José María Guido
José María Guido was the 33rd President of Argentina. His term lasted from 30 March 1962 to 12 October 1963. Guido was elected to the Argentine Senate for Río Negro Province in 1958, representing the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, he was elected Provisional President of the Senate and became first in line to the Presidency following the resignation of Vice-President Alejandro Gómez. Following the provincial victory of the newly re-legalised Peronists, the military deposed President Arturo Frondizi but reluctantly allowed Guido to assume the Presidency, with the support of the Supreme Court of Argentina. Guido thus became the only civilian to take power in Argentina by military coup. Guido suppressed the Peronist cause again, his presidency was marked by violent confrontations between rival military factions, culminating in the 1963 Argentine Navy Revolt, which Guido's government suppressed. Elections were allowed to take place in 1963 which brought Arturo Umberto Illia to power
Politics of Argentina
The politics of Argentina take place in the framework of what the Constitution defines as a federal presidential representative democratic Republic, where the President of Argentina is both Head of State and Head of Government. Legislative power is vested in the two chambers of the Argentine National Congress; the Judiciary is independent of the Legislature. Elections take place on a multi-party system; the government structure of Argentina is a democracy. The current Chief of State and Head of Government is President Mauricio Macri. Legislative Branch is a bicameral Congress, which consists of the Senate, presided by the Vice-President, the Chamber of Deputies presided by Emilio Monzó of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires; the General Auditing Office of the Nation and the Ombudsman are part of this branch. Deputies serve for 4 years; the Judiciary Branch is composed of federal judges and others with different jurisdictions, a Supreme Court with five judges, appointed by the President with approval of the Senate, who may be deposed by Congress.
Further information: Government of Argentina Argentina is divided into 23 Provinces, the equivalent of States, one autonomous district, CABA, inside the Buenos Aires province. Because of its federal government, every province has its own constitution, authorities; each province, except for Buenos Aires Province, is divided into departments, or disctricts, which are in turn divided into municipalities. The Buenos Aires Province is different, its territory is divided into 134 districts called partidos, not municipalities. Argentina's first government, autonomous from the Spanish Crown, can be traced back to May 1810 and the May Revolution, where an assembly of Argentines, called Primera Junta, took power; because at the time it was difficult to find the right form of government, more difficult to consolidate a Republic, Argentina experimented with different forms of assembly, like juntas and triumvirates. The 9th of July 1816, half of Argentina's provinces signed a declaration of independence.
The beginnings of Argentine state building were rough and many provinces refused to answer to a central government and sign the first constitution of 1826. In 1853, after several years of centralist power, a new constitution was passed, this one consolidated fully, the Argentine Nation. Buenos Aires, still refused to be considered part of the country. However, after the battle of Pavon in 1861, Buenos Aires set terms for its inclusion in the Constitution and the Republic of Argentina was born, with Bartolome Mitre as the President. From 1852 until 1930 Argentina experienced liberal government with first oligarchic and democratic tendencies. From 1852-1916 the government, run by the landowning elite, controlled the outcome of elections by committing fraud; this was contested by working-class sectors. This fueled the creation of more unions and political parties, including the Radical Civil Union, which represented the emergent middle-class. In 1912, Law 8871, or the Sáenz Peña Law established universal and obligatory male suffrage, which marked the middle classes entering the government, displacing the landowning elite.
Since the 1930s coups d'état have disrupted this democracy. After World War II and Juan Perón's presidency, recurring economic and institutional crises fostered the rise of military regimes. In 1930, the elected president Hipolito Yrigoyen was ousted by a right-wing led coup. In 1931 the new government held controlled elections and blocked the participation of Yrigoyen's party; this alleged elections gave way to the Concordancia, a three-party regime. They controlled the Argentine government, through fraud and rigged elections, until 1943. Several factors, including the deaths of the most prominent leaders and World War II, led to another coup that ended the Concordancia regime; this coup was led by the army, which supported the Axis powers, modeled the new government after Italy's fascist regime. Among the military leaders was Juan Domingo Perón, in charge of the Secretariat of Labor and Social Welfare, he veered off the path set by the conservative army and set forth to improve the living and working conditions of workers, including giving Labor Unions support and governmental positions.
He was jailed but after mass protests, he became president in the elections of 1946. His regime is known as a populist one, aided by the figure of his first wife Eva Duarte de Perón or “Evita”, their regime produced economic growth and improvements on working conditions. It passed female suffrage, nationalized the central bank and gas, urban transport and the telephone. After the death of his wife, Perón started losing support, he was ousted in 1955 by another coup. However, Peronism continues to live on in Argentina; the next stage of the Social State was one characterized by both political instability. Peron died a year later, his second wife, became president. However, she was not capable of running the country and the military took power once again in 1976. Jorge Rafael Videla's dictatorship began in 1976 but fell into decline in 1982 after a defeat in the Falklands War, ended in 1983 with the democratic election of President Raúl Alfonsín of the Radical Civic Union party. Alfonsín faced significant challenges, including a military uprising, resigned in 1989, six months before the end of his term, but the country was not in clear danger of becoming subject to a dictatorship again.
Carlos Menem of th
1958 Argentine general election
The Argentine general election of 1958 was held on 23 February. Voters chose both the President and their legislators and with a turnout of 90.9%, it produced the following results: aAbstentions. The year 1955 cast a long shadow over these elections. President Juan Perón was violently overthrown in September of that year and the succeeding junta banned the Peronist Party and the possession of Peronist mementoes or the mention of the former leader or of the late Eva Perón; the junta did, convene a Civilian Advisory Board which, to the dismay of many conservatives, recommended against draconian measures or the reversal of most of Perón's reforms. They called for a referendum ratifying the 1853 Constitution, while retaining Perón's Article 15, a section devoted to social reforms. An attempted countercoup against the junta, defeated on June 10, led to the execution of 27 plotters and derailed Aramburu's hopes for the creation of a viable political alternative to the populist leader. Seizing the opportunity, the Radical Civic Union's 1951 vice-presidential nominee, Arturo Frondizi secretly secured an agreement with the exiled Perón, by which the banned Peronists would be given a voice in exchange for their support.
The pact, a mere rumor at the time, created a rift within the UCR at their party convention in November 1956, forcing Frondizi and his supporters to run on a splinter ticket and leaving more anti-Peronist UCR voters with Ricardo Balbín, the party's 1951 standard bearer. The two wings presented different candidates for the constituent assembly election called for July 28, 1957, with no clear winner, though the deadlocked assembly did ratify the Advisory Board's proposed constitutional changes. Unmentionable by law, Perón became the central issue of the 1958 campaign. Argentina was abuzz with the staccato sounds of El-qué-te-dije, as he opposed Balbín, who accepted Pres. Aramburu's endorsement as the candidate of the ruling junta. Balbin, his Radical Civic Union of the People, was dealt a "February surprise" when, four days before the election, the exiled leader publicly announced his endorsement of Frondizi. Blank votes became Frondizi votes. Todo Argentina Intransigent Radical Civic Union: Former Deputy Arturo Frondizi of Corrientes Province Popular Radical Civic Union: Former Deputy Ricardo Balbín of Buenos Aires Province Christian Democratic Party: Lucas Ayarragaray Socialist Party: Former Senator Alfredo Palacios of the city of Buenos Aires
1963 Argentine general election
The Argentine general election of 1963 was held on 7 July. Voters chose both their legislators; the spectre of military intervention so much in evidence after the election of Arturo Frondizi in 1958 became reality following his coerced resignation on March 29, 1962. His UCRI candidates had done well. An array of political leaders had been lobbying the military against Frondizi, as well: centrist UCRP leader Ricardo Balbín and conservative economist Álvaro Alsogaray both celebrated the president's unceremonious exit; the matter of Frondizi's successor, became a subject of contention within the armed forces. The two opposing camps defined themselves as either "Blues" or "Reds"; the stalemate lasted a day because most of the Army High Command were "Blues," whose preference of a "legal" solution to the vacuum was supported by most of the press and the Argentine public enjoying Latin America's widest access to the media. Relying on constitutional guidelines, they named the reluctant Senate President José María Guido Head of State.
Guido, a moderate senator from then-remote Río Negro Province, had been elected on Frondizi's's UCRI ticket. His prompt resignation from the UCRI and annulment of the March 18 mid-term elections did not dispel the threat of a coup attempt and mutinies in April and August resulted in the appointment of Army General Juan Carlos Onganía as Head of the Military Joint Chiefs; the more stable military panorama was overshadowed by economic worries. Following a brief period of robust growth led by industrial production, President Guido's economic team, led by Alsogaray, imposed a fresh devaluation and austerity measures such as strict credit controls and the payment of state salaries with nearly-worthless bonds. GDP fell by 4% in 1962-63 and unemployment rose to nearly 9%; the Radical Civic Union was again divided between the Intransigent and more conservative Popular factions as they convened in March 1963. The UCRP nominated former Córdoba Province Vice-Governor Arturo Illia, a country doctor fondly remembered for his work in the Public Health Committee in Congress.
The UCRI, as they had done in 1958 hoped to secure the exiled Juan Perón's endorsement who, from Madrid, still directly controlled a fifth of the Argentine electorate. Permitted to field local and Lower House candidates Peronist voters, like in 1962, rallied behind the UP and six other parties, their intention to run in the less-than-free elections was itself in defiance of Perón, who refused to endorse "neo-Peronist" candidates and instead called for blank ballots. Alejandro Leloir, who had fallen out with fellow neo-Peronists as well as Perón, ran for President independently on the Three Flags ticket. Against opposition from former Buenos Aires Governor Oscar Alende and Perón agreed on a "National Popular Front," fielding a respected, moderately conservative publisher as the nominee, Vicente Solano Lima. Tricked by a similar move in 1958, the military objected, leading to the brutal 1963 Argentine Navy Revolt on April 2, which cost 24 lives and scuttled the Perón-Frondizi front; these incidents led former President Pedro Aramburu run on his UDELPA ticket, thus hoping to provide those most to support a military coup a suitable, center-right choice instead.
He was endorsed by the more moderate Democratic Progressive Party, whose leader, Horacio Thedy, ran as Aramburu's running mate. Other anti-Peronist conservatives supported former Córdoba Mayor Emilio Olmos and the FNPC. Hamstrung by Frondizi's open enmity against Alende for the latter's rejection of the aborted Front, as well as Perón's call for blank ballots, Alende's UCRI was defeated in an upset by Dr. Arturo Illia and the UCRP; the renewed ban on the participation of Peronist candidates resulted in the highest percentage of blank votes in Argentine electoral history. Radical Civic Union: Former Deputy Arturo Umberto Illia of Córdoba Intransigent Radical Civic Union: Former Governor Oscar Alende of Buenos Aires UDELPA: Former de facto President Pedro Eugenio Aramburu of Córdoba National Federation of Centrist Parties: Former Córdoba Mayor Emilio Olmos Christian Democratic Party: Former Deputy Horacio Sueldo of Buenos Aires Socialist Party: Former Senator Alfredo Palacios of Buenos Aires aAbstentions.
Electoral system: Proportional representation by districts according to the D'Hondt method. Seats are divided among those lists of candidates f
Social liberalism is a political ideology and a variety of liberalism that endorses a regulated free market economy and the expansion of civil and political rights. A social liberal government is expected to address economic and social issues such as poverty, health care and education in a liberal state, it does so in allowing autonomy of the individual and products of the market economy unrestricted access with the goal to increase wellbeing for all. Under social liberalism, the common good is viewed as harmonious with the freedom of the individual. Social liberal policies have been adopted in much of the capitalist world. Social liberal ideas and parties tend to be considered centre-left. However, current United States political usage of the term social liberalism describes progressive and culturally liberal stances on socio-political issues like abortion, same-sex marriage or gun control as opposed to social conservatism which refers to cultural conservatism. A social liberal in this sense may hold either more conservative views on fiscal policy.
By the end of the 19th century, the principles of classical liberalism were challenged by downturns in economic growth, a growing awareness of poverty and unemployment present within modern industrial cities and by the agitation of organized labour. A major political reaction against the changes introduced by industrialisation and laissez-faire capitalism came from conservatives concerned about social balance, although socialism became a more important force for change and reform; some Victorian writers—including Charles Dickens, Thomas Carlyle and Matthew Arnold—became early influential critics of social injustice. John Stuart Mill contributed enormously to liberal thought by combining elements of classical liberalism with what became known as the new liberalism; the new liberals tried to adapt the old language of liberalism to confront these difficult circumstances, which they believed could only be resolved through a broader and more interventionist conception of the state. An equal right to liberty could not be established by ensuring that individuals did not physically interfere with each other or by having laws that were impartially formulated and applied, as more positive and proactive measures were required to ensure that every individual would have an equal opportunity of success.
In the late 19th century and early 20th century, a group of British thinkers known as the New Liberals made a case against laissez-faire classical liberalism and argued in favor of state intervention in social and cultural life. What they proposed is now called social liberalism; the New Liberals, which included intellectuals like Thomas Hill Green, Leonard Hobhouse and John A. Hobson, saw individual liberty as something achievable only under favorable social and economic circumstances. In their view, the poverty and ignorance in which many people lived made it impossible for freedom and individuality to flourish. New Liberals believed that these conditions could be ameliorated only through collective action coordinated by a strong, welfare-oriented and interventionist state; the Liberal governments of Henry Campbell-Bannerman and H. H. Asquith thanks to Chancellor of the Exchequer and Prime Minister David Lloyd George, established the foundations of the welfare state in the United Kingdom before World War I.
The comprehensive welfare state built in the United Kingdom after World War II, although accomplished by the Labour Party, was designed by two Liberals, namely John Maynard Keynes and William Beveridge. Historian Peter Weiler has argued: Although still informed by older Liberal concerns for character, self-reliance, the capitalist market, this legislation marked a significant shift in Liberal approaches to the state and social reform, approaches that governments would expand and that would grow into the welfare state after the Second World War. What was new in these reforms was the underlying assumption that the state could be a positive force, that the measure of individual freedom... was not how much the state left people alone, but whether he gave them the capacity to fill themselves as individuals. In 1860s Germany, left-liberal politicians like Max Hirsch, Franz Duncker and Hermann Schulze-Delitzsch established trade unions—modeled on their British counterparts—in order to help workers improve working and economic conditions by means of reconciliation of interests and cooperation with their employers rather than class struggle.
Schulze-Delitzsch is known as the founding father of the German cooperative movement and is credited as the organiser of the world's first credit unions. Some liberal economists, such as Lujo Brentano or Gerhart von Schulze-Gävernitz, established the Verein für Socialpolitik in 1873 to promote social reform based on the historical school of economics and therefore rejecting classical economics, proposing a third way between Manchester Liberalism and socialist revolution in the 1871 founded German Empire. However, the German left-liberal movement fragmented itself into wings and new parties over the 19th's century; the main objectives of the left-liberal parties—the German Progress Party and its successors—were free speech, freedom of assembly, representative government and equal but obligation tied suffrage, protection of private property while they were opposed to the creation of a welfare state, which they called state socialism. The main differences between the left-liberal parties where the national ambitions, the different substate people's goals, free tra
Rogelio Julio Frigerio
Rogelio Julio Frigerio was an Argentine economist and politician. Rogelio Frigerio was born in Buenos Aires in 1914 to Gerónimo Frigerio, an Italian immigrant, his wife Carmen Guanziroli. One of eight brothers, he grew up in the quiet residential neighborhood of Villa del Parque and enrolled at the prestigious University of Buenos Aires. Pursuing higher studies at the university's School of Economics, he helped found Insurrexit, a Marxist student association and, as one of its leaders, he edited the group's newsletter, Claridad. Graduating in 1935, he soon distanced himself from the Argentine left, believing them to harbor an elitist disposition. Establishing a wholesale distributorship with diversified interests in lumber, textiles and minerals, in 1940 he married Noemí Blanco, with whom he had five children. A talented businessman, Frigerio nonetheless remained politically active, involving himself in intellectual circles and establishing a newsweekly in 1946, Qué pasó en siete dias. Alienated by the magazine's staunch opposition to the new populist Administration of Juan Perón, Frigerio left its editorial board shortly before Perón had the magazine shuttered in 1947.
Though he did not seek public office during the Perón era, Frigerio became a visible proponent of accelerated industrial growth and social progress, a combination of policies he described as developmentalism. Inspired by recent efforts in that direction such as Brazilian President Getúlio Vargas' Estado Novo and U. S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal, Frigerio's concern that Perón's similar policies might be reversed following the populist leader's violent 1955 overthrow led him to re-open his former newsmagazine in 1956, naming it Qué. Qué soon attracted prestigious contributors from Argentine intellectual life such as Arturo Jauretche, Raúl Scalabrini Ortiz, Jorge Sabato and Arturo Frondizi. Frondizi, the centrist Radical Civic Union's 1951 Vice Presidential nominee, soon developed a close friendship with Frigerio. Frigerio, in 1956, secretly arranged a meeting with Perón and his closest adviser at the time, John William Cooke, an erstwhile Communist who, imprisoned for his prominence in the Perón government, had escaped his remote Patagonia prison cell.
Exiled in Venezuela and subjected to numerous assassination attempts ordered by the new regime in Argentina, Perón continued to exert considerable political influence in his homeland. Following the secret meeting in Caracas, Perón endorsed Arturo Frondizi, instructing his supporters to vote for their former opponent and forego casting blank ballots, as a number of Peronists were advocating. Failing to secure the UCR nomination, Frondizi ran on a splinter ticket, whose party he named the Intransigent Radical Civic Union. Enjoying Perón's support, Frondizi's UCRI handily defeated the mainstream UCR candidate, Ricardo Balbín, by about 1.5 million votes out of 9 million cast. Arturo Frondizi was inaugurated President of Argentina on May 1, 1958 and designated Frigerio Secretary of Socio-Economic Affairs, a secondary post in the critical Economics Ministry the new president was forced to offer Frigerio due to steadfast opposition from the Argentine military and the U. S. Embassy, both of whom saw Frigerio as a veiled Marxist because of his activities as a young man.
President Frondizi so, gave Frigerio informal say over a broad swath of economic policy. Frondizi and Frigerio inherited a difficult economic situation: following a 1946-48 boom, GDP had grown by a modest 3% a year in the decade since. Declining exports and a growing need for costly imported motor vehicles and fuel, had caused Argentina to run trade deficits in seven out the past ten years. Unable to finance these Frondizi's two predecessors, Perón and Pedro Aramburu, resorted to "printing" money to cover the nation's yawning current account deficits, causing prices to rise around sixfold. Frigerio, whom U. S. interests in Argentina suspected of being a Communist, believed that the only sustainable remedy for this was the encouragement of foreign direct investment into Argentina in energy and industry — the sectors accounting for most of the country's trade deficits. Upon his appointment, Frigerio drafted the Law of Foreign Investment, promptly signed by the president; this law gave incentives and tax benefits to both local and foreign corporations willing to develop Argentina's energy and industry sectors and created the Department and Commission of Foreign Investments, designed to give foreign investors more legal recourse.
Frigerio's plans were ambitious, calling for expanded public lending for homebuilders and local industry, public works investment. Frigerio promulgated large petroleum exploration and drilling contracts with foreign oil companies; these gave interested participants a generous share of the profits from such activities, provided these were carried out in conjunction with the Argentine state oil concern, YPF. As a consequence of investments initiated during the next four years, the profile of a number of sectors in the Argentine economy were revolutionized by the early 1960s: oil production — which, in the 1950s, covered less than half of Argentina's oil needs — tripled to 16 million m³ eliminating the need for imports, while refining capacity more than doubled and synthetic rubber output leapt by fivefold. Auto production — which had covered about half of Argentina's new auto market of about 40,000 units yearly — leapt to 136,000 units in 1961, elim
Peronism or Justicialism is an Argentine political movement based on the political ideology and legacy of former President Juan Domingo Perón and his second wife Eva Perón. The Peronist Justicialist Party derives its name from the concept of social justice. Since its inception in 1946, Peronist candidates have won nine of the 12 presidential elections from which they have not been banned; as of 2018, Juan Domingo Perón was the only Argentine to have been elected president three times. The pillars of the Peronist ideal, known as the "three flags", are social justice, economic independence and political sovereignty. Peronism can be described as a third position ideology as it rejects both communism. Peronism espouses corporatism and thus aims to mediate tensions between the classes of society, with the state responsible for negotiating compromise in conflicts between managers and workers. However, it is a ill-defined ideology as different and sometimes contradictory sentiments are expressed in the name of Peronism.
Today, the legacy and thought of Perón have transcended the confines of any single political party and bled into the broader political landscape of Argentina. Traditionally, the Peronist movement has drawn its strongest support from the working class and sympathetic unions and has been characterized as proletarian in nature. From the perspective of opponents, Peronism is an authoritarian ideology. Perón was compared to fascist dictators, accused of demagoguery and his policies derided as populist. Proclaiming himself the embodiment of nationality, Perón's government silenced dissent by accusing opponents of being unpatriotic; the corporatist character of Peronism drew attacks from socialists who accused his administration of preserving capitalist exploitation and class division. Conservatives rejected its modernist ideology and felt their status threatened by the ascent of the Peronist apparat. Liberals condemned dictatorial tendencies. Defenders of Peronism describe the doctrine as populist, albeit in the sense that they believe it embodies the interests of the masses and in particular the most vulnerable social strata.
Admirers hold Perón in esteem for his administration's anti-imperialism and non-alignment as well as its progressive initiatives. Amongst other measures introduced by Perón's governments, social security was made universal while education was made free to all who qualified and working students were given one paid week before every major examination. Vast low-income housing projects were created and paid vacations became standard. All workers were guaranteed free medical care and half of their vacation-trip expenses and mothers-to-be received three paid months off prior to and after giving birth. Workers' recreation centers were constructed throughout the country. Perón's ideas were embraced by a variety of different groups in Argentina across the political spectrum. Perón's personal views became a burden on the ideology, see for example his anti-clericalism, which did not strike a sympathetic chord with upper-class Argentinians. Peronism is regarded as a form of corporate socialism, or "right-wing socialism".
Perón's public speeches were nationalist and populist. It would be difficult to separate Peronism from corporate nationalism, for Perón nationalized Argentina's large corporations, blurring distinctions between corporations and government. At the same time, the labor unions became corporate, ceding the right to strike in agreements with Perón as Secretary of Welfare in the military government from 1943–1945. In exchange, the state was to assume the role of negotiator between conflicting interests. Peronism lacked a strong interest in matters of foreign policy other than the belief that the political and economic influences of other nations should be kept out of Argentina—he was somewhat isolationist. Early in his presidency, Perón envisioned Argentina's role as a model for other countries in Latin America and beyond, but such ideas were abandoned. Despite his oppositional rhetoric, Perón sought cooperation with the United States government on various issues. Political opponents sustain that Perón and his administration resorted to organized violence and dictatorial rule.
Perón maintained the institutions of democratic rule, but subverted freedoms through such actions as nationalizing the broadcasting system, centralizing the unions under his control and monopolizing the supply of newspaper print. At times, Perón resorted to tactics such as illegally imprisoning opposition politicians and journalists, including Radical Civic Union leader Ricardo Balbin. Perón's admiration for Benito Mussolini is well documented. Many scholars categorize Peronism as a fascist ideology. Carlos Fayt believes that Peronism was just "an Argentine implementation of Italian fascism". Hayes reaches the conclusion that "the Peronist movement produced a form of fascism, distinctively Latin American". One of the most vocal critics of Peronism was the Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges. After Perón ascended to the presidency in 1946, Borges spoke before the Argentine Society of Writers by saying: Dictatorships breed oppression, dictatorships breed servility, dictatorships breed cruelty. Bellboys babbling orders, portraits of caudillos, prearranged cheers or insults, walls covered with names, unanimous ce