Neoconservatism is a political movement born in the United States during the 1960s among liberal hawks who became disenchanted with the pacifist foreign policy of the Democratic Party, the growing New Left and counterculture, in particular the Vietnam protests. Some began to question their liberal beliefs regarding domestic policies such as the Great Society. Neoconservatives advocate the promotion of democracy and American national interest in international affairs, including peace through strength, are known for espousing disdain for communism and for political radicalism. Many of its adherents became politically famous during the Republican presidential administrations of the 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, 2000s as neoconservatives peaked in influence during the administration of George W. Bush, when they played a major role in promoting and planning the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Prominent neoconservatives in the George W. Bush administration included Paul Wolfowitz, Elliott Abrams, Richard Perle, Paul Bremer.
While not identifying as neoconservatives, senior officials Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld listened to neoconservative advisers regarding foreign policy the defense of Israel and the promotion of American influence in the Middle East. Speaking, the term "neoconservative" refers to those who made the ideological journey from the anti-Stalinist left to the camp of American conservatism during the 1960s and 1970s; the movement had its intellectual roots in the Jewish monthly review magazine Commentary, edited by Norman Podhoretz and published by the American Jewish Committee. They spoke out in that way helped define the movement; the term "neoconservative" was popularized in the United States during 1973 by the socialist leader Michael Harrington, who used the term to define Daniel Bell, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Irving Kristol, whose ideologies differed from Harrington's. The "neoconservative" label was used by Irving Kristol in his 1979 article "Confessions of a True, Self-Confessed'Neoconservative'".
His ideas have been influential since the 1950s, when he co-founded and edited the magazine Encounter. Another source was Norman Podhoretz, editor of the magazine Commentary from 1960 to 1995. By 1982, Podhoretz was terming himself a neoconservative in The New York Times Magazine article titled "The Neoconservative Anguish over Reagan's Foreign Policy". During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the neoconservatives considered that liberalism had failed and "no longer knew what it was talking about", according to E. J. Dionne. Seymour Lipset asserts that the term "neoconservative" was used by socialists to criticize the politics of Social Democrats, USA. Jonah Goldberg argues that the term is ideological criticism against proponents of modern American liberalism who had become more conservative. In a book-length study for Harvard University Press, historian Justin Vaisse writes that Lipset and Goldberg are in error, as "neoconservative" was used by socialist Michael Harrington to describe three men – noted above – who were not in SDUSA, neoconservatism is a definable political movement.
The term "neoconservative" was the subject of increased media coverage during the presidency of George W. Bush, with particular emphasis on a perceived neoconservative influence on American foreign policy, as part of the Bush Doctrine. Through the 1950s and early 1960s, the future neoconservatives had endorsed the civil rights movement, racial integration and Martin Luther King Jr. From the 1950s to the 1960s, there was general endorsement among liberals for military action to prevent a communist victory in Vietnam. Neoconservatism was initiated by the repudiation of the Cold War and the "new politics" of the American New Left, which Norman Podhoretz said was too close to the counterculture and too alienated from the majority of the population. Many were alarmed by what they claimed were antisemitic sentiments from Black Power advocates. Irving Kristol edited the journal The Public Interest, featuring economists and political scientists, which emphasized ways that government planning in the liberal state had produced unintended harmful consequences.
Many early neoconservative political figures were disillusioned Democratic politicians and intellectuals, such as Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who served in the Nixon and Ford administrations, Jeane Kirkpatrick, who served as United States Ambassador to the United Nations in the Reagan administration. A substantial number of neoconservatives were moderate socialists associated with the right-wing of the Socialist Party of America and its successor, Social Democrats, USA. Max Shachtman, a former Trotskyist theorist who developed a strong antipathy towards the New Left, had numerous devotees among SDUSA with strong links to George Meany's AFL-CIO. Following Shachtman and Meany, this faction led the SP to oppose immediate withdrawal from the Vietnam War, oppose George McGovern in the Democratic primary race and, to some extent, the general election, they chose to cease their own party-building and concentrated on working within the Democratic Party influencing it through the Democratic Leadership Council.
Thus the Socialist Party dissolved in 1972, SDUSA emerged that year. (Most of the left-wing of the pa
Loyalist (American Revolution)
Loyalists were American colonists who stayed loyal to the British Crown during the American Revolutionary War called Tories, Royalists, or King's Men at the time. They were opposed by the Patriots, who supported the revolution, called them "persons inimical to the liberties of America". Prominent Loyalists assured the British government that many thousands of them would spring to arms and fight for the crown; the British government acted in expectation of that in the southern campaigns in 1780-81. In practice, the number of Loyalists in military service was far lower than expected since Britain could not protect them except in those areas where Britain had military control; the British were suspicious of them, not knowing whom they could trust in such a conflicted situation. Patriots watched suspected Loyalists closely and would not tolerate any organized Loyalist opposition. Many outspoken or militarily active Loyalists were forced to flee to their stronghold of New York City. William Franklin, the royal governor of New Jersey and son of Patriot leader Benjamin Franklin, became the leader of the Loyalists after his release from a Patriot prison in 1778.
He worked to build Loyalist military units to fight in the war, but the number of volunteers was much fewer than London expected. When their cause was defeated, about 15 percent of the Loyalists fled to other parts of the British Empire, to Britain itself, or to British North America; the southern Loyalists moved to Florida, which had remained loyal to the Crown, to British Caribbean possessions bringing along their slaves. Northern Loyalists migrated to Ontario, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, they called themselves United Empire Loyalists. Most were compensated with Canadian land or British cash distributed through formal claims procedures. Loyalists who left the US received £3 million or about 37 percent of their losses from the British government. Loyalists who stayed in the US were able to retain their property and become American citizens. Historians have estimated that between 15 and 20 percent of the two million whites in the colonies in 1775 were Loyalists. Families were divided during the American Revolution, many felt themselves to be both American and British, still owing a loyalty to the mother country.
Maryland lawyer Daniel Dulaney the Younger opposed taxation without representation but would not break his oath to the King or take up arms against him. He wrote: "There may be a time. Till I shall recommend a legal and prudent resentment". Most Americans hoped for a peaceful reconciliation but were forced to choose sides by the Patriots who took control nearly everywhere in the Thirteen Colonies in 1775-76. Yale historian Leonard Woods Larabee has identified eight characteristics of the Loyalists that made them conservative and loyal to the king and Britain: They were older, better established, resisted radical change They felt that rebellion against the Crown—the legitimate government—was morally wrong, they were alienated when the Patriots resorted to violence, such as burning houses and tarring and feathering. They wanted to take a middle-of-the road position and were angry when forced by the Patriots to declare their opposition, they had a long-standing sentimental attachment to Britain.
They wanted to postpone the moment. They were afraid that chaos and mob rule would result; some were pessimists. Others recalled the dreadful experiences of many Jacobite rebels after the failure of the last Jacobite rebellion as as 1745 who lost their lands when the Hanoverian government won. Other motives of the Loyalists included: They felt a need for order and believed that Parliament was the legitimate authority. In New York, powerful families had assembled colony-wide coalitions of supporters, Men long associated with the French Huguenot/Dutch De Lancey faction went along when its leadership decided to support the crown, they felt themselves to be weak or threatened within American society and in need of an outside defender such as the British Crown and Parliament. They had been promised freedom from slavery by the British, they felt that being a part of the British Empire was crucial in terms of commerce and their business operations. In the opening months of the Revolutionary War, the Patriots laid siege to Boston, where most of the British forces were stationed.
Elsewhere there were few British troops and the Patriots seized control of all levels of government, as well as supplies of arms and gunpowder. Vocal Loyalists recruited people to their side with the encouragement and assistance of royal governors. In the South Carolina back country, Loyalist recruitment oustripped that of Patriots. A brief siege at Ninety Six, South Carolina in the fall of 1775 was followed by a rapid rise in Patriot recruiting, a Snow Campaign involving thousands of partisan militia resulted in the arrest or flight of most of the back country Loyalist leadership. North Carolina back country Scots and former Regulators joined forces in early 1776, but they were broken as a force at the Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge. By July 4, 1776, the Patriots had gained control of all territory in the Thirteen Colonies and expelled all royal officials. No one who proclaimed their loyalty to the Crown was allowed to remain, so Loyalists fled or kept quiet; some of those who remained gave aid to invading British armies or joined uniformed Loyalist regiments.
Robert Heron Bork was an American judge, government official and legal scholar who served as the Solicitor General of the United States from 1973 to 1977. A professor at Yale Law School by occupation, he served as a judge on the influential U. S. Court of Appeals for the D. C. Circuit from 1982 to 1988. In 1987, President Ronald Reagan nominated Bork to the U. S. Supreme Court, but the U. S. Senate rejected his nomination. Bork was born in Pennsylvania, he pursued a legal career after attending the University of Chicago. After working at the law firm of Kirkland & Ellis, he served as a Yale Law School Professor, he became a prominent advocate of originalism, calling for judges to hew to the framers' original understanding of the United States Constitution. He became an influential antitrust scholar, arguing that consumers benefited from corporate mergers and that antitrust law should focus on consumer welfare rather than on ensuring competition. Bork wrote several notable books, including Slouching Towards Gomorrah.
From 1973 to 1977, he served as the solicitor general under President Richard Nixon and President Gerald Ford, arguing several cases before the Supreme Court. In the October 1973 Saturday Night Massacre, Bork became acting attorney general after his superiors in the Justice Department resigned rather than fire Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox, investigating the Watergate scandal. Bork fired Cox, served as acting attorney general until January 1974. In 1982 President Reagan appointed Bork to the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. After Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell announced his impending retirement, Reagan nominated Bork to the Supreme Court in 1987, precipitating a contested Senate debate. Opposition to Bork centered on his stated desire to roll back the civil rights decisions of the Warren and Burger courts and his role in the Saturday Night Massacre, his nomination was defeated with 58 of the 100 Senators opposing his nomination. That Supreme Court vacancy was filled by another Reagan nominee, Anthony Kennedy.
Bork resigned his judgeship in 1988 and served as a professor at the George Mason University School of Law and other institutions. He advised presidential candidate Mitt Romney and was a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and the Hudson Institute before his death in 2012. Bork was born in Pennsylvania, his father was Harry Philip Bork Jr. a steel company purchasing agent, his mother was Elisabeth, a schoolteacher. His father was of Irish ancestry, while his mother was of Pennsylvania Dutch descent, he was married to Claire Davidson from 1952 until 1980. They had a daughter and two sons and Charles. In 1982, he married a Catholic religious sister turned activist. Bork attended the Hotchkiss School in Lakeville and earned B. A. and J. D. degrees from the University of Chicago. While pursuing his bachelor's degree he became a brother of the international social fraternity of Phi Gamma Delta. While pursuing his law degree he served on the University of Chicago Law Review. At Chicago he was awarded a Phi Beta Kappa key with his J.
D. degree in 1953, passed the bar in Illinois that same year. After a period of service in the United States Marine Corps, Bork began as a lawyer in private practice in 1954 at Kirkland & Ellis in Chicago, was a professor at Yale Law School from 1962 to 1975, again from 1977 to 1981. Among his students during this time were Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Anita Hill, Robert Reich, Jerry Brown, John R. Bolton, Samuel Issacharoff, Cynthia Estlund. Bork is known for his theory that the only way to reconcile the role of the judiciary in the U. S. government against what he terms the "Madisonian" or "counter-majoritarian" dilemma of the judiciary making law without popular approval is for constitutional adjudication to be guided by the framers' original understanding of the United States Constitution. Reiterating that it is a court's task to adjudicate and not to "legislate from the bench," he advocated that judges exercise restraint in deciding cases, emphasizing that the role of the courts is to frame "neutral principles" and not ad hoc pronouncements or subjective value judgments.
Bork once said, "The truth is that the judge who looks outside the Constitution always looks inside himself and nowhere else."Bork built on the influential critiques of the Warren Court authored by Alexander Bickel, who criticized the Supreme Court under Earl Warren, alleging shoddy and inconsistent reasoning, undue activism, misuse of historical materials. Bork's critique was harder-edged than Bickel's, he has written, "We are governed not by law or elected representatives but by an unelected, unaccountable committee of lawyers applying no will but their own." Bork's writings influenced the opinions of judges such as Associate Justice Antonin Scalia and Chief Justice William Rehnquist of the U. S. Supreme Court, sparked a vigorous debate within legal academia about how to interpret the Constitution; some conservatives criticized Bork's approach. Conservative scholar Harry Jaffa criticized Bork for failing to adhere to natural law principles. Robert P. George explained Jaffa's critique this way: "He attacks Rehnquist and Scalia and Bork for their embrace of legal positivism, inconsistent with the doctrine of natural rights, embedded in the Constitution they are supposed to be interpreting."
At Yale he was best known for writing The Antitrust Paradox, a book in which he argued that consumers benefited from
John R. Bolton
John Robert Bolton is an American attorney, political commentator, Republican consultant, government official and former diplomat who serves as the 27th National Security Advisor of the United States. He began his tenure as National Security Advisor on April 9, 2018. Bolton served as the United States Ambassador to the United Nations from August 2005 to December 2006 as a recess appointee by President George W. Bush, he resigned at the end of his recess appointment in December 2006 because he was unlikely to win confirmation from the Senate, which the Democratic Party had gained control of at the time. Bolton is a former senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, senior advisor for Freedom Capital Investment Management, a Fox News Channel commentator, of counsel in the Washington, D. C. office of the law firm Kirkland & Ellis. He was a foreign policy adviser to 2012 presidential candidate Mitt Romney. Bolton is involved with a number of politically conservative think tanks, policy institutes and special interest groups, including the Institute of East-West Dynamics, the National Rifle Association, the U.
S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, Project for the New American Century, Jewish Institute for National Security of America, Committee for Peace and Security in the Gulf, the Council for National Policy, the Gatestone Institute, where he served as the organization Chairman until March 2018. Bolton has been called a "war hawk" and is an advocate for regime change in Iran, Libya, Cuba, Somalia and North Korea and called for the termination of the Iran deal, he continues to back this position. He has continuously supported military action and regime change in Syria and Iran. A Republican, his political views have been described as American nationalist, "neoconservative". Bolton uses the term "pro-American" instead. Bolton was born on November 20, 1948, in Baltimore, the son of Virginia Clara "Ginny", a housewife, Edward Jackson "Jack" Bolton, a fireman, he grew up in the working-class neighborhood of Yale Heights and won a scholarship to the McDonogh School in Owings Mills, graduating in 1966.
He ran the school's Students For Goldwater campaign in 1964. Bolton attended Yale University, earning a B. A. and graduating summa cum laude in 1970. He was a member of the Yale Political Union, he attended Yale Law School from 1971 to 1974, where he shared classes with his friend Clarence Thomas, earning a J. D. in 1974. In 1972, Bolton was a summer intern for Vice President Spiro Agnew, he was hired for the position by David Keene. During the 1969 Vietnam War draft lottery, Bolton drew number 185; as a result of the Johnson and Nixon administrations' decisions to rely on the draft rather than on the reserve forces, joining a Guard or Reserve unit became a way to avoid service in the Vietnam War, although 42 Army Reserve units were called up with 35 of them deployed to Vietnam shortly after the Tet offensive in 1968–69. Before graduating from Yale in 1970, Bolton enlisted in the Maryland Army National Guard rather than wait to find out if his draft number would be called, he saw active duty for 18 weeks of training at Fort Polk, from July to November 1970.
After serving in the National Guard for four years, he served in the United States Army Reserve until the end of his enlistment two years later. He wrote in his Yale 25th reunion book: "I confess I had no desire to die in a Southeast Asian rice paddy. I considered the war in Vietnam lost." In a 2007 interview, Bolton explained his comment in the reunion book saying his decision to avoid service in Vietnam was because "by the time I was about to graduate in 1970, it was clear to me that opponents of the Vietnam War had made it certain we could not prevail, that I had no great interest in going there to have Teddy Kennedy give it back to the people I might die to take it away from." From 1974 to 1981, Bolton was an associate at the Washington office of Burling. Bolton was a partner in the law firm of Lerner, Bolton & McManus, from 1993 to 1999. Bolton was executive director of the Committee on Resolutions in the Republican National Committee from 1983 to 1984. Bolton was involved with the Council on Foreign Relations, Federalist Society, National Policy Forum, National Advisory Board, Manhattan Institute for Policy Research, New Atlantic Initiative, Project on Transitional Democracies.
Before joining the George W. Bush administration, Bolton was senior vice president for public policy research at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank, from 1997 to 2001. Between 1997 and 2000, Bolton worked pro bono as an assistant to James Baker in Baker's capacity as Secretary-General of the United Nations Kofi Annan's personal envoy to the Western Sahara, he has run the John Bolton PAC and the John Bolton Super PAC since 1998. Since 2006, he has been a paid Fox News contributor and a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. For 2017, he reported an income of $569,000 from Fox News. Bolton was a contributor to The Weekly Standard, an American conservative opinion magazine, from 1997 to 2000, again from 2014 to 2016. From 2013 until March 2018, Bolton was chairman of the Gatestone Institute, a nonprofit organization, criticized for disseminating false anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim information, where Bolton published articles on Iran and other topics, he was of counsel in the Washington office of Kirkland & Ellis from 2008 until his appointment as Natio
Jack French Kemp was an American politician and a professional player in both American football and Canadian football. A member of the Republican Party from New York, he served as Housing Secretary in the administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1993, having served nine terms in the United States House of Representatives from 1971 to 1989, he was the Republican Party's nominee for Vice President in the 1996 election, where he was the running mate of presidential nominee Bob Dole. Kemp had contended for the presidential nomination in the 1988 Republican primaries. Before entering politics, Kemp was a professional quarterback for 13 years, he played in the National Football League and the Canadian Football League, but became a star in the American Football League. He served as captain of both the San Diego Chargers and Buffalo Bills and earned the AFL Most Valuable Player award in 1965 after leading the Bills to a second consecutive championship, he played in the AFL for all 10 years of its existence, appeared in its All-Star game seven times, played in its championship game five times, set many of the league's career passing records.
Kemp co-founded the AFL Players Association, for which he served five terms as president. During the early part of his football career, he served in the United States Army Reserve; as an economic conservative, Kemp advocated low taxes and supply-side policies during his political career. His positions spanned the social spectrum, ranging from his conservative opposition to abortion to his more libertarian stances advocating immigration reform; as a proponent of both Chicago school and supply-side economics, he is notable as an influence upon the Reagan agenda and the architect of the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, known as the Kemp–Roth tax cut. After his days in political office, Kemp remained active as commentator, he authored, co-authored, edited several books. He advocated for retired professional football players. Kemp was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009 by President Barack Obama. Born and educated in Los Angeles, Kemp was the third of four sons of Frances Elizabeth and Paul Robert Kemp Sr. Paul turned his motorcycle messenger service into a trucking company that grew from one to 14 trucks.
Frances was Spanish teacher. Kemp grew up in the Jewish Wilshire district of West Los Angeles, but his tight-knit middle-class family attended the Church of Christ, Scientist. In his youth, sports consumed Kemp, who once chose the forward pass as the subject of a school essay on important inventions, although his mother attempted to broaden his horizons with piano lessons and trips to the Hollywood Bowl. Kemp attended Melrose Avenue's Fairfax High School, which was, at the time, known both for its high concentration of Jewish students and concentration of celebrities' children. Over 95% of Kemp's classmates were Jewish, he became a supporter of Jewish causes, his classmates included musician Herb Alpert, baseball pitcher Larry Sherry, academic Judith A. Reisman. During his years in high school, Kemp worked with his brothers at his father's trucking company in downtown Los Angeles. In his spare time, he was a rigorous reader, preferring philosophy books. After graduating from high school in 1953, he attended Occidental College, a founding member of the NCAA Division III Southern California Intercollegiate Athletic Conference.
Kemp selected Occidental because its football team used professional formations and plays, which he hoped would help him to become a professional quarterback. At 5 feet 10 inches and 175 pounds, he considered himself too small to play for the USC Trojans or UCLA Bruins, the major Southern California college football programs. At Occidental, Kemp was a record-setting javelin hurler and played several positions on the football team: quarterback, defensive back, place kicker, punter. Although he was near-sighted, Kemp was tenacious on the field. During his years as starting quarterback the team posted 3 -- 6 records. Kemp was named a Little All-America player one year; that year, he led the nation's small colleges in passing. He and close friend Jim Mora, who became an NFL head coach, were members of the Alpha Tau Omega fraternity. Another teammate in college was Ron Botchan, an NFL referee for years. Kemp declined to become involved in student government. After graduating from Occidental with a degree in physical education, he pursued postgraduate studies in economics at Long Beach State University and California Western University in San Diego, served in the military from 1958 to 1962.
Kemp graduated from Occidental in 1957 and married Joanne Main, his college sweetheart, after she graduated from Occidental in 1958. Main had grown up in Fillmore and attended Fillmore High School in Ventura County. Kemp's Biblical Literature professor, Keith Beebe, presided over the wedding; the Kemps had two sons. Both were professional football quarterbacks: Jeff Kemp played in the NFL from 1981 to 1991, Jimmy Kemp played in the CFL from 1994 to 2002. For a man with his demanding schedule, Jack never missed one of their games as children or in college, they had two daughters: Jennifer Kemp Andrews and Judith Kemp. In 1976, C. Everett Koop wrote The Right to Live, The Right to Die, setting down his own concerns about abortion and euthanasia. Koop took some time off from his surgical practice t
Benjamin Solomon Carson Sr. is an American politician and former neurosurgeon serving as the 17th and current United States Secretary of Housing and Urban Development since 2017, under the Trump Administration. Prior to his cabinet position, he was a candidate for President of the United States in the Republican primaries in 2016. Born in Detroit, a graduate of Yale University and the University of Michigan Medical School, Carson has authored numerous books on his medical career and political stances, he was the subject of a television drama film in 2009. He was the Director of Pediatric Neurosurgery at Johns Hopkins Hospital in Maryland from 1984 until his retirement in 2013; as a pioneer in neurosurgery, Carson's achievements include performing the only successful separation of conjoined twins joined at the back of the head. He became the youngest chief of pediatric neurosurgery in the country at age 33, he has received more than 60 honorary doctorate degrees, dozens of national merit citations, written over 100 neurosurgical publications.
In 2008, he was bestowed the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the highest civilian award in the United States. Carson's publicized speech at the 2013 National Prayer Breakfast catapulted him to conservative fame for his views on social and political issues. On May 4, 2015, he announced he was running for the Republican nomination in the 2016 presidential election at a rally in his hometown of Detroit. In March 2016, following the Super Tuesday primaries, he suspended his campaign and announced he would be the new national chairman of My Faith Votes, a group that encourages Christians to exercise their civic duty to vote, he endorsed the candidacy of Donald Trump. On March 2, 2017, Carson was confirmed by the United States Senate as the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development in a 58–41 vote. Carson was born in Detroit, Michigan, to Robert Solomon Carson, Jr. a World War II U. S. Army veteran, his wife, Sonya Carson. Robert Carson was a Baptist minister, but a Cadillac automobile plant laborer.
Both of his parents came from large families in rural Georgia, they were living in rural Tennessee when they met and married. Carson's mother was 13 and his father was 28 when they married, after his father finished his military service, they moved from Chattanooga, Tennessee, to Detroit, where they lived in a large house in the Indian Village neighborhood. Carson's older brother, was born in 1949, when his mother was 20. In 1950, Carson's parents purchased a new 733-square foot single-family detached home on Deacon Street in the Boynton neighborhood in southwest Detroit. Carson's Detroit Public Schools education began in 1956 with kindergarten at the Fisher School, continued through first and the first half of third grade, during which time he was an average student; when Carson was five, his mother learned that his father had a prior family and had not divorced his first wife. In 1959, when Carson was eight, his parents separated and he moved with mother and brother to live for two years with his mother's Seventh-day Adventist older sister and her sister's husband in multi-family dwellings in the Dorchester and Roxbury neighborhoods of Boston.
In Boston, Carson's mother attempted suicide, had several psychiatric hospitalizations for depression, for the first time began working outside the home as a domestic worker, while Carson and his brother attended a two-classroom school at the Berea Seventh-day Adventist church where two teachers taught eight grades, the vast majority of time was spent singing songs and playing games. In 1961, when Carson was ten, he moved with his mother and brother back to southwest Detroit, where they lived in a multi-family dwelling in a white neighborhood across the railroad tracks from the Delray neighborhood, while renting out their house on Deacon Street which his mother received in a divorce settlement; when they returned to Detroit public schools and his brother's academic performance lagged far behind their new classmates, having according to Carson "essentially lost a year of school" by attending the small Seventh-day Adventist parochial school in Boston, but both improved when their mother limited their time watching television and required them to read and write book reports on two library books per week.
Carson attended the predominantly white Higgins Elementary School for fifth and sixth grades and the predominantly white Wilson Junior High School for seventh and the first half of eighth grade. In 1965, when Carson was 13, he moved with his mother and brother back to their house on Deacon Street, he attended the predominantly black Hunter Junior High School for the second half of eighth grade. When he was eight, Carson had dreamed of becoming a missionary doctor, but five years he aspired to the lucrative lifestyles of psychiatrists portrayed on television, his brother bought him a subscription to Psychology Today for his 13th birthday. By ninth grade, the family's financial situation had improved, his mother surprising neighbors by paying cash to buy a new Chrysler car, the only government assistance they still relied on was food stamps. Carson attended the predominantly black Southwestern High School for ninth through 12th grades, graduating third in his class academically. In high school, he played the baritone horn in the band and participated in forensics, chess club, the U.
S. Army Junior Reserve Officers' Training Corps program where he reached its highest rank—cadet colonel
Samuel Anthony Alito Jr. is an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. He was nominated by President George W. Bush and has served since January 31, 2006. Raised in Hamilton Township, New Jersey and educated at Princeton University and Yale Law School, Alito served as U. S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey and a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit before joining the Supreme Court, he is the 110th Justice, the second Italian American, the eleventh Roman Catholic to serve on the court. Alito is considered "one of the most conservative justices on the Court", he has described himself as a "practical originalist." Alito's majority opinions in landmark cases include McDonald v. Chicago, Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, Janus v. AFSCME. Alito was born in Trenton, New Jersey, the son of Samuel A. Alito, Sr. an Italian immigrant, Rose Fradusco, an Italian-American. Alito's father, now deceased, earned a masters degree at Rutgers University and was a high school teacher and the first Director of the New Jersey Office of Legislative Services, a state government position he held from 1952 to 1984.
Alito's mother is a retired schoolteacher. Alito grew up in New Jersey, a suburb of Trenton, he graduated from Steinert High School in Hamilton Township as the class valedictorian, graduated summa cum laude from Princeton University's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs in 1972 before attending Yale Law School, where he served as an editor on the Yale Law Journal and earned a Juris Doctor in 1975. At Princeton, Alito chaired a student conference in 1971 called "The Boundaries of Privacy in American Society" which, among other things, supported curbs on domestic intelligence gathering and anticipated the need for a statute and a court to oversee national security surveillance; the conference report itself called for the decriminalization of sodomy, urged for an end to discrimination against gays in hiring by employers. "Though Alito's name is attached to the chair's report, it remains unclear to what extent the report represented his personal opinions. Alumni, who served as'commissioners' for the junior conference Alito chaired, offered conflicting information on how best to interpret the report."
Alito led the American Whig-Cliosophic Society's Debate Panel during his time at Princeton. He avoided Princeton's eating clubs. While a sophomore at Princeton, Alito received a low lottery number, 32, in the Selective Service drawing on December 1, 1969. In 1970, he became a member of the school's Army ROTC program, attending a six-week basic training camp that year at Fort Knox, Kentucky. Alito was a member of the Concerned Alumni of Princeton, formed in October 1972 at least in part to oppose Princeton's decisions regarding admitting women. Apart from Alito's written 1985 statement of membership of CAP on a job application, which he says was truthful, there is no other documentation of Alito's involvement with or contributions to the group. Alito has cited the banning and subsequent treatment of ROTC by the university as his reason for belonging to CAP. At Princeton, Alito was "almost alone" in his familiarity with the writings of John Marshall Harlan II and was much influenced by the course on constitutional interpretation taught by Walter F. Murphy his faculty adviser.
During his senior year at Princeton, Alito moved out of New Jersey for the first time to study in Italy, where he wrote his thesis on the Italian legal system. Graduating in 1972, Alito left a sign of his lofty aspirations in his yearbook, which said that he hoped to "eventually warm a seat on the Supreme Court". After graduating from Princeton, Alito was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the U. S. Army Signal assigned to the United States Army Reserve. At Yale, Alito was a classmate of future-Dean Anthony T. Kronman and one year behind future Justice Clarence Thomas. Following his graduation from Yale Law School, Alito served on active duty from September to December 1975; the remainder of his time in the Army was served in the inactive Reserves. He was a captain when he received an honorable discharge in 1980. After graduating from Yale Law School in 1975, where he was an editor of the Yale Law Journal, Alito clerked for Third Circuit appeals judge Leonard I. Garth in Newark, New Jersey in 1976 and 1977.
He was not hired. Between 1977 and 1981, Alito was District of New Jersey. There he served under U. S. Attorney, now Federal Circuit Judge, Maryanne Trump Barry. While an Assistant U. S. Attorney for New Jersey, he prosecuted many cases involving organized crime. From 1981 to 1985, Alito was Assistant to U. S. Solicitor General Rex E. Lee. In that capacity he argued 12 cases before the Supreme Court for the federal government. In Thornburgh v. American College of Obstetricians & Gynecologists, the Supreme Court ruled against Charles Fried after he rejected a memo by Alito urging the Solicitor General to avoid directly attacking the constitutional right to an abortion. Alito lost only two of the cases. From 1985 to 1987, Alito was Deputy Assistant Attorney General under Charles J. Cooper in the Office of Legal Counsel during the tenure of Attorney General Edwin Meese. John F. Manning worked under Alito there. Between 1986 and 1987, Alito authored nearly 470 pages of memorandums, in which he argued for expanding his client's law enforcement and personnel authorities.
In his 1985 application for Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Alito espoused conservative views, naming William F. Buckley, J