Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche was a German philosopher, cultural critic, poet and Latin and Greek scholar whose work has exerted a profound influence on Western philosophy and modern intellectual history. He began his career as a classical philologist before turning to philosophy, he became the youngest to hold the Chair of Classical Philology at the University of Basel in 1869 at the age of 24. Nietzsche resigned in 1879 due to health problems. In 1889 at age 44, he suffered a collapse and afterward, a complete loss of his mental faculties, he lived his remaining years in the care of his mother until her death in 1897 and with his sister Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche. Nietzsche died in 1900. Nietzsche's body of work touched a wide range of topics, including art, history, tragedy and science, his writing spans philosophical polemics, cultural criticism and fiction while displaying a fondness for aphorism and irony. His early inspiration was drawn from figures such as Arthur Schopenhauer, Richard Wagner and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe.
Prominent elements of his philosophy include his radical critique of truth in favor of perspectivism. He developed influential concepts such as the Übermensch and the doctrine of eternal return. In his work, he became preoccupied with the creative powers of the individual to overcome social and moral contexts in pursuit of new values and aesthetic health. After his death, his sister Elisabeth became the curator and editor of Nietzsche's manuscripts, reworking his unpublished writings to fit her own German nationalist ideology while contradicting or obfuscating Nietzsche's stated opinions, which were explicitly opposed to antisemitism and nationalism. Through her published editions, Nietzsche's work became associated with Nazism. Nietzsche's thought enjoyed renewed popularity in the 1960s and his ideas have since had a profound impact on 20th and early-21st century thinkers across philosophy—especially in schools of continental philosophy such as existentialism and post-structuralism—as well as art, psychology and popular culture.
Born on 15 October 1844, Nietzsche grew up in the small town of Röcken, near Leipzig, in the Prussian Province of Saxony. He was named after King Friedrich Wilhelm IV of Prussia, who turned 49 on the day of Nietzsche's birth. Nietzsche's Carl Ludwig Nietzsche, a Lutheran pastor and former teacher, they had two other children: a daughter, Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche, born in 1846. Nietzsche's father died from a brain ailment in 1849; the family moved to Naumburg, where they lived with Nietzsche's maternal grandmother and his father's two unmarried sisters. After the death of Nietzsche's grandmother in 1856, the family moved into their own house, now Nietzsche-Haus, a museum and Nietzsche study centre. Nietzsche attended a boys' school and a private school, where he became friends with Gustav Krug, Rudolf Wagner and Wilhelm Pinder, all of whom came from respected families. In 1854, he began to attend Domgymnasium in Naumburg; because his father had worked for the state the now-fatherless Nietzsche was offered a scholarship to study at the internationally recognized Schulpforta.
He transferred and studied there from 1858 to 1864, becoming friends with Paul Deussen and Carl von Gersdorff. He found time to work on poems and musical compositions. Nietzsche led a music and literature club, during his summers in Naumburg. At Schulpforta, Nietzsche received an important grounding in languages—Greek, Latin and French—so as to be able to read important primary sources, his end-of-semester exams in March 1864 showed a 1 in German. While at Pforta, Nietzsche had a penchant for pursuing subjects, he became acquainted with the work of the almost-unknown poet Friedrich Hölderlin, calling him "my favorite poet" and composing an essay in which he said that the mad poet raised consciousness to "the most sublime ideality." The teacher who corrected the essay gave it a good mark but commented that Nietzsche should concern himself in the future with healthier, more lucid, more "German" writers. Additionally, he became acquainted with Ernst Ortlepp, an eccentric and drunken poet, found dead in a ditch weeks after meeting the young Nietzsche but who may have introduced Nietzsche to the music and writing of Rich
Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli was an Italian diplomat, historian, humanist, writer and poet of the Renaissance period. He has been called the father of modern political science. For many years he was a senior official in the Florentine Republic, with responsibilities in diplomatic and military affairs, he wrote comedies, carnival songs, poetry. His personal correspondence is renowned by Italian scholars, he was secretary to the Second Chancery of the Republic of Florence from 1498 to 1512, when the Medici were out of power. He wrote his best-known work The Prince in 1513. Machiavellianism is used as a negative term to characterize unscrupulous politicians of the sort Machiavelli described most famously in The Prince. Machiavelli described immoral behavior, such as dishonesty and the killing of innocents, as being normal and effective in politics, he encouraged it in some situations. The book gained notoriety due to claims that it teaches "evil recommendations to tyrants to help them maintain their power".
The term Machiavellian is associated with political deceit and realpolitik. On the other hand, many commentators, such as Baruch Spinoza, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Denis Diderot, have argued that Machiavelli was a republican when writing The Prince, his writings were an inspiration to Enlightenment proponents of modern democratic political philosophy. In one place, for example, he noted his admiration for the selfless Roman dictator Cincinnatus. Machiavelli was born in Florence, the third child and first son of attorney Bernardo di Niccolò Machiavelli and his wife, Bartolomea di Stefano Nelli; the Machiavelli family is believed to be descended from the old marquesses of Tuscany and to have produced thirteen Florentine Gonfalonieres of Justice, one of the offices of a group of nine citizens selected by drawing lots every two months and who formed the government, or Signoria. Machiavelli married Marietta Corsini in 1502. Machiavelli was born in a tumultuous era in which popes waged acquisitive wars against Italian city-states, people and cities fell from power as France and the Holy Roman Empire battled for regional influence and control.
Political-military alliances continually changed, featuring condottieri, who changed sides without warning, the rise and fall of many short-lived governments. Machiavelli was taught grammar and Latin, it is thought that he did not learn Greek though Florence was at the time one of the centers of Greek scholarship in Europe. In 1494 Florence restored the republic, expelling the Medici family that had ruled Florence for some sixty years. Shortly after the execution of Savonarola, Machiavelli was appointed to an office of the second chancery, a medieval writing office that put Machiavelli in charge of the production of official Florentine government documents. Shortly thereafter, he was made the secretary of the Dieci di Libertà e Pace. In the first decade of the sixteenth century, he carried out several diplomatic missions: most notably to the Papacy in Rome. Moreover, from 1502 to 1503, he witnessed the brutal reality of the state-building methods of Cesare Borgia and his father, Pope Alexander VI, who were engaged in the process of trying to bring a large part of Central Italy under their possession.
The pretext of defending Church interests was used as a partial justification by the Borgias. Other excursions to the court of Louis XII and the Spanish court influenced his writings such as The Prince. Between 1503 and 1506, Machiavelli was responsible for the Florentine militia, he distrusted mercenaries and instead staffed his army with citizens, a policy, to be successful. Under his command, Florentine citizen-soldiers defeated Pisa in 1509. However, Machiavelli's success did not last. In August 1512 the Medici, backed by Pope Julius II, used Spanish troops to defeat the Florentines at Prato, but many historians have argued that it was due to Piero Soderini's unwillingness to compromise with the Medici, who were holding Prato under siege. In the wake of the siege, Soderini left in exile; the experience would, like Machiavelli's time in foreign courts and with the Borgia influence his political writings. After the Medici victory, the Florentine city-state and the republic were dissolved, Machiavelli was deprived of office in 1512.
In 1513 the Medici had him imprisoned. Despite having been subjected to torture, he was released after three weeks. Machiavelli retired to his estate at Sant'Andrea in Percussina, near San Casciano in Val di Pesa, devoted himself to studying and writing of the political treatises that earned his place in the intellectual development of political philosophy and political conduct. Despairing of the opportunity to remain directly involved in political matters, after a time, he began to participate in intellectual groups in Florence and wrote several plays that were both popular and known in his lifetime. Still, politics
Rights of Man
Rights of Man, a book by Thomas Paine, including 31 articles, posits that popular political revolution is permissible when a government does not safeguard the natural rights of its people. Using these points as a base it defends the French Revolution against Edmund Burke's attack in Reflections on the Revolution in France, it was published in two parts in March 1791 and February 1792. Paine was a strong supporter of the French Revolution that began in 1789. Many English thinkers supported it, including Richard Price, who initiated the Revolution Controversy with his sermon and pamphlet drawing favourable parallels between the Glorious Revolution of 1688 and the French Revolution. Conservative intellectual Edmund Burke responded with a counter-revolutionary attack entitled Reflections on the Revolution in France, which appealed to the landed class and sold 30,000 copies. Paine's Rights of Man was printed by Joseph Johnson for publication on 21 February 1791 withdrawn for fear of prosecution. J. S. Jordan published it on 16 March.
The 90,000-word book appeared on 13 March, three weeks than scheduled. It sold as many as one million copies and was "eagerly read by reformers, Protestant dissenters, London craftsman, the skilled factory-hands of the new industrial north". Paine argues that the interests of the monarch and his people are united, insists that the French Revolution should be understood as one which attacks the despotic principles of the French monarchy, not the king himself, he takes the Bastille, the main prison in Paris, to symbolise the despotism, overthrown. Human rights originate in Nature, it is a perversion of terms to say. It operates by a contrary effect—that of taking rights away. Rights are inherently in all the inhabitants. They... are instruments of injustice... The fact, must be that the individuals, each, in his own personal and sovereign right, entered into a contract with each other to produce a government: and this is the only mode in which governments have a right to arise, the only principle on which they have a right to exist.
Government's sole purpose is safeguarding his/her inherent, inalienable rights. The book's acumen derives from the Age of Enlightenment and has been linked to the Second Treatise of Government, by John Locke; the fuller development of this position seems to have been worked out one night in France after an evening spent with Thomas Jefferson, Lafayette, discussing a pamphlet by the Philadelphia conservative James Wilson on the proposed federal constitution. Rights of Man concludes in proposing practical reformations of English government: a written Constitution composed by a national assembly, in the American mould. Principally, Rights of Man opposes the idea of hereditary government—the belief that dictatorial government is necessary, because of man's corrupt, essential nature. In Reflections on the Revolution in France Edmund Burke says that true social stability arises if the nation's poor majority are governed by a minority of wealthy aristocrats, that lawful inheritance of power ensured the propriety of political power being the exclusive domain of the nation's élite social class—the nobility.
Rights of Man denounces Burke's assertion of the nobility's inherent hereditary wisdom. Paine refutes Burke's definition of Government as "a contrivance of human wisdom". Instead, Paine argues that Government is a contrivance of man, it follows that hereditary succession and hereditary rights to govern cannot compose a Government—because the wisdom to govern cannot be inherited. Edmund Burke's counter-revolutionary Reflections on the French Revolution delineates the legitimacy of aristocratic government to the 1688 Parliamentary resolution declaring William and Mary of Orange—and their heirs—to be the true rulers of England. Paine puts forward two arguments against this view. Firstly, he argues that "Every age and generation must be as free to act for itself in all cases as the age and generations which preceded it." Secondly, Paine counters that the institution of monarchy should not be traced from 1688, but from 1066, when William of Normandy forcibly imposed his Norman rule upon Englishmen.
Thomas Paine's intellectual influence is perceptible in the two great political revolutions of the eighteenth century. He dedicated Rights of Man to George Washington and to the Marquis de Lafayette, acknowledging the importance of the American and the French revolutions in his formulating the principles of modern democratic governance. Thus, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen can be encapsulated so: Men are born, always continue and equal in respect of their rights. Civil distinctions, there
Fascism is a form of radical, right-wing, authoritarian ultranationalism, characterized by dictatorial power, forcible suppression of opposition, strong regimentation of society and of the economy, which came to prominence in early 20th-century Europe. The first fascist movements emerged in Italy during World War I before it spread to other European countries. Opposed to liberalism and anarchism, fascism is placed on the far-right within the traditional left–right spectrum. Fascists saw World War I as a revolution that brought massive changes to the nature of war, the state, technology; the advent of total war and the total mass mobilization of society had broken down the distinction between civilians and combatants. A "military citizenship" arose in which all citizens were involved with the military in some manner during the war; the war had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines and providing economic production and logistics to support them, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.
Fascists believe that liberal democracy is obsolete and regard the complete mobilization of society under a totalitarian one-party state as necessary to prepare a nation for armed conflict and to respond to economic difficulties. Such a state is led by a strong leader—such as a dictator and a martial government composed of the members of the governing fascist party—to forge national unity and maintain a stable and orderly society. Fascism rejects assertions that violence is automatically negative in nature and views political violence and imperialism as means that can achieve national rejuvenation. Fascists advocate a mixed economy, with the principal goal of achieving autarky through protectionist and interventionist economic policies. Since the end of World War II in 1945, few parties have described themselves as fascist, the term is instead now used pejoratively by political opponents; the descriptions neo-fascist or post-fascist are sometimes applied more formally to describe parties of the far-right with ideologies similar to, or rooted in, 20th-century fascist movements.
The Italian term fascismo is derived from fascio meaning a bundle of rods from the Latin word fasces. This was the name given to political organizations in Italy known as fasci, groups similar to guilds or syndicates. According to Mussolini's own account, the Fascist Revolutionary Party was founded in Italy in 1915. In 1919, Mussolini founded the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento in Milan, which became the Partito Nazionale Fascista two years later; the Fascists came to associate the term with the ancient Roman fasces or fascio littorio—a bundle of rods tied around an axe, an ancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civic magistrate carried by his lictors, which could be used for corporal and capital punishment at his command. The symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is broken, while the bundle is difficult to break. Similar symbols were developed by different fascist movements: for example, the Falange symbol is five arrows joined together by a yoke. Historians, political scientists, other scholars have long debated the exact nature of fascism.
Each group described as fascist has at least some unique elements, many definitions of fascism have been criticized as either too wide or narrow. One common definition of the term focuses on three concepts: the fascist negations. According to many scholars, fascism—especially once in power—has attacked communism and parliamentary liberalism, attracting support from the far-right. Historian Stanley Payne identifies three main strands in fascism, his typology is cited by reliable sources as a standard definition. First, Payne's "fascist negations" refers to such typical policies as anti-communism and anti-liberalism. Second, "fascist goals" include an expanded empire. Third, "fascist style" is seen in its emphasis on violence and authoritarianism and its exultation of men above women and young against old. Roger Griffin describes fascism as "a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultranationalism". Griffin describes the ideology as having three core components: " the rebirth myth, populist ultra-nationalism, the myth of decadence".
Fascism is "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism" built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. He distinguishes an inter-war period in which it manifested itself in elite-led but populist "armed party" politics opposing socialism and liberalism and promising radical politics to rescue the nation from decadence. Robert Paxton says that fascism is "a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion". Racism was a
David Émile Durkheim was a French sociologist. He formally established the academic discipline and—with W. E. B. Du Bois, Karl Marx and Max Weber—is cited as the principal architect of modern social science. Much of Durkheim's work was concerned with how societies could maintain their integrity and coherence in modernity, an era in which traditional social and religious ties are no longer assumed, in which new social institutions have come into being, his first major sociological work was The Division of Labour in Society. In 1895, he published The Rules of Sociological Method and set up the first European department of sociology, becoming France's first professor of sociology. In 1898, he established the journal L'Année Sociologique. Durkheim's seminal monograph, Suicide, a study of suicide rates in Catholic and Protestant populations, pioneered modern social research and served to distinguish social science from psychology and political philosophy; the Elementary Forms of the Religious Life presented a theory of religion, comparing the social and cultural lives of aboriginal and modern societies.
Durkheim was deeply preoccupied with the acceptance of sociology as a legitimate science. He refined the positivism set forth by Auguste Comte, promoting what could be considered as a form of epistemological realism, as well as the use of the hypothetico-deductive model in social science. For him, sociology was the science of institutions, if this term is understood in its broader meaning as "beliefs and modes of behaviour instituted by the collectivity" and its aim being to discover structural social facts. Durkheim was a major proponent of structural functionalism, a foundational perspective in both sociology and anthropology. In his view, social science should be purely holistic, he remained a dominant force in French intellectual life until his death in 1917, presenting numerous lectures and published works on a variety of topics, including the sociology of knowledge, social stratification, law and deviance. Durkheimian terms such as "collective consciousness" have since entered the popular lexicon.
Emile Durkheim was born in Épinal in the son of Mélanie and Moïse Durkheim. He came from a long line of devout French Jews, he began his education in a rabbinical school, but at an early age, he decided not to follow in his family's footsteps and switched schools. Durkheim led a secular life. Much of his work was dedicated to demonstrating that religious phenomena stemmed from social rather than divine factors. While Durkheim chose not to follow in the family tradition, he did not sever ties with his family or with the Jewish community. Many of his most prominent collaborators and students were Jewish, some were blood relations. Marcel Mauss, a notable social anthropologist of the pre-war era, was his nephew. One of his nieces was Claudette Bloch, a marine biologist and mother of Maurice Bloch, who became a noted anthropologist. A precocious student, Durkheim entered the École Normale Supérieure in 1879, at his third attempt; the entering class that year was one of the most brilliant of the nineteenth century and many of his classmates, such as Jean Jaurès and Henri Bergson, would go on to become major figures in France's intellectual history.
At the ENS, Durkheim studied under the direction of Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges, a classicist with a social scientific outlook, wrote his Latin dissertation on Montesquieu. At the same time, he read Herbert Spencer, thus Durkheim became interested in a scientific approach to society early on in his career. This meant the first of many conflicts with the French academic system, which had no social science curriculum at the time. Durkheim found humanistic studies uninteresting, turning his attention from psychology and philosophy to ethics and sociology, he obtained his agrégation in philosophy in 1882, though finishing next to last in his graduating class owing to serious illness the year before. The opportunity for Durkheim to receive a major academic appointment in Paris was inhibited by his approach to society. From 1882 to 1887 he taught philosophy at several provincial schools. In 1885 he decided to leave for Germany, where for two years he studied sociology at the universities of Marburg and Leipzig.
As Durkheim indicated in several essays, it was in Leipzig that he learned to appreciate the value of empiricism and its language of concrete, complex things, in sharp contrast to the more abstract and simple ideas of the Cartesian method. By 1886, as part of his doctoral dissertation, he had completed the draft of his The Division of Labour in Society, was working towards establishing the new science of sociology. Durkheim's period in Germany resulted in the publication of numerous articles on German social science and philosophy. Durkheim's articles gained recognition in France, he received a teaching appointment in the University of Bordeaux in 1887, where he was to teach the university's first social science course, his official title was Chargé d'un Cours de Science Sociale et de Pédagogie and thus he taught both pedagogy and sociology. The appointment of the social scientist to the humanistic faculty was an important sign of the change of times, the growing importance and recognition of the social sciences.
From this position Durkheim helped reform th
Modern liberalism in the United States
Modern liberalism in the United States is the dominant version of liberalism in the United States. It combines ideas of civil equality with support for social justice and a mixed economy. According to Ian Adams, all American parties always have been, they espouse classical liberalism—that is, a form of democratized Whig constitutionalism, plus the free market. The point of difference comes with the influence of social liberalism". Economically, modern American liberalism opposes cuts to the social safety net and supports a role for government in reducing inequality, providing education, ensuring access to healthcare, regulating economic activity and protecting the natural environment; this form of liberalism took shape in the 20th century United States as the franchise and other civil rights were extended to a larger class of citizens. Major examples include Theodore Roosevelt's New Nationalism, Woodrow Wilson's New Freedom, Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal, Harry S. Truman's Fair Deal, John F. Kennedy's New Frontier and Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society.
In the first half of the 20th century, both major American parties had a conservative wing and a liberal wing. The conservative Northern Republicans and the conservative Southern Democrats formed the conservative coalition which dominated the Congress in the pre-Civil Rights era; as the Democratic Party under President Johnson began to support civil rights, the Solid South, meaning solidly Democratic, became solidly Republican, except in districts with a large number of African-American voters. Starting in the 20th century, there has been a sharp division between liberals who tend to live in denser, more heterogeneous communities and conservatives who tend to live in less dense, more homogeneous communities. Thus, liberals as a group are referred to conservatives the right. Since the 1960s, the Democratic Party is considered liberal and the Republican Party is considered conservative; the American modern liberal philosophy endorses public spending on programs such as education, health care and welfare.
Important social issues during the first part of the 21st century include economic inequality, voting rights for minorities, affirmative action and other women's rights, support for LGBT rights and immigration reform. Modern liberalism took shape during the 20th century, with roots in Theodore Roosevelt's New Nationalism, Woodrow Wilson's New Freedom, Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal, Harry S. Truman's Fair Deal, John F. Kennedy's New Frontier, Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society. American liberals oppose conservatives on most issues, but not all. Modern liberalism is related to social liberalism and progressivism, although the current relationship between liberal and progressive viewpoints is debated. John F. Kennedy defined a liberal as follows: If by a "Liberal" they mean someone who looks ahead and not behind, someone who welcomes new ideas without rigid reactions, someone who cares about the welfare of the people—their health, their housing, their schools, their jobs, their civil rights, their civil liberties—someone who believes we can break through the stalemate and suspicions that grip us in our policies abroad, if, what they mean by a "Liberal" I'm proud to say I'm a "Liberal".
In 1941, Franklin D. Roosevelt defined a liberal party as such: The liberal party believes that, as new conditions and problems arise beyond the power of men and women to meet as individuals, it becomes the duty of Government itself to find new remedies with which to meet them; the liberal party insists that the Government has the definite duty to use all its power and resources to meet new social problems with new social controls—to ensure to the average person the right to his own economic and political life and the pursuit of happiness. Keynesian economic theory has played an important role in the economic philosophy of modern American liberals. Modern American liberals believe that national prosperity requires government management of the macroeconomy, in order to keep unemployment low, inflation in check, growth high, they value institutions that defend against economic inequality. In The Conscience of a Liberal, Paul Krugman writes: "I believe in a equal society, supported by institutions that limit extremes of wealth and poverty.
I believe in democracy, civil liberties, the rule of law. That makes me a liberal, I'm proud of it". Liberals point to the widespread prosperity enjoyed under a mixed economy in the years since World War II, they believe liberty exists when access to necessities like health care and economic opportunity are available to all, they champion the protection of the environment. Modern American liberalism is associated with the Democratic Party as modern American conservatism is associated with the Republican Party. Today, the word liberalism is used differently in different countries. One of the greatest contrasts is between usage in Europe. According to Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. "iberalism in the American usage has little in common with the word as used in the politics of any European country, save Britain". In Europe, liberalism means what is sometimes called classical liberalism, a commitment to limited government, laissez-faire economics and unalienable individual rights; this classical liberalism sometimes more corresponds to the American defination of libertarianism, although some may distinguish between classical liberalism and libertarianism.
In the United States, the general term liberalism always refer to modern liberalism, a more social variant of classical liberalism. In Europe, this social liberalism is closer
Classical liberalism is a political ideology and a branch of liberalism which advocates civil liberties under the rule of law with an emphasis on economic freedom. Related to economic liberalism, it developed in the early 19th century, building on ideas from the previous century as a response to urbanisation and to the Industrial Revolution in Europe and the United States. Notable individuals whose ideas contributed to classical liberalism include John Locke, Jean-Baptiste Say, Thomas Robert Malthus and David Ricardo, it drew on the classical economic ideas espoused by Adam Smith in Book One of The Wealth of Nations and on a belief in natural law and progress. The term classical liberalism has been applied in retrospect to distinguish earlier 19th-century liberalism from social liberalism. Core beliefs of classical liberals included new ideas—which departed from both the older conservative idea of society as a family and from the sociological concept of society as complex set of social networks.
Classical liberals believe that individuals are "egoistic, coldly calculating inert and atomistic" and that society is no more than the sum of its individual members. Classical liberals agreed with Thomas Hobbes that government had been created by individuals to protect themselves from each other and that the purpose of government should be to minimize conflict between individuals that would otherwise arise in a state of nature; these beliefs were complemented by a belief that laborers could be best motivated by financial incentive. This belief led to the passage of the Poor Law Amendment Act 1834, which limited the provision of social assistance, based on the idea that markets are the mechanism that most efficiently leads to wealth. Adopting Thomas Robert Malthus's population theory, they saw poor urban conditions as inevitable, believed population growth would outstrip food production and thus regarded that consequence desirable because starvation would help limit population growth, they opposed any income or wealth redistribution, believing it would be dissipated by the lowest orders.
Drawing on ideas of Adam Smith, classical liberals believed that it is in the common interest that all individuals be able to secure their own economic self-interest. They were critical of what would come to be the idea of the welfare state as interfering in a free market. Despite Smith’s resolute recognition of the importance and value of labor and of laborers, classical liberals selectively criticized labour's group rights being pursued at the expense of individual rights while accepting corporations' rights, which led to inequality of bargaining power. Classical liberals argued that individuals should be free to obtain work from the highest-paying employers while the profit motive would ensure that products that people desired were produced at prices they would pay. In a free market, both labor and capital would receive the greatest possible reward while production would be organized efficiently to meet consumer demand. Classical liberals argued for what they called a minimal state, limited to the following functions: A government to protect individual rights and to provide services that cannot be provided in a free market.
A common national defense to provide protection against foreign invaders. Laws to provide protection for citizens from wrongs committed against them by other citizens, which included protection of private property, enforcement of contracts and common law. Building and maintaining public institutions. Public works that included a stable currency, standard weights and measures and building and upkeep of roads, harbors, railways and postal services. Classical liberals asserted that rights are of a negative nature and therefore stipulate that other individuals and governments are to refrain from interfering with the free market, opposing social liberals who assert that individuals have positive rights, such as the right to vote, the right to an education, the right to health care and the right to a living wage. For society to guarantee positive rights, it requires taxation over and above the minimum needed to enforce negative rights. Core beliefs of classical liberals did not include democracy or government by a majority vote by citizens because "there is nothing in the bare idea of majority rule to show that majorities will always respect the rights of property or maintain rule of law".
For example, James Madison argued for a constitutional republic with protections for individual liberty over a pure democracy, reasoning that in a pure democracy a "common passion or interest will, in every case, be felt by a majority of the whole and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party". In the late 19th century, classical liberalism developed into neo-classical liberalism, which argued for government to be as small as possible to allow the exercise of individual freedom. In its most extreme form, neo-classical liberalism advocated social Darwinism. Right-libertarianism is a modern form of neo-classical liberalism. Friedrich Hayek identified two different traditions within classical liberalism, namely the British tradition and the French tradition. Hayek saw the British philosophers Bernard Mandeville, David Hume, Adam Smith, Adam Ferguson, Josiah Tucker and William Paley as representative of a tradition that articulated beliefs in empiricism, the common law and in traditions and institutions which had spontaneously evolved but were imperfectly understood.
The French tradition included Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Marquis de Condorcet, the Encyclopedists and the Physiocrats. This tradition believed in rationalism and sometimes showed hostility to religion. Hayek conceded that the national labels did not correspond to those belonging to each tradition since he saw the