Global justice is an issue in political philosophy arising from the concern about unfairness. It is sometimes understood as a form of internationalism. Henrik Syse argues that global ethics and international justice in western tradition is part of the tradition of natural law, it has been organized and taught within Western culture since Latin times of Middle Stoa and Cicero and the early Christian philosophers Ambrose and Augustine. Per Syse "This early natural-law theorizing teaching centered around the idea of a ius naturale, i.e. a system of right, natural and as such common to all people, available to humankind as a measuring stick of right and wrong." Per the American political scientist Iris Marion Young "A accepted philosophical view continues to hold that the scope of obligations of justice is defined by membership in a common political community. On this account, people have obligations of justice only to other people with whom they live together under a common constitution, or whom they recognize as belonging to the same nation as themselves."
English philosopher David Miller agreed, that obligations only apply to people living together or that are part of the same Nation. What we owe one another in the global context is one of the questions the global justice concept seeks to answer. There are negative duties which may be in conflict with ones moral rules. Cosmopolitans including the ancient Greek Diogenes of Sinope, have described themselves as citizens of the world. Ín 1976, William Godwin a utilitarian thinker and anarchist argued that everyone has an impartial duty to do the most good he or she can, without preference for any one human being over another. The broader political context of the debate is the longstanding conflict between more and less local institutions: tribes against states, villages against cities, local communities against empires, nation-states against the UN; the relative strength of the local versus the global waned over recorded history. From the early modern period until the twentieth century, the preeminent political institution was the state, sovereign, claims a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence in its territory, exists in an international system of other sovereign states.
Over the same period, relatedly, political philosophers' interest in justice focused exclusively on domestic issues: how should states treat their subjects, what do fellow-citizens owe one another? Justice in relations between states, between individuals across state borders was put aside as a secondary issue or left to international relations theorists. Since the First World War, the state system has been transformed by globalization and by the creation of supranational political and economic institutions such as the League of Nations, the United Nations, the World Bank. Over the same period, since the 1970s, global justice became an important issue in political philosophy. In the contemporary global justice debate, the general issue of impartiality centers on the moral significance of borders and of shared citizenship. Realists, nationalists, members of the society of states tradition, cosmopolitans take contesting positions in response to these problems. Three related questions, concerning the scope of justice, justice in the distribution of wealth and other goods, the institutions responsible for justice, are central to the problem of global justice.
When these questions are addressed in non ideal circumstances, they are part of the "ethics of process," a branch of political ethics. Are there, as the moral universalist argues, objective ethical standards that apply to all humans regardless of culture, gender, nationality or other distinguishing features? Or do ethical standards only apply within such limited contexts as cultures, communities, or voluntary associations? A Moral Conception of Social Justice is only Universalistic if: It subjects all persons to the same system of fundamental moral principles These principles assign the same fundamental moral benefits and burdens to all: and These fundamental benefits and burdens do not privilege or disadvantage certain groups arbitrarily. Gillian Brock asks "Do we have an obligation to ensure people have their basic needs met and can otherwise lead “decent” lives, or should we be more concerned with global socio-economic equality?". 1.1 billion people — 18% of humanity — live below the World Bank's $2/day.
Is this distribution of wealth and other goods just? What is the root cause of poverty, are there systemic injustices in the world economy? John Rawls has said that international obligations are between states as long as "states meet a minimal condition of decency" where as Thomas Nagel argues that obligations to the others are on an individual level and that moral reasons for restraint do not need to be satisfied for an individual to deserve equal treatment internationally. Peter Singer argues in Famine and Morality that the rich have a moral obligation to give their money away to those who need it. What institutions—states, federal entities, global financial institutions like the World Bank, international NGOs, multinational corporations, international courts, a world state—would best achieve the ideal of global justice? How might they gain our support, whose responsibility is it to create and sustain such institutions? How free should movement between the jurisdictions of different territorial entities be?
Thomas Pogge says that States can not achieve global justice by themselves "It has never been plausible that the interests of states—that is, the interests of governments—should furnish the only considerations that are morally relevant in international relations." Organizations like the World Trade Organiza
Propaganda is information, not objective and is used to influence an audience and further an agenda by presenting facts selectively to encourage a particular synthesis or perception, or using loaded language to produce an emotional rather than a rational response to the information, presented. Propaganda is associated with material prepared by governments, but activist groups, religious organizations and the media can produce propaganda. In the twentieth century, the term propaganda has been associated with a manipulative approach, but propaganda was a neutral descriptive term. A wide range of materials and media are used for conveying propaganda messages, which changed as new technologies were invented, including paintings, posters, films, radio shows, TV shows, websites. More the digital age has given rise to new ways of disseminating propaganda, for example, through the use of bots and algorithms to create computational propaganda and spread fake or biased news using social media. In a 1929 literary debate with Edward Bernays, Everett Dean Martin argues that, "Propaganda is making puppets of us.
We are moved by hidden strings which the propagandist manipulates." Propaganda is a modern Latin word, the gerundive form of propagare, meaning to spread or to propagate, thus propaganda means that, to be propagated. This word derived from a new administrative body of the Catholic church created in 1622 as part of the Counter-Reformation, called the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide, or informally Propaganda, its activity was aimed at "propagating" the Catholic faith in non-Catholic countries. From the 1790s, the term began being used to refer to propaganda in secular activities; the term began taking a pejorative or negative connotation in the mid-19th century, when it was used in the political sphere. Primitive forms of propaganda have been a human activity as far back as reliable recorded evidence exists; the Behistun Inscription detailing the rise of Darius I to the Persian throne is viewed by most historians as an early example of propaganda. Another striking example of propaganda during Ancient History is the last Roman civil wars during which Octavian and Mark Antony blame each other for obscure and degrading origins, cowardice and literary incompetence, luxury and other slanders.
This defamation took the form of uituperatio, decisive for shaping the Roman public opinion at this time. Propaganda during the Reformation, helped by the spread of the printing press throughout Europe, in particular within Germany, caused new ideas and doctrine to be made available to the public in ways that had never been seen before the 16th century. During the era of the American Revolution, the American colonies had a flourishing network of newspapers and printers who specialized in the topic on behalf of the Patriots; the first large-scale and organised propagation of government propaganda was occasioned by the outbreak of war in 1914. After the defeat of Germany in the First World War, military officials such as Erich Ludendorff suggested that British propaganda had been instrumental in their defeat. Adolf Hitler came to echo this view, believing that it had been a primary cause of the collapse of morale and the revolts in the German home front and Navy in 1918. In Mein Kampf Hitler expounded his theory of propaganda, which provided a powerful base for his rise to power in 1933.
Historian Robert Ensor explains. Most propaganda in Nazi Germany was produced by the Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda under Joseph Goebbels. World War II saw continued use of propaganda as a weapon of war, building on the experience of WWI, by Goebbels and the British Political Warfare Executive, as well as the United States Office of War Information. In the early 20th century, the invention of motion pictures gave propaganda-creators a powerful tool for advancing political and military interests when it came to reaching a broad segment of the population and creating consent or encouraging rejection of the real or imagined enemy. In the years following the October Revolution of 1917, the Soviet government sponsored the Russian film industry with the purpose of making propaganda films In WWII, Nazi filmmakers produced emotional films to create popular support for occupying the Sudetenland and attacking Poland; the 1930s and 1940s, which saw the rise of totalitarian states and the Second World War, are arguably the "Golden Age of Propaganda".
Leni Riefenstahl, a filmmaker working in Nazi Germany, created one of the best-known propaganda movies, Triumph of the Will. In the US, animation became popular for winning over youthful audiences and aiding the U. S. war effort, e.g. Der Fuehrer's Face, which ridicules Hitler and advocates the value of freedom. US war films in the early 1940s were designed to create a patriotic mindset and convince viewers that sacrifices needed to be made to defeat the Axis Powers. Polish filmmakers in Great Britain created anti-nazi color film Calling mr. Smith about current nazi crimes in occupied Europe and about lies of nazi propaganda; the West and the Soviet Union both used propaganda extensively during the Cold War. Both sides used film, and
An economy is an area of the production, distribution, or trade, consumption of goods and services by different agents. Understood in its broadest sense,'The economy is defined as a social domain that emphasize the practices and material expressions associated with the production and management of resources'. Economic agents can be individuals, organizations, or governments. Economic transactions occur when two parties agree to the value or price of the transacted good or service expressed in a certain currency. However, monetary transactions only account for a small part of the economic domain. Economic activity is spurred by production which uses natural resources and capital, it has changed over time due to technology, innovation such as, that which produces intellectual property and changes in industrial relations. A given economy is the result of a set of processes that involves its culture, education, technological evolution, social organization, political structure and legal systems, as well as its geography, natural resource endowment, ecology, as main factors.
These factors give context and set the conditions and parameters in which an economy functions. In other words, the economic domain is a social domain of human transactions, it does not stand alone. A market-based economy is one where goods and services are produced and exchanged according to demand and supply between participants by barter or a medium of exchange with a credit or debit value accepted within the network, such as a unit of currency. A command-based economy is one where political agents directly control what is produced and how it is sold and distributed. A green economy is low-carbon, resource efficient, inclusive. In a green economy, growth in income and employment is driven by public and private investments that reduce carbon emissions and pollution, enhance energy and resource efficiency, prevent the loss of biodiversity and ecosystem services. A gig economy is one in which short-term jobs are assigned via online platforms and a programmable economy is the set of revolutionary changes taking place in the global economy due to technology innovations.
✓. Today the range of fields of study examining the economy revolves around the social science of economics, but may include sociology, history and geography. Practical fields directly related to the human activities involving production, distribution and consumption of goods and services as a whole are engineering, business administration, applied science, finance. All professions, economic agents or economic activities, contribute to the economy. Consumption and investment are variable components in the economy that determine macroeconomic equilibrium. There are three main sectors of economic activity: primary and tertiary. Due to the growing importance of the economical sector in modern times, the term real economy is used by analysts as well as politicians to denote the part of the economy, concerned with the actual production of goods and services, as ostensibly contrasted with the paper economy, or the financial side of the economy, concerned with buying and selling on the financial markets.
Alternate and long-standing terminology distinguishes measures of an economy expressed in real values, such as real GDP, or in nominal values. The English words "economy" and "economics" can be traced back to the Greek word οἰκονόμος, a composite word derived from οἶκος and νέμω by way of οἰκονομία; the first recorded sense of the word "economy" is in the phrase "the management of œconomic affairs", found in a work composed in a monastery in 1440. "Economy" is recorded in more general senses, including "thrift" and "administration". The most used current sense, denoting "the economic system of a country or an area", seems not to have developed until the 1650s; as long as someone has been making and distributing goods or services, there has been some sort of economy. Sumer developed a large-scale economy based on commodity money, while the Babylonians and their neighboring city states developed the earliest system of economics as we think of, in terms of rules/laws on debt, legal contracts and law codes relating to business practices, private property.
The Babylonians and their city state neighbors developed forms of economics comparable to used civil society concepts. They developed the first known codified legal and administrative systems, complete with courts and government records; the ancient economy was based on subsistence farming. The Shekel referred to an ancient unit of currency; the first usage of the term came from Mesopotamia circa 3000 BC. and referred to a specific mass of barley which related other values in a metric such as silver, copper etc. A barley/shekel was both a unit of currency and a unit of weight, just as the British Pound was a uni
Balance of power (international relations)
The balance of power theory in international relations suggests that national security is enhanced when military capability is distributed so that no one state is strong enough to dominate all others. If one state becomes much stronger than others, the theory predicts that it will take advantage of its strength and attack weaker neighbors, thereby providing an incentive for those threatened to unite in a defensive coalition; some realists maintain that this would be more stable as aggression would appear unattractive and would be averted if there was equilibrium of power between the rival coalitions. When confronted by a significant external threat, states that wish to form alliances may "balance" or "bandwagon". Balancing is defined as allying with others against the prevailing threat, while states that have bandwagoned have aligned with the threat. States may employ other alliance tactics, such as buck-passing and chain-ganging. There is a longstanding debate among realists with regard to how the polarity of a system impacts which tactics states use.
Along with debates between realists about the prevalence of balancing in alliance patterns, other schools of international relations, such as constructivists, are critical of the balance of power theory, disputing core realist assumptions regarding the international system and the behavior of states. The principle involved in preserving the balance of power as a conscious goal of foreign policy, as David Hume pointed out in his Essay on the Balance of Power, is as old as history, was used by Greeks such as Thucydides both as political theorists and as practical statesmen. A 2018 study in International Studies Quarterly confirmed that "the speeches of the Corinthians from prior to the Persian Wars to the aftermath of the Peloponnesian War reveal an enduring thesis of their foreign policy: that imperial ambitions and leveling tendencies, such as those of Athens and Thebes, should be countered in order to prevent a tyrant city from emerging within the society of Greek city-states."It resurfaced in Renaissance among the Italian city-states in the 15th century.
Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, Lorenzo de' Medici, ruler of Florence, were the first rulers to pursue such a policy, with the Italic League, though historians have attributed the innovation to the Medici rulers of Florence. Discussion of the Florentine activity can be found in De Bello Italico, by Bernardo Rucellai, a Medici son-in-law; this was a history of the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII of France, introduced the phrase balance of power to historical analysis. Universalism, the dominant direction of European international relations prior to the Peace of Westphalia, gave way to the doctrine of the balance of power; the term gained significance after the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, where it was mentioned. Georg Schwarzenberger, Power Politics, p. 120 It was not until the beginning of the 17th century, when the science of international law assumed the discipline of structure, in the hands of Grotius and his successors, that the theory of the balance of power was formulated as a fundamental principle of diplomacy.
In accordance with this new discipline, the European states formed a sort of federal community, the fundamental condition of, the preservation of a balance of power, i.e. such a disposition of things that no one state, or potentate, should be able to predominate and prescribe laws to the rest. And, since all were interested in this settlement, it was held to be the interest, the right, the duty of every power to interfere by force of arms, when any of the conditions of this settlement were infringed upon, or assailed by, any other member of the community; this balance-of-power principle, once formulated, became an axiom of political science. Fénelon, in his Instructions, impressed the axiom upon the young Louis, Dauphin of France, Duke of Burgundy. Frederick the Great, in his Anti-Machiavel, proclaimed the'balance of power' principle to the world. In 1806 Friedrich von Gentz re-stated it with admirable clarity, in Fragments on the Balance of Power; the principle formed the basis of the coalitions against Louis XIV and Napoleon, the occasion, or the excuse, for most of the wars which Europe experienced between the Peace of Westphalia and the Congress of Vienna from the British vantage point.
During the greater part of the 19th century, the series of national upheavals which remodeled the map of Europe obscured the balance of power. Yet, it underlaid all the efforts of diplomacy to stay, or to direct, the elemental forces of nationalism let loose by the French Revolution. In the revolution's aftermath, with the restoration of comparative calm, the principle once more emerged as the operative motive for the various political alliances, of which the ostensible object was the preservation of peace. Regarding the era 1848–1914, English diplomatic historian A. J. P. Taylor argued: Europe has known as much peace as war. No one state has been strong enough to eat up all the rest, the mutual jealousy of the Great Powers has preserved the small states, which could not have preserved themselves. Regarding the last quarter-century of the period outlined by Taylor, his American colleague, diplomatic historian Edward Mead Earle, argued: “During the quarter-century beginning about 1890, Europe and the Far East lived under a precarious balance of power with the result … that the world moved crazily from one crisis to another and to catastrophe.”
Earle concludes: “The bal
A treaty is an agreement under international law entered into by actors in international law, namely sovereign states and international organizations. A treaty may be known as an agreement, covenant, pact, or exchange of letters, among other terms. Regardless of terminology, all of these forms of agreements are, under international law considered treaties and the rules are the same. Treaties can be loosely compared to contracts: both are examples of willing parties assuming obligations among themselves, any party that fails to live up to their obligations can be held liable under international law. A treaty is an official, express written agreement that states use to bind themselves. A treaty is the official document. Since the late 19th century, most treaties have followed a consistent format. A treaty begins with a preamble describing the High Contracting Parties and their shared objectives in executing the treaty, as well as summarizing any underlying events. Modern preambles are sometimes structured as a single long sentence formatted into multiple paragraphs for readability, in which each of the paragraphs begins with a gerund.
The High Contracting Parties. His Majesty The King of X or His Excellency The President of Y, or alternatively in the form of "Government of Z". However, under the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties if the representative is the head of state, head of government or minister of foreign affairs, no special document is needed, as holding such high office is sufficient; the end of the preamble and the start of the actual agreement is signaled by the words "have agreed as follows". After the preamble comes numbered articles, which contain the substance of the parties' actual agreement; each article heading encompasses a paragraph. A long treaty may further group articles under chapter headings. Modern treaties, regardless of subject matter contain articles governing where the final authentic copies of the treaty will be deposited and how any subsequent disputes as to their interpretation will be peacefully resolved; the end of a treaty, the eschatocol, is signaled by a clause like "in witness whereof" or "in faith whereof", the parties have affixed their signatures, followed by the words "DONE at" the site of the treaty's execution and the date of its execution.
The date is written in its most formal, longest possible form. For example, the Charter of the United Nations was "DONE at the city of San Francisco the twenty-sixth day of June, one thousand nine hundred and forty-five". If the treaty is executed in multiple copies in different languages, that fact is always noted, is followed by a stipulation that the versions in different languages are authentic; the signatures of the parties' representatives follow at the end. When the text of a treaty is reprinted, such as in a collection of treaties in effect, an editor will append the dates on which the respective parties ratified the treaty and on which it came into effect for each party. Bilateral treaties are concluded between entities, it is possible, for a bilateral treaty to have more than two parties. Each of these treaties has seventeen parties; these however are still bilateral, not multilateral, treaties. The parties are divided into the Swiss and the EU and its member states; the treaty establishes rights and obligations between the Swiss and the EU and the member states severally—it does not establish any rights and obligations amongst the EU and its member states.
A multilateral treaty is concluded among several countries. The agreement establishes obligations between each party and every other party. Multilateral treaties are regional. Treaties of "mutual guarantee" are international compacts, e.g. the Treaty of Locarno which guarantees each signatory against attack from another. Reservations are caveats to a state's acceptance of a treaty. Reservations are unilateral statements purporting to exclude or to modify the legal obligation and its effects on the reserving state; these must be included at the time of signing or ratification, i.e. "a party cannot add a reservation after it has joined a treaty". Article 19 of Vienna Convention on the law of Treaties in 1969. International law was unaccepting of treaty reservations, rejecting them unless all parties to the treaty accepted the same reservations. However, in the interest of encouraging the largest number of states to join treaties, a more permissive rule regarding reservations has emerged. While some treaties still expressly forbid any reservations, they are now permitted to the extent that they are not inconsistent with the goals and purposes of the treaty.
When a state limits its treaty obligations through reservations, other states par
International relations or international affairs — also referred to as international studies, global studies, or global affairs — is the study of interconnectedness of politics and law on a global level. Depending on the academic institution, it is either a field of political science, an interdisciplinary academic field similar to global studies, or an independent academic discipline in which students take a variety of internationally focused courses in social science and humanities disciplines. In all cases, the field studies relationships between political entities such as sovereign states, inter-governmental organizations, international non-governmental organizations, other non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, the wider world-systems produced by this interaction. International relations is an academic and a public policy field, so can be positive and normative, because it analyses and formulates the foreign policy of a given state; as political activity, international relations dates from the time of the Greek historian Thucydides, and, in the early 20th century, became a discrete academic field within political science.
In practice, international relations and international affairs forms a separate academic program or field from political science, the courses taught therein are interdisciplinary. For example, international relations draws from the fields of politics, international law, communication studies, demography, sociology, criminology and gender studies; the scope of international relations encompasses issues such as globalization, diplomatic relations, state sovereignty, international security, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, economic development, global finance and human rights. The history of international relations can be traced back to thousands of years ago; the history of international relations based on sovereign states and many more types are traced back to the Peace of Westphalia of 1648, a stepping stone in the development of the modern state system. Prior to this the European medieval organization of political authority was based on a vaguely hierarchical religious order.
Contrary to popular belief, Westphalia still embodied layered systems of sovereignty within the Holy Roman Empire. More than the Peace of Westphalia, the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713 is thought to reflect an emerging norm that sovereigns had no internal equals within a defined territory and no external superiors as the ultimate authority within the territory's sovereign borders; the centuries of 1500 to 1789 saw the rise of the independent, sovereign states, the institutionalization of diplomacy and armies. The French Revolution added to this the new idea that not princes or an oligarchy, but the citizenry of a state, defined as the nation, should be defined as sovereign; such a state in which the nation is sovereign would thence be termed a nation-state. The term republic became its synonym. An alternative model of the nation-state was developed in reaction to the French republican concept by the Germans and others, who instead of giving the citizenry sovereignty, kept the princes and nobility, but defined nation-statehood in ethnic-linguistic terms, establishing the if fulfilled ideal that all people speaking one language should belong to one state only.
The same claim to sovereignty was made for both forms of nation-state. The particular European system supposing the sovereign equality of states was exported to the Americas and Asia via colonialism and the "standards of civilization"; the contemporary international system was established through decolonization during the Cold War. However, this is somewhat over-simplified. While the nation-state system is considered "modern", many states have not incorporated the system and are termed "pre-modern". Further, a handful of states have moved beyond insistence on full sovereignty, can be considered "post-modern"; the ability of contemporary IR discourse to explain the relations of these different types of states is disputed. "Levels of analysis" is a way of looking at the international system, which includes the individual level, the domestic state as a unit, the international level of transnational and intergovernmental affairs, the global level. What is explicitly recognized as international relations theory was not developed until after World War I, is dealt with in more detail below.
IR theory, has a long tradition of drawing on the work of other social sciences. The use of capitalizations of the "I" and "R" in international relations aims to distinguish the academic discipline of international relations from the phenomena of international relations. Many cite Sun Tzu's The Art of War, Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War, Chanakya's Arthashastra, as the inspiration for realist theory, with Hobbes' Leviathan and Machiavelli's The Prince providing further elaboration. Liberalism draws upon the work of Kant and Rousseau, with the work of the former being cited as the first elaboration of democratic peace theory. Though contemporary human rights is different from the type of rights envisioned under natural
Economic interventionism is an economic policy perspective favoring government intervention in the market process to correct the market failures and promote the general welfare of the people. An economic intervention is an action taken by a government or international institution in a market economy in an effort to impact the economy beyond the basic regulation of fraud and enforcement of contracts and provision of public goods. Economic intervention can be aimed at a variety of political or economic objectives, such as promoting economic growth, increasing employment, raising wages, raising or reducing prices, promoting income equality, managing the money supply and interest rates, increasing profits, or addressing market failures; the term intervention assumes on a philosophical level that the state and economy should be inherently separated from each other. The term intervention is used by advocates of laissez-faire and free markets. Capitalist market economies that feature high degrees of state intervention are referred to as mixed economies.
Liberals and other advocates of free market or laissez-faire economics view government interventions as harmful due to the law of unintended consequences, belief in government's inability to manage economic concerns and other considerations. However, modern liberals and contemporary social democrats are inclined to support interventionism, seeing state economic interventions as an important means of promoting greater income equality and social welfare. Furthermore, many center-right groups such as Gaullists, paternalistic conservatives and Christian democrats support state economic interventionism to promote social order and stability. National-conservatives frequently support economic interventionism as a means of protecting the power and wealth of a country or its people via advantages granted to industries seen as nationally vital; such government interventions are undertaken when potential benefits outweigh the external costs. On the other hand, Marxists feel that government welfare programs might interfere with the goal of overthrowing capitalism and replacing it with socialism because a welfare state makes capitalism more tolerable to the average worker.
Socialist]]s criticize interventionism as being untenable and liable to cause more economic distortion in the long-run. From this perspective, any attempt to patch up [[capitalism's contradictions would lead to distortions in the economy elsewhere, so that the only real and lasting solution is to replace capitalism with a socialist economy; the effects of government economic interventionism are disputed. Regulatory authorities do not close markets, yet as seen in economic liberalization efforts by states and various institutions in Latin America, "financial liberalization and privatization coincided with democratization". One study suggests that after the lost decade an increasing "diffusion of regulatory authorities" emerged and these actors engaged in restructuring the economies within Latin America. Latin America through the 1980s had undergone hyperinflation; these international stakeholders restricted the state's economic leverage and bound it in contract to co-operate. After multiple projects and years of failed attempts for the Argentine state to comply, the renewal and intervention seemed stalled.
Two key intervention factors that instigated economic progress in Argentina were increasing privatization and the establishment of a currency board. As one can see this exemplifies global institutions including, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank and propagate openness to increase foreign investments and economic development within places, including Latin America. In Western countries, government officials theoretically weigh the cost benefit for an intervention for the population or they succumb beneath coercion by a third private party and must take action. Intervention for economic development is at the discretion and self-interest of the stake holders, the multifarious interpretations of progress and development theory. To illustrate this, during the 2008 financial crisis the government and international institutions did not prop Lehman Brothers up, therefore allowing them to file bankruptcy. Days when the American International Group waned towards collapsing, the state spent public money to keep it from falling.
These corporations have interconnected interests with the state, therefore their incentive is to influence the government to designate regulatory policies that will not inhibit their accumulation of assets. In Japan, Abenomics is a form of intervention with respect to Prime Minister Shinzō Abe's desire to restore the country's former glory in the midst of a globalized economy. President Richard Nixon signed amendments to the Clean Air Act in 1970 that expanded it to mandate state and federal regulation of both automobiles and industry, it was further amended in 1977 and 1990. One of the first modern environmental protection laws enacted in the United States was the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969, which requires the government to consider the impact of its actions or policies on the environment. NEPA remains one of the most used environmental laws in the nation. In addition to NEPA, there are numerous pol