A noaidi is a shaman of the Sami people in the Nordic countries representing an indigenous nature religion. Most noaidi practices died out during the 17th century, most because they resisted Christianisation and the king's authority, their actions were referred to in courts as "magic" or "sorcery". Several Sámi shamanistic beliefs and practices were similar to those of some Siberian cultures. Noaidis, Sámi shamans, were traditionally the protectors. Noaidis are said to have the role of mediator between the spirits. To undertake this mediation, the noaidi communicated with the spirit world, asking what sacrifice needed to be made by a person so that they might return to good health, be successful in their hunt for food, for good weather. Sacrifices were designed by the noaidi to reestablish the balance between the mortal and immortal worlds. Using a traditional drum, the most important symbol and tool of the Sámi shaman, the noaide invoked assistance from benevolent spirits and conducted out-of-body travel via the “free soul” with the help of other siida members.
The Sámi distinguish between the “free soul” versus the more mundane “body soul”. A noaidi could engage in any kind of affair; the activities included healing people, helping children, making decisions and protecting reindeer, which represented the most important source of food and were used as tribute payment. The sources from which we learn about noaidi are court protocols, excavated tools, missionary reports; that noaidis were punished and in some cases sentenced to death for their "sorcery" should rather be interpreted as an attempt to obliterate opposition to the crown. There was by law no freedom of religion during most of the 19th century and before, as the Lutheran Swedish church was the only allowed religion. Swedish priests supported conviction of noaidis for sorcery. In the Sami shamanistic form of worship drumming and traditional chanting were of singular importance; some of joiks were sung on shamanistic rites. Joiks have been sung in two different styles, one of, sung only by young people.
The other joik may be identified with resembling chants or magic spells. Several surprising characteristics of joiks can be explained by comparing the music ideals, as observed in joiks and contrasted to music ideals of other cultures. In some instances, joiks mimic natural sounds; this can be contrasted to other goals, namely overtone singing and bel canto, both of which exploit human speech organs to achieve “superhuman” sounds. Overtone singing and the imitation of sounds in shamanism are present in many other cultures as well. Sound imitation may serve other purposes such as games and other entertainment as well as important practical purposes such as luring animals during hunts. Gonagas Sami shamanism Seiðr Tietäjä Deschênes, Bruno. "Inuit Throat-Singing". Musical Traditions; the Magazine for Traditional Music Throughout the World. Diószegi, Vilmos. Sámánok nyomában Szibéria földjén. Egy néprajzi kutatóút története. Budapest: Magvető Könyvkiadó; the book has been translated to English: Vilmos. Tracing shamans in Siberia.
The story of an ethnographical research expedition. Translated from Hungarian by Anita Rajkay Babó. Oosterhout: Anthropological Publications. Hoppál, Mihály. Sámánok Eurázsiában. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. ISBN 963-05-8295-3; the title means “Shamans in Eurasia”, the book is published in German and Finnish. Site of publisher with short description on the book. Hoppál, Mihály. "Music of Shamanic Healing". In Gerhard Kilger. Macht Musik. Musik als Glück und Nutzen für das Leben. Köln: Wienand Verlag. ISBN 3-87909-865-4. Nattiez, Jean Jacques. "Inuit Games and Songs • Chants et Jeux des Inuit". Musiques & musiciens du monde • musicians of the world. Montreal: Research Group in Musical Semiotics, Faculty of Music, University of Montreal.. The songs are online available from the ethnopoetics website curated by Jerome Rothenberg. Szomjas-Schiffert, György. Lapp sámánok énekes hagyománya • Singing tradition of Lapp shamans. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. ISBN 963-05-6940-X. Voigt, Vilmos. A varázsdob és a látó asszonyok. Lapp népmesék.
Népek meséi. Budapest: Európa Könyvkiadó; the title means: "the clairvoyant women. Sami folktales”, the series means: “Tales of folks”
Birch bark or birchbark is the bark of several Eurasian and North American birch trees of the genus Betula. The strong and water-resistant cardboard-like bark can be cut and sewn, which has made it a valuable building and writing material, since pre-historic times. Today, birch bark remains a popular type of wood for various handicrafts and arts. Birch bark contains substances of medicinal and chemical interest; some of those products have fungicidal properties that help preserve bark artifacts, as well as food preserved in bark containers. Removing birch bark from live trees is harmful to tree health and should be avoided. Instead, it can be removed easily from the trunk or branches of dead wood, by cutting a slit lengthwise through the bark and pulling or prying it away from the wood; the best time for collection is spring or early summer, as the bark is of better quality and most removed. Removing the outer layer of bark from the trunk of a living tree may not kill it, but weakens it and makes it more prone to infections.
Removal of the inner layer, the phloem, kills the tree by preventing the flow of sap to the roots. To prevent it from rolling up during storage, the bark kept pressed flat. Birch bark can be cut with a sharp knife, worked like cardboard. For sharp bending, the fold should be scored first with a blunt stylus. Fresh bark can be worked. Birch bark was a valuable construction material in any part of the world where birch trees were available. Containers like wrappings, baskets, boxes, or quivers were made by most societies well before pottery was invented. Other uses include: In various Asian countries birch bark was used to make storage boxes, tinder, roof coverings and waterproof covering for composite bows, such as the Mongol bow, the Chinese bow, Korean bow, Turkish bows, Assyrian bow, the Perso-Parthian bow....etc. It is still being used. More than one variety of birch is used. In North America, the native population used birch bark for canoes, scrolls, ritual art, torches, musical instruments and more.
In Scandinavia and Finland, it was used as the substratum of sod roofs and birch-bark roofs, for making boxes and buckets, fishing implements, shoes. In Russia, many birch bark manuscripts have survived from the Middle Ages. Birch bark knife handles are popular tools to be made currently. In India, birch-bark, along with dried palm leaves, were the primary writing supports before the widespread advent of paper in the second millennium CE; the oldest known Buddhist manuscripts, from Afghanistan, were written on birch bark. Neanderthals used birch bark to make a tar adhesive through the process of dry or destructive distillation. Birch bark makes an outstanding tinder, as the inner layers will stay dry through heavy rainstorms. Mazinibaganjigan Wiigwaasabak Wiigwaasi-makak Magewappa The Algonquin Birchbark Canoe, by David Gidmark. McPhee, The Survival of the Bark Canoe, Farrar and Giroux, New York, 1975. Adney, Edwin Tappan and Howard Chapelle, Bark Canoes and Skin Boats of North America, Skyhorse Publishing, Inc.
2007, 2014. Jennings, Bark Canoes: The Art and Obsession of Tappan Adney, Firefly Books Ltd. 2004. Behne, C. Ted, The Travel Journals of Tappan Adney, 1887-1890, Estate of Tappan Adney, 2010. Goode, F. W. Ojibwe Birch Bark Canoes: Anishinaabe Wigwassi-Jiimaan, Beaver Bark Canoes, 2012. Birchbark articles from the NativeTech site. Birch and Birch Bark, an article by John Zasada at a University of Minnesota site. Birch Bark Canoe page on the site of the Algonquins of Pikwàganagàn. César's Bark Canoe—Watch a documentary on how to build a Birch bark canoe Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions Digital Image Collection at Marquette University. Wiigwaasi-Jiimaan: These Canoes Carry Culture—Short documentary featuring the building of an Anishinaabe-Ojibwe birchbark canoe in Wisconsin
Inuit throat singing
Inuit throat singing, or katajjaq, is a form of musical performance uniquely found among the Inuit. The traditional form consists of two women who sing duets in a close face-to-face formation with no instrumental accompaniment, in an entertaining contest to see who can outlast the other. Several groups, including Tudjaat, The Jerry Cans, Quantum Tangle and Silla + Rise now blend traditional throat singing with mainstream musical genres such as pop, folk and dance music. An analogous form called rekuhkara was once practiced among the Ainu of Japan; the name for throat singing in Canada varies with the geography: Iirngaaq – some Nunavut communities Piqqusiraarniq or Pirkusirtuk – Igloolik and Baffin Island Qiarvaaqtuq – Arviat Katajjaq or Katadjak – Nunavik and South Baffin Nipaquhiit – some Nunavut communities Originally, katajjaq was a form of entertainment among Inuit women while men were away on hunting trips, it was a regarded more as a type of vocal or breathing game in the Inuit culture rather than a form of music.
Two women face each other in a standing position and holding each other's arms. Sometimes they will do some kind of dance movements while singing. One singer leads by setting a short rhythmic pattern, which she repeats leaving brief silent intervals between each repetition; the other singer fills in the gap with another rhythmic pattern. The sounds used include voiced sounds as well as unvoiced ones, both through inhalation or exhalation; the first to run out of breath or be unable to maintain the pace of the other singer will start to laugh or stop and will thus be eliminated from the game. It lasts between one and three minutes; the winner is the singer. At one time, the lips of the two women touched, so that one singer used the mouth cavity of the other as a resonator, but this is less common in present day; the singing is accompanied by a shuffling in rhythm from one foot to the other. The sounds created during exhalation. "The old woman who teaches the children corrects sloppy intonation of contours, poorly meshed phase displacements, vague rhythms like a Western vocal coach."
Notable performers include Tanya Tagaq, who performs in a contemporary style, The Jerry Cans, who incorporate throat singing by band member Nancy Mike as a musical and rhythmic element in a conventional folk rock sound and style. Traditional performers include Qaunak Mikkigak, Kathleen Ivaluarjuk Merritt, as well as Alacie Tullaugaq and Lucy Amarualik who perform in the Katajjaq style. John Metcalf's 1990 opera Tornrak features throat singing by the Inuit characters. A scene of Inuit throat singing appears in the 1974 Timothy Bottoms film The White Dawn; the 2003 film The Snow Walker contains a scene of Inuit throat singing. The 2001 film Atanarjuat has a scene with Inuit throat singing; the 2007 film, Wristcutters: A Love Story, features a "mute" character named Nanuk who practices this style of throat singing. A rather imaginative variation on throat singing is featured in the 2007 Dan Simmons novel, The Terror. In a scene of The Simpsons Movie, Homer Simpson is shown throat singing with an Inuit woman in order to have an epiphany.
Rick Mercer, in an episode of his self-hosted show Rick Mercer Report, attempted to throat sing with an Inuit woman when he visited the 2008 Arctic Winter Games in Yellowknife. An August 2008 an AT&T radio commercial references kadajjat/throat singing in reference to the speaker's roommate. In 2005, Tafelmusik Baroque Orchestra recorded DVD documentary. A reinvention of Vivaldi's Four Seasons by Mychael Danna featuring Tafelmusik Baroque Orchestra; the electropop band Row of Cookies incorporated a sample of Inuit throat singing in their version of the song New Girl Now by Honeymoon Suite. The British ITV documentary Billy Connolly: Journey to the Edge of the World features Billy Connolly in the Canadian Arctic. In the second episode, he visits a pair of women demonstrating the finer points of throat singing; the 2012 CBC TV drama series Arctic Air features a theme song written by Tim McCauley and performed by Tanya Tagaq, incorporating elements of traditional Inuit throat singing over a modern dance beat.
A task in the seventh leg of the first season of The Amazing Race Canada required teams to listen to a traditional Inuit throat singing performance. Tanya Tagaq won the 2014 Polaris Music Prize for her album Animism. In November 2015, incoming Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his cabinet were sworn in by the Governor General. A pair of eleven-year-old Inuit girls, Samantha Metcalfe and Cailyn Degrandpre, performed throat singing at the ceremony. In 2014, Nunavik throat singing became the first cultural item to be given the intangible cultural heritage designation by the government of the province of Quebec, Canada. Tuvan throat singing UBU.com, Canada Inuit Games and Songs, UbuWeb Ethnopoetics Video of Canadian Inuit throat singers
Hoopoes are colourful birds found across Afro-Eurasia, notable for their distinctive "crown" of feathers. Three living and one extinct species are recognized, though for many years all were lumped as a single species—Upupa epops. Upupa and epops are the Latin and Ancient Greek names for the hoopoe; the hoopoe was classified in the clade Coraciiformes, which includes kingfishers, bee-eaters, rollers. A close relationship between the hoopoe and the wood hoopoes is supported by the shared and unique nature of their stapes. In the Sibley-Ahlquist taxonomy, the hoopoe is separated from the Coraciiformes as a separate order, the Upupiformes; some authorities place. Now the consensus is that both hoopoe and the wood hoopoes belong with the hornbills in the Bucerotiformes; the fossil record of the hoopoes is incomplete, with the earliest fossil coming from the Quaternary. The fossil record of their relatives is older, with fossil wood hoopoes dating back to the Miocene and those of an extinct related family, the Messelirrisoridae, dating from the Eocene.
Considered a single species, the hoopoe has been split into three separate species: the Eurasian hoopoe, Madagascan hoopoe and the resident African hoopoe. One accepted separate species, the Saint Helena hoopoe, lived on the island of St Helena but became extinct in the 16th century due to introduced species; the genus Upupa was created by Linnaeus in his Systema naturae in 1758. It included three other species with long curved bills: U. eremita, the northern bald ibis U. pyrrhocorax, the red-billed chough U. paradiseaFormerly, the greater hoopoe-lark was considered to be a member of this genus. Hoopoes are widespread in Europe and North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa and Madagascar. Most European and north Asian birds migrate to the tropics in winter. In contrast, the African populations are sedentary all year; the species has been a vagrant in Alaska. Hoopoes have been known to breed north of their European range, in southern England during warm, dry summers that provide plenty of grasshoppers and similar insects, although as of the early 1980s northern European populations were reported to be in the decline due to changes in climate.
The hoopoe has two basic requirements of its habitat: bare or vegetated ground on which to forage and vertical surfaces with cavities in which to nest. These requirements can be provided in a wide range of ecosystems, as a consequence the hoopoe inhabits a wide range of habitats such as heathland, wooded steppes and grasslands, as well as forest glades; the Madagascar subspecies makes use of more dense primary forest. The modification of natural habitats by humans for various agricultural purposes has led to hoopoes becoming common in olive groves, vineyards and farmland, although they are less common and are declining in intensively farmed areas. Hunting is of concern in southern Asia. Hoopoes make seasonal movements in response to rain in some regions such as in Ceylon and in the Western Ghats. Birds have been seen at high altitudes during migration across the Himalayas. One was recorded at about 6,400 m by the first Mount Everest expedition. In what was long thought to be a defensive posture, hoopoes sunbathe by spreading out their wings and tail low against the ground and tilting their head up.
They enjoy taking dust and sand baths. Adults may begin their moult after the breeding season and continue after they have migrated for the winter; the diet of the hoopoe is composed of insects, although small reptiles and plant matter such as seeds and berries are sometimes taken as well. It is a solitary forager which feeds on the ground. More they will feed in the air, where their strong and rounded wings make them fast and manoeuverable, in pursuit of numerous swarming insects. More their foraging style is to stride over open ground and periodically pause to probe the ground with the full length of their bill. Insect larvae and mole crickets are detected by the bill and either extracted or dug out with the strong feet. Hoopoes will feed on insects on the surface, probe into piles of leaves, use the bill to lever large stones and flake off bark. Common diet items include crickets, beetles, cicadas, ant lions and ants; these can range from 10 to 150 millimetres in length, with a preferred prey size of around 20–30 millimetres.
Larger prey items are beaten against the ground or a preferred stone to kill them and remove indigestible body parts such as wings and legs. Hoopoes are monogamous, although the pair bond only lasts for a single season, they are territorial. The male calls to advertise his ownership of the territory. Chases and fights between rival males can be brutal. Birds will try to stab rivals with their bills, individuals are blinded in fights; the nest is in a hole in a tree or wall, has a narrow entrance. It may be unlined; the female alone is responsible for incubating the eggs. Clutch size varies with location: Northern Hemisphere birds lay more eggs than those in the Southern Hemisphere, birds at higher latitudes have larger clutches than those closer to the equator. In central and northern
The dombra known as dombyra is a long-necked Kazakh lute and a musical string instrument. The dombyra shares certain characteristics with the komuz and dutar, such as its long, thin neck and oblong body shape, it is a popular instrument among Turkic communities in Central Asian countries such as Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, as well as Mongolia. The instrument differs in different regions; the Kazakh dombyra has frets and is played by strumming with the hand or plucking each string individually, with an occasional tap on the main surface of the instrument. While the strings are traditionally made of sinew, modern dombras are produced using nylon strings. One of the greatest dombra players was the Kazakh folk musician and composer Kurmangazy Sagyrbayuly, who had a major influence on the development of Kazakh musical culture, including music for the dombra. In 2012 the elektrodombyra was created; the Turkestani and Badakhshani damburas are fretless with a body and neck carved from a single block of wood mulberry or apricot.
The dambura is played with much banging and scratching on the instrument to help give a percussive sound. The two strings are made of gut, they cross a short bridge to a pin at the other end of the body. There is a tiny sound hole in the back of the instrument, it is not finished with any varnish, filing/sanding of any kind, as with all other Turkic instruments there is some decoration. The Dumbyra is the equivalent instrument of the Volga Tatars and Bashkirs. A performer strikes all the strings at the same time; the upper string performs the lower string performs the melody. A dumbura is used as a solo as well as an ensemble instrument; the dombyra first appeared in the Middle Ages. For example, in works of Aby Nasyr Al-Farabi we can read about a tambur-like musical instrument similar to dombyra. In every country of Central Asia was an instrument similar to the Dombyra. In the last century there where great composers and Dombyra players like Kurmangazy and Tattimbet; the Kazakh poet Abay Qunanbayuli is shown holding a dombra at rest and many hold it in high regard as a symbol of nationalism among the post-Soviet nations of the Commonwealth of Independent States.
The dombra is played by Erzhan Alimbetov in the Ulytau band. From the 12th to the 18th century, the dumbura was used by Bashkir sasans to accompany their poetic legends and kubairs, it is mentioned in the epic poem "Zayatulyak and Hiuhiliu". However, by the beginning of the 20th century, the dumbura was forgotten; the sasans were the main ideologists of ethnic insurrections, so when the Russian administration put down an uprising, they punished the sasans and destroyed their dumburas. In the second half of the 20th century, several reconstructions were carried out. At present, the revivalist work continues. Among others, performer V. Shugayupov works on the revival of the dumbura; the modern wooden dumbura has an oval form. This instrument has become a part of an Internet phenomenon after a video clip from SuperStar KZ, the Kazakh equivalent of the Idol series, was posted on YouTube; the video includes two contestants singing and a third one singing and playing the dombra, which caused the popularity.
The name of the original song is Freestailo by R. Lizer, a Kazakh man. Dombyra as an instrument is being popularized through Dombyra Parties, a flash mob-like movement of Kazakh youth organized via social media; the videos of Dombyra Party activities are shared on Facebook etc.. Many folk and regional tunings have existed, though below is the most accepted academic DG tuning for standard concert dombra prima of Kazakhstan. There are different classifications of Dombyra, for example Dombyra for singing songs or jirs has 8-9 strings, dombyra for kyus has more than 20 strings. Tanbur Kui on dombra Kazakh national Kui - Nauai, author Dina Nurpeisova Kazakh national Kui - AdaiOther links Song "Dombira" by Arslanbek Sultanbekov Dombıra - An Ancient Turkish Music Instrument video clip from SuperStar KZ
The Khanty are an indigenous people calling themselves Khanti, Kantek, living in Khanty–Mansi Autonomous Okrug, a region known as "Yugra" in Russia, together with the Mansi. In the autonomous okrug, the Khanty and Mansi languages are given co-official status with Russian. In the 2010 Census, 30,943 persons identified themselves as Khanty. Of those, 26,694 were resident in Tyumen Oblast, of which 17,128 were living in Khanty–Mansi Autonomous Okrug and 8,760—in Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug. 873 were residents of neighbouring Tomsk Oblast, 88 lived in the Komi Republic. In the centuries of the second millennium BC, the territories between Kama and Irtysh rivers were the home of a Proto-Uralic speaking population who had contacts with Proto-Indo-European speakers from the South; the inhabitants of these areas were of Europid stock. This woodland population is the ancestor of the modern-day Ugrian inhabitants of Trans-Uralia; some consider the Khanty's ancestors to be the prehistoric metalworking Andronovo Culture.
Other researchers say that the Khanty people originated in the south Ural steppe and moved northwards into their current location about 500 AD. Khanty appear in Russian records under the name Yugra, when they had contact with Russian hunters and merchants; the name comes from Komi-Zyrian language jögra. It is possible that they were first recorded by the English King Alfred the Great, who located Fenland to the east of the White Sea in Western Siberia; the older Russian name Ostyak is from Khanty as-kho'person from the Ob River,' with -yak after other ethnic terms like Permyak. Some Khanty princedoms were included in the Siberia Khanate from the 1440s–1570s. In the 11th century, Yugra was a term for numerous tribes, each having its own centre and its own chief; every tribe had two exogamic phratries, termed mon't' and por, all members were considered to be blood relatives. This structure was replaced with clans, where each clan leader negotiated with the Russian realm, they participated in Russian campaigns, received the right to collect yasaq from two Khanty volosts respectively.
When this structure was no longer needed, Russia deprived them of their privileges. Between the 17th and 19th centuries, there were attempts to introduce Christianity, but the Khanty lifestyle did not undergo any real changes. In the second half of 19th century, they accepted state law. During the Soviet period the Khanty were one of the few indigenous minorities of Siberia to be granted an autonomy in the form of an okrug; the establishment of autonomy has played a considerable role in consolidation of the ethnos. However, in the 1930s concerted efforts were made by the Soviet state to collectivise them; the initial stages of this meant the execution of tribal chiefs who were labelled "kulaks" followed by the execution of shamans. The abduction by the state of the children who were sent to Russian speaking boarding schools provoked a national revolt in 1933 called the Kazym rebellion. After the end of the Stalin period this process was relaxed and efforts were intensified in the 1980s and'90s to protect their common territory from industrial expansion of various ministries and agencies.
The autonomy has played a major role in preserving the traditional culture and language. The Khantys' traditional occupations were taiga hunting and reindeer herding, they lived as trappers, thus gathering was of major importance. The Khanty are one of the indigenous minorities in Siberia with an autonomy in the form of an okrug. Khanty are today Orthodox Christians, mixed with traditional beliefs, their historical shaman wore no special clothes except a cap. Traditional Khanty cults are related to nature; the Crow spring celebration is being celebrated in April, nowadays it is April 7, the same day as the Annunciation day. The Bear Celebration is being celebrated after a successful hunting of a bear; the Bear Celebration continues 6 days. Over 300 songs and performances occur during a Bear Celebration; the most important parts of the celebration are: Nukh Kiltatty Ar Ily Vukhalty Ar - The story about the son of Torum. The son was sent by Torum to rule the Earth, he has forgotten father's advice, lost his immortality, turned into a beast and has been killed by the hunters.
Il Veltatty Ar The Khanty language is a language belonging to the Ugric branch of the Uralic languages, consisting of ten dialects, divided into southern and eastern subgroups, related to Mansi and Hungarian. Iyrcae KHANTIA-MANSIA – YUGRA Khants — Some pictures of Khants' bird and fishery traps Redbook: The Khants Survival International Endangered Uralic Peoples: Khants or Ostyaks
The Inuit are a group of culturally similar indigenous peoples inhabiting the Arctic regions of Greenland and Alaska. The Inuit languages are part of the Eskimo–Aleut family. Inuit Sign Language is a critically endangered language isolate used in Nunavut. In Canada and the States, the term "Eskimo" was used by ethnic Europeans to describe the Inuit and Siberia's and Alaska's Yupik and Iñupiat peoples. However, "Inuit" is not accepted as a term for the Yupik, "Eskimo" is the only term that applies to Yupik, Iñupiat and Inuit. Since the late 20th century, Indigenous peoples in Canada and Greenlandic Inuit consider "Eskimo" to be a pejorative term, they more identify as "Inuit" for an autonym. In Canada, sections 25 and 35 of the Constitution Act of 1982 classified the Inuit as a distinctive group of Aboriginal Canadians who are not included under either the First Nations or the Métis; the Inuit live throughout most of Northern Canada in the territory of Nunavut, Nunavik in the northern third of Quebec and NunatuKavut in Labrador, in various parts of the Northwest Territories around the Arctic Ocean.
These areas are known in the Inuktitut language as the "Inuit Nunangat". In the United States, the Iñupiat live on the Alaska North Slope and on Little Diomede Island; the Greenlandic Inuit are descendants of ancient indigenous migrations from Canada, as these people migrated to the east through the continent. They are citizens of Denmark. Inuit are the descendants of what anthropologists call the Thule people, who emerged from western Alaska around 1000 CE, they had split from the related Aleut group about 4000 years ago and from northeastern Siberian migrants related to the Chukchi language group, still earlier, descended from the third major migration from Siberia. They spread eastwards across the Arctic, they displaced the related Dorset culture, called the Tuniit in Inuktitut, the last major Paleo-Eskimo culture. Inuit legends speak of the Tuniit as people who were taller and stronger than the Inuit. Less the legends refer to the Dorset as "dwarfs". Researchers believe that Inuit society had advantages by having adapted to using dogs as transport animals, developing larger weapons and other technologies superior to those of the Dorset culture.
By 1300, Inuit migrants had reached west Greenland. During the next century, they settled in East Greenland Faced with population pressures from the Thule and other surrounding groups, such as the Algonquian and Siouan-speaking peoples to the south, the Tuniit receded; the Tuniit were thought to have become extinct as a people by about 1400 or 1500. But, in the mid-1950s, researcher Henry B. Collins determined that, based on the ruins found at Native Point, the Sadlermiut were the last remnants of the Dorset culture, or Tuniit; the Sadlermiut population survived up until winter 1902–03, when exposure to new infectious diseases brought by contact with Europeans led to their extinction as a people. In the early 21st century, mitochondrial DNA research has supported the theory of continuity between the Tuniit and the Sadlermiut peoples, it provided evidence that a population displacement did not occur within the Aleutian Islands between the Dorset and Thule transition. In contrast to other Tuniit populations, the Aleut and Sadlermiut benefited from both geographical isolation and their ability to adopt certain Thule technologies.
In Canada and Greenland, Inuit circulated exclusively north of the "arctic tree line", the effective southern border of Inuit society. The most southern "officially recognized" Inuit community in the world is Rigolet in Nunatsiavut. South of Nunatsiavut, the descendants of the southern Labrador Inuit in NunatuKavut continued their traditional transhumant semi-nomadic way of life until the mid-1900s; the Nunatukavummuit people moved among islands and bays on a seasonal basis. They did not establish stationary communities. In other areas south of the tree line, non-Inuit indigenous cultures were well established; the culture and technology of Inuit society that served so well in the Arctic were not suited to subarctic regions, so they did not displace their southern neighbors. Inuit had trade relations with more southern cultures. Warfare was not uncommon among those Inuit groups with sufficient population density. Inuit such as the Nunamiut, who inhabited the Mackenzie River delta area engaged in warfare.
The more sparsely settled Inuit in the Central Arctic, did so less often. Their first European contact was with the Vikings who settled in Greenland and explored the eastern Canadian coast; the sagas recorded meeting skrælingar an undifferentiated label for all the indigenous peoples whom the Norse encountered, whether Tuniit, Inuit, or Beothuk. After about 1350, the climate grew colder during the period known as the Little Ice Age. During this period, Alaskan natives were able to continue their whaling activities. But, in the high Arctic, the Inuit were forced to abandon their hunting and whaling sites as bowhead whales disappeared from Canada and Greenland; these Inuit had to subsist on a much poorer diet, lost access to the essential raw materials for their tools and architecture which they had derived from whaling. The changing climate forced the Inuit to work their way south, pushing them into marginal niches along the edges of the tree line; these were areas which Native Americans had not occupied or where they were weak enough for the Inuit to live near them.
Researchers have difficulty defining when Inuit stopped this territorial