring to the University of Kiel instead due to family reasons. At Kiel, Boas studied under Theobald Fischer and received a doctorate in physics in 1881 for his dissertation entitled "Contributions to the Understanding of the Color of Water," which examined the absorption and the polarization o
In Inuit mythology, Negafook represents "the North Wind or, more eloquently, the spirit that likes cold and stormy weather."A mask representing Negafok is held by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City. It was created for use in ceremonies, along with masks that represented the other winds, commemorates a "weather event" in the early 20th century
Apotheosis is the glorification of a subject to divine level. The term has meanings in theology, where it refers to a belief, in art, where it refers to a genre. In theology, apotheosis refers to the idea. In art, the term refers to the treatment of any subject in a grand or exalted manner. Before the Hellenistic period, imperial cults were known in Ancient Mesopotamia. From the New Kingdom, all deceased pharaohs were deified as the god Osiris. From at least the Geometric period of the ninth century BC, the long-deceased heroes linked with founding myths of Greek sites were accorded chthonic rites in their heroon, or "hero-temple". In the Greek world, the first leader who accorded himself divine honours was Philip II of Macedon. At his wedding to his sixth wife, Philip's enthroned image was carried in procession among the Olympian gods; such Hellenistic state leaders might be raised to a status equal to the gods before death or afterwards. A heroic cult status similar to apotheosis was an honour given to a few revered artists of the distant past, notably Homer.
Archaic and Classical Greek hero-cults became civic, extended from their familial origins, in the sixth century. The Greek hero cults can be distinguished on the other hand from the Roman cult of dead emperors, because the hero was not thought of as having ascended to Olympus or become a god: he was beneath the earth, his power purely local. For this reason hero cults were chthonic in nature, their rituals more resembled those for Hecate and Persephone than those for Zeus and Apollo. Two exceptions were Heracles and Asclepius, who might be honoured as either gods or heroes, sometimes by chthonic night-time rites and sacrifice on the following day. Up to the end of the Republic, Romans accepted only one official apotheosis: the god Quirinus, whatever his original meaning, having been identified with Romulus. Subsequently, apotheosis in ancient Rome was a process whereby a deceased ruler was recognized as having been divine by his successor also by a decree of the Senate and popular consent. In addition to showing respect the present ruler deified a popular predecessor to legitimize himself and gain popularity with the people.
The upper-class did not always take part in the imperial cult, some ridiculed the apotheosis of inept and feeble emperors, as in the satire The Pumpkinification of Claudius attributed to Seneca. At the height of the imperial cult during the Roman Empire, sometimes the emperor's deceased loved ones—heirs, empresses, or lovers, as Hadrian's Antinous—were deified as well. Deified people were awarded posthumously the title Divus to their names to signify their divinity. Traditional Roman religion distinguished between a divus, though not consistently. Temples and columns were erected to provide a space for worship; the Ming dynasty epic Investiture of the Gods deals with deification legends. Numerous mortals have been deified into the Daoist pantheon, such as Guan Yu, Iron-crutch Li and Fan Kuai. Song Dynasty General Yue Fei was deified during the Ming Dynasty and is considered by some practitioners to be one of the three highest ranking heavenly generals. Various Hindu and Buddhist rulers in the past have been represented as deities after death, from Thailand to Indonesia.
Several Sultans of Yogyakarta were semi-deified, posthumously. Deceased North Korean leader Kim Il-Sung is the principal object of the North Korean cult of personality in which he is treated to an explicitly apotheosized leader, with statues of and monuments dedicated to the "Eternal President", the annual commemoration of his birth, the paying of respects by newlyweds to his nearest statue, the North Korean calendar being a Juche calendar based on Kim Il-sung's date of birth. Instead of the word "apotheosis", Christian theology uses in English the words "deification" or "divinization" or the Greek word "theosis". Traditional mainstream theology, both East and West, views Jesus Christ as the preexisting God who undertook mortal existence, not as a mortal being who attained divinity, it holds that he has made it possible for human beings to be raised to the level of sharing the divine nature: he became one of us to make us "partakers of the divine nature" "For this is why the Word became man, the Son of God became the Son of man: so that man, by entering into communion with the Word and thus receiving divine sonship, might become a son of God."
"For He was made man that we might be made God." "The only-begotten Son of God, wanting to make us sharers in his divinity, assumed our nature, so that he, made man, might make men gods." The Westminster Dictionary of Christian Theology contains the following in an article titled "Deification": Deification is for Orthodoxy the goal of every Christian. Man, according to the Bible, is'made in the image and likeness of God.'... It is possible for