London is the capital and largest city of both England and the United Kingdom. Standing on the River Thames in the south-east of England, at the head of its 50-mile estuary leading to the North Sea, London has been a major settlement for two millennia. Londinium was founded by the Romans; the City of London, London's ancient core − an area of just 1.12 square miles and colloquially known as the Square Mile − retains boundaries that follow its medieval limits. The City of Westminster is an Inner London borough holding city status. Greater London is governed by the Mayor of the London Assembly. London is considered to be one of the world's most important global cities and has been termed the world's most powerful, most desirable, most influential, most visited, most expensive, sustainable, most investment friendly, most popular for work, the most vegetarian friendly city in the world. London exerts a considerable impact upon the arts, education, fashion, healthcare, professional services and development, tourism and transportation.
London ranks 26 out of 300 major cities for economic performance. It is one of the largest financial centres and has either the fifth or sixth largest metropolitan area GDP, it is the most-visited city as measured by international arrivals and has the busiest city airport system as measured by passenger traffic. It is the leading investment destination, hosting more international retailers and ultra high-net-worth individuals than any other city. London's universities form the largest concentration of higher education institutes in Europe. In 2012, London became the first city to have hosted three modern Summer Olympic Games. London has a diverse range of people and cultures, more than 300 languages are spoken in the region, its estimated mid-2016 municipal population was 8,787,892, the most populous of any city in the European Union and accounting for 13.4% of the UK population. London's urban area is the second most populous in the EU, after Paris, with 9,787,426 inhabitants at the 2011 census.
The population within the London commuter belt is the most populous in the EU with 14,040,163 inhabitants in 2016. London was the world's most populous city from c. 1831 to 1925. London contains four World Heritage Sites: the Tower of London. Other landmarks include Buckingham Palace, the London Eye, Piccadilly Circus, St Paul's Cathedral, Tower Bridge, Trafalgar Square and The Shard. London has numerous museums, galleries and sporting events; these include the British Museum, National Gallery, Natural History Museum, Tate Modern, British Library and West End theatres. The London Underground is the oldest underground railway network in the world. "London" is an ancient name, attested in the first century AD in the Latinised form Londinium. Over the years, the name has attracted many mythicising explanations; the earliest attested appears in Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia Regum Britanniae, written around 1136. This had it that the name originated from a supposed King Lud, who had taken over the city and named it Kaerlud.
Modern scientific analyses of the name must account for the origins of the different forms found in early sources Latin, Old English, Welsh, with reference to the known developments over time of sounds in those different languages. It is agreed; this was adapted into Latin as Londinium and borrowed into Old English, the ancestor-language of English. The toponymy of the Common Brythonic form is much debated. A prominent explanation was Richard Coates's 1998 argument that the name derived from pre-Celtic Old European *lowonida, meaning "river too wide to ford". Coates suggested that this was a name given to the part of the River Thames which flows through London. However, most work has accepted a Celtic origin for the name, recent studies have favoured an explanation along the lines of a Celtic derivative of a proto-Indo-European root *lendh-, combined with the Celtic suffix *-injo- or *-onjo-. Peter Schrijver has suggested, on these grounds, that the name meant'place that floods'; until 1889, the name "London" applied to the City of London, but since it has referred to the County of London and Greater London.
"London" is sometimes written informally as "LDN". In 1993, the remains of a Bronze Age bridge were found on the south foreshore, upstream of Vauxhall Bridge; this bridge either reached a now lost island in it. Two of those timbers were radiocarbon dated to between 1750 BC and 1285 BC. In 2010 the foundations of a large timber structure, dated to between 4800 BC and 4500 BC, were found on the Thames's south foreshore, downstream of Vauxhall Bridge; the function of the mesolithic structure is not known. Both structures are on the south bank. Although there is evidence of scattered Brythonic settlements in the area, the first major settlement was founded by the Romans about four years after the invasion
Really Really Free Market
The Really, Really Free Market movement is a horizontally organized collective of individuals who form a temporary market based on an alternative gift economy. RRFM events are hosted by people unaffiliated with any large organization and are encouraged to sprout up by anyone, at anytime, anywhere; the RRFM movement aims to counteract capitalism in a proactive way by creating a positive example to challenge the myths of scarcity and competition. The name Really Really Free Market is itself a play on words as it is a reinterpretation and re-envisioning of the term free market which refers to an economy of consumerism governed by supply and demand; the RRFM holds as a major goal to build a community based on sharing resources, caring for one another and improving the collective lives of all. Markets vary in character, but they offer both goods and services. Participants bring unneeded items and food as well as skills and talents such as entertainment, massage and crafts, language lessons, haircuts and more.
A RRFM takes place in an open community space such as a public park or community commons. The first known Really, Really Free Market took place in at a Food Not Bombs meal in Christchurch, New Zealand as a protest to a meeting on free trade; the Really Really Free Markets started to spread around Asia. Jakarta Food Not Bombs organized a Really Really Free Market on Buy Nothing Day; the first Really Really Free Market in the United States happened in Miami and Raleigh, North Carolina during the anti-globalization protests against the FTAA in 2003. The idea of a "Really, Really Free Market" emerged from a visioning ritual by members of the Pagan Cluster in Austin in preparation of the FTAA Summit in Miami, November 2003. Members of the Green Bloc made it real. Participants from the SouthEast Anarchist Network held demonstrations using the Really, Really Free Market to protest the G8 summit in 2004; the idea spread across the United States and other countries such as Australia, Malaysia, South Africa, Canada.
The movement has taken root in dozens of cities in the United States, with some holding one-time events, annual, bi-monthly, monthly markets. Cities include San Diego, CA; the San Francisco Really Really Free Market was started sometime around 2004. The SF RRFM was spearheaded by local activist Kirsten Brydum until her tragic passing in 2008. From around 2007 until 2010 the SF RRFM was hosted on the last Saturday of every month in Mission Dolores Park. During this time, the SF RRFM was an popular event that received decent local media exposure. Since it has sprouted up organically in Union Square, among other places. During 2007-2010 local organizers would distribute "seed packets:" a CD that served as digital collection of flyers, musings and essays; this was part of the ongiong effort to encourage others to start their own RRFM. These seed packets are now compiled for download online; the Singapore Really Really Free Market began around January 2009 and continues going strong in 2017. The first Russian Really Really Free Market was organized in Moscow in 2008.
The original name of RRFM was changed to "Freemarket" or "Absolutely Free Fair". Since that time, the idea of RRFM has spread across the Russian Federation. Participants of the movement arrange regular meetings in Moscow, Saint Petersburg, Yekaterinburg, Belgorod, Kaliningrad, Nizhny Novgorod, Vologda, Tolyatti, Petrozavodsk. Due to the harsh Russian climate the RRFMs take place indoors, but summer time meetings occur in public parks, yards of apartment houses or city squares. In Ivanovo, for instance, the first free fair was held in Yesenin Square on 19 June 2011, but as winter set in, the RRFM meetings were moved to the reference room of the Regional Public library. RRFMs in Russia are accompanied by master classes in handiwork, lectures on social and ecological problems and the collection of secondary raw materials and charity fundraising in aid animal shelters. Communitarianism Give-away shop Diggers – a group of early adopters of the free-store concept DIY ethic Mutual aid Freeganism Anti-capitalism Direct action Regiving Pay it forward Kashless.org Voluntaryism How to Start a Really Really Free Market
Antimilitarism is a doctrine that opposes war, relying on a critical theory of imperialism and was an explicit goal of the First and Second International. Whereas pacifism is the doctrine that disputes should be settled without recourse to violence, Paul B. Miller defines anti-militarism as "ideology and activities...aimed at reducing the civil power of the military and preventing international war". Cynthia Cockburn defines an anti-militarist movement as one opposed to "military rule, high military expenditure or the imposition of foreign bases in their country". Martin Ceadel points out that anti-militarism is sometimes equated with pacificism—general opposition to war or violence, except in cases where force is deemed necessary to advance the cause of peace. Pacifism is the belief that disputes between nations should be settled peacefully, it is the use of violence as a means of settling disputes. It can include the refusal to participate in military action. Antimilitarism does not reject war in all circumstances, but rejects the belief or desire to maintain a large and strong military organization in aggressive preparedness for war.
Anarcho-syndicalist Georges Sorel advocated the use of violence as a form of direct action, calling it "revolutionary violence", which he opposed in Reflections on Violence to the violence inherent in class struggle. Similarities are seen between Sorel and the International Workingmens' Association theorization of propaganda of the deed. Walter Benjamin, in his Critique of Violence demarcates a difference between "violence that founds the law", "violence that conserves the law", on one hand, on the other hand, a "divine violence" that breaks the "magic circle" between both types of "state violence". What distinguishes these two kinds of violence fundamentally is their mode of operation; the example Benjamin provides in his essay is that of a General Strike, the latter of, a key element of Sorel's Reflections on Violence. The "violence that conserves the law" is equivalent to the state's monopoly of legitimate violence; the "violence that founds the law" is the original violence necessary to the creation of a state.
"Revolutionary violence" removes itself from the sphere of the law by shattering its instrumental logic of violence. Giorgio Agamben showed the theoretical link between the law and violence permitted Nazi-thinker Carl Schmitt to justify the "state of exception" as the characteristic of sovereignty, thus indefinite suspension of the law may only be blocked by breaking this link between violence and right. Henry David Thoreau's 1849 essay "Civil Disobedience" titled "Resistance to Civil Government", can be considered an antimilitarist point of view, his refusal to pay taxes is justified as an act of protest against slavery and against the Mexican–American War, in accordance to the practice of civil disobedience.. He writes in his essay. Instead the individual should "break the law" if the law is "of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another." Capitalism has been thought by antimilitarist literature to be a major cause of wars, an influence, theorized by Vladimir Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg under the name of "imperialism".
The military-industrial complex has been accused of "pushing for war" in pursuit of private economic or financial interests. The Second International was opposed to the participation of the working classes in war, analyzed as a competition between different national bourgeois classes and different state imperialisms; the assassination of French socialist leader Jean Jaurès days before the proclamation of World War I resulted in massive participation in the coming war. In Mars. After World War II, US President Eisenhower's 1961 issued a warning on the influence of the "military-industrial complex". American right-wing antimilitarists draw upon the statements of Thomas Jefferson and other Founding Fathers condemning standing armies and foreign entanglements. Jefferson's beliefs on maintaining a standing army are as follows: "There are instruments so dangerous to the rights of the nation and which place them so at the mercy of their governors that those governors, whether legislative or executive, should be restrained from keeping such instruments on foot but in well-defined cases.
Such an instrument is a standing army."Right-wing antimilitarists in the United States believe that "A well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the best and most natural defense of a free country", as stated by James Madison. To this end, there is much overlap between the Militia movement and right-wing antimilitarists, although the two groups are not mutually inclusive; the term "well regulated" in the above quote is taken by such antimilitarists not to mean "regulated by the state" but rather "well equipped" and "in good
Squatting is the action of occupying an abandoned or unoccupied area of land or a building residential, that the squatter does not own, rent or otherwise have lawful permission to use. Author Robert Neuwirth suggested in 2004. Yet, according to Kesia Reeve, "squatting is absent from policy and academic debate and is conceptualised, as a problem, as a symptom, or as a social or housing movement."Squatting can be related to political movements, such as anarchist, autonomist, or socialist. It can be a means to conserve buildings or to provide affordable housing. In many of the world's poorer countries, there are extensive slums or shanty towns built on the edges of major cities and consisting entirely of self-constructed housing built without the landowner's permission. While these settlements may, in time, grow to become both legalised and indistinguishable from normal residential neighbourhoods, they start off as squats with minimal basic infrastructure. Thus, there is no sewerage system, drinking water must be bought from vendors or carried from a nearby tap, if there is electricity, it is stolen from a passing cable.
During the Great Recession and increased housing foreclosures in the late 2000s, squatting became far more prevalent in Western, developed nations. Besides being residences, some squats are used as social centres or host give-away shops, pirate radio stations or cafés. In Spanish-speaking countries, squatters receive several names, such as okupas in Spain, Chile or Argentina, or paracaidistas in Mexico. Dutch sociologist Hans Pruijt separates types of squatters into five distinct categories: Deprivation-based – i.e. homeless people squatting for housing need An alternative housing strategy – e.g. people unprepared to wait on municipal lists to be housed take direct action Entrepreneurial – e.g. people breaking into buildings to service the need of a community for cheap bars, clubs etc. Conservational – i.e. preserving monuments because the authorities have let them decay Political – e.g. activists squatting buildings as protests or to make social centres In many countries, squatting is in itself a crime.
Property law and the state have traditionally favored the property owner. However, in many cases where squatters had de facto ownership, laws have been changed to legitimize their status. Squatters claim rights over the spaces they have squatted by virtue of occupation, rather than ownership. Anarchist Colin Ward comments: "Squatting is the oldest mode of tenure in the world, we are all descended from squatters; this is as true of the Queen with her 176,000 acres as it is of the 54 percent of householders in Britain who are owner-occupiers. They are all the ultimate recipients of stolen land, for to regard our planet as a commodity offends every conceivable principle of natural rights."Others have a different view. UK police official Sue Williams, for example, has stated that "Squatting is linked to Anti-Social Behaviour and can cause a great deal of nuisance and distress to local residents. In some cases there may be criminal activities involved." The public attitude toward squatting varies, depending on legal aspects, socioeconomic conditions, the type of housing occupied by squatters.
In particular, while squatting of municipal buildings may be treated leniently, squatting of private property leads to strong negative reaction on the part of the public and authorities. Squatting, when done in a positive and progressive manner, can be viewed as a way to reduce crime and vandalism to vacant properties, depending on the squatter's ability and willingness to conform to certain socioeconomic norms of the community in which they reside. Moreover, squatters can contribute to the maintenance or upgrading of sites that would otherwise be left unattended, the neglect of which would create abandoned and decaying neighborhoods within certain sections of moderately to urbanized cities or boroughs, one such example being New York City's Lower Manhattan from the 1970s to the post-9/11 era of the New Millennium. Adverse possession is a method of acquiring title to property through possession for a statutory period under certain conditions. Countries where this principle exists include the United States, based on common law.
However, some non-common law jurisdictions have laws similar to adverse possession. For example, Louisiana has a legal doctrine called acquisitive prescription, derived from French law. There are large squatter communities such as Kibera in Nairobi. An estimated 1,000 people live in the Grande Hotel Beira in Mozambique; the Zabbaleen settlement and the City of the Dead are both well-known squatter communities in Cairo. In South Africa, squatters tend to live in informal settlements or squatter camps on the outskirts of the larger cities but not always near townships. In the mid-1990s, an estimated 7.7 million South Africans lived in informal settlements: a fifth of the country's population. The number has grown in the post-apartheid era. Many buildings in the inner city of Johannesburg have been occupied by squatters. Property owners or government authorities can evict squatters after following certain legal procedures including requesting a court order. In Durban, the city council ro
Broadly speaking, liberty is the ability to do as one pleases. In politics, liberty consists of the social and economic freedoms to which all community members are entitled. In philosophy, liberty involves free will as contrasted with determinism. In theology, liberty is freedom from the effects of "sin, spiritual servitude, worldly ties."Sometimes liberty is differentiated from freedom by using the word "freedom" if not to mean the ability to do as one wills and what one has the power to do. In this sense, the exercise of liberty is subject to capability and limited by the rights of others, thus liberty entails the responsible use of freedom under the rule of law without depriving anyone else of their freedom. Freedom is more broad in that it represents a total lack of restraint or the unrestrained ability to fulfill one's desires. For example, a person can have the freedom to murder, but not have the liberty to murder, as the latter example deprives others of their right not to be harmed. Liberty can be taken away as a form of punishment.
In many countries, people can be deprived of their liberty. The word "liberty" is used in slogans, such as "life and the pursuit of happiness" or "Liberty, Fraternity". Philosophers from earliest times have considered the question of liberty. Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote: a polity in which there is the same law for all, a polity administered with regard to equal rights and equal freedom of speech, the idea of a kingly government which respects most of all the freedom of the governed. According to Thomas Hobbes: a free man is he that in those things which by his strength and wit he is able to do is not hindered to do what he hath the will to do. John Locke rejected that definition of liberty. While not mentioning Hobbes, he attacks Sir Robert Filmer who had the same definition. According to Locke: In the state of nature, liberty consists of being free from any superior power on Earth. People are not under the will or lawmaking authority of others but have only the law of nature for their rule.
In political society, liberty consists of being under no other lawmaking power except that established by consent in the commonwealth. People are free from the dominion of any will or legal restraint apart from that enacted by their own constituted lawmaking power according to the trust put in it. Thus, freedom is not as Sir Robert Filmer defines it:'A liberty for everyone to do what he likes, to live as he pleases, not to be tied by any laws.' Freedom is constrained by laws in both the state of nature and political society. Freedom of nature is to be under no other restraint but the law of nature. Freedom of people under government is to be under no restraint apart from standing rules to live by that are common to everyone in the society and made by the lawmaking power established in it. Persons have a right or liberty to follow their own will in all things that the law has not prohibited and not be subject to the inconstant, uncertain and arbitrary wills of others. John Stuart Mill, in his work, On Liberty, was the first to recognize the difference between liberty as the freedom to act and liberty as the absence of coercion.
In his book Two Concepts of Liberty, Isaiah Berlin formally framed the differences between these two perspectives as the distinction between two opposite concepts of liberty: positive liberty and negative liberty. The latter designates a negative condition in which an individual is protected from tyranny and the arbitrary exercise of authority, while the former refers to the liberty that comes from self-mastery, the freedom from inner compulsions such as weakness and fear; the modern concept of political liberty has its origins in the Greek concepts of freedom and slavery. To be free, to the Greeks, was not to have a master, to be independent from a master; that was the original Greek concept of freedom. It is linked with the concept of democracy, as Aristotle put it: "This is one note of liberty which all democrats affirm to be the principle of their state. Another is. This, they say, is the privilege of a freeman, since, on the other hand, not to live as a man likes is the mark of a slave; this is the second characteristic of democracy, whence has arisen the claim of men to be ruled by none, if possible, or, if this is impossible, to rule and be ruled in turns.
In Athens, for instance, women could not vote or hold office and were and dependent on a male relative. The populations of the Persian Empire enjoyed some degree of freedom. Citizens of all religions and ethnic groups were given the same rights and had the same freedom of religion, women had the same rights as men, slavery was abolished. All the palaces of the kings of Persia were built by paid workers in an era when slaves did such work. In the Buddhist Maurya Empire of ancient India, citizens of all religions and ethnic groups had some rights to freedom and equality; the need for tolerance on an egalitarian basis can be found in the Edicts of Ashoka the Great, which emphasize the importance of tolerance in public policy by the government. The slaughter or capture of prisoners of war appears to have been condemned by Ashoka. Slavery appears to have been non-existent in the Maurya Empire. However, according to Hermann Kulke and Dietmar Rothermund, "Ashoka's orders seem to have been resisted right from the beginning."Roman law
Social anarchism is a non-state form of socialism and is considered to be the branch of anarchism that sees individual freedom as being interrelated with mutual aid. Social anarchist thought emphasizes community and social equality as complementary to autonomy and personal freedom through norms such as freedom of speech maintained in a decentralized federalism, balanced with freedom of interaction in thought as well as incorporating the concept of subsidiarity, namely "that one should not withdraw from individuals and commit to the community what they can accomplish by their own enterprise and industry" and that "or every social activity ought of its nature to furnish help to the members of the body social, never destroy and absorb them", or the slogan "Do not take tools out of people's hands". Social anarchism has advocated that the conversion of a proportion of present-day and future productive private property be made into social property to offer individual empowerment through easier access to such as tools or parts, or a sharing of the commons while retaining respect for personal property.
The term is used to describe the theory—contra individualist anarchism—that places an emphasis on the communitarian and cooperative aspects in anarchist theory while opposing authoritarian forms of communitarianism associated with groupthink and collective conformity and instead favouring a reconciliation between individuality and sociality. For instance, illegitimate authority is removed through vigilance. While self-determination is asserted as is worker's self-management and education and empowerment emphasized, both individually and through interaction with the community, a do-it-youself mentality is combined with educational efforts within the social realm. Social anarchism is considered an umbrella term that includes—but is not limited to—the post-capitalist economic models of anarcho-communism, collectivist anarchism and sometimes mutualism, or non-state controlled federated guild socialism dual power industrial democracy or federated cooperatives in addition to workers' and consumers' councils, replacing much of the present state system yet still retaining basic rights as well as the trade union approach of anarcho-syndicalism, the social struggle strategies of platformism and specifism and the environmental philosophy of social ecology.
The term social anarchism is used interchangeably with libertarian socialism, left-libertarianism, or left anarchism. It emerged in the late 19th century as a distinction from individualist anarchism. Mutualism developed by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, emerged from early 19th century socialism and is considered a market-oriented strand within the libertarian socialist tradition. Mutualists accept property rights, but with brief abandonment time periods. In a community in which mutuality property rules were upheld, a landowner would need to make continuous use of his/her land. A mutualist property regime is described as one rooted in possession, occupancy-and-use, or usufruct. Mutualism is associated with the economic views of 19th century American individualist anarchists such as Benjamin Tucker and William Batchelder Greene. Today, Kevin Carson is a contemporary mutualist and author of Studies in Mutualist Political Economy who describes this work as "an attempt to revive individualist anarchist political economy, to incorporate the useful developments of the last hundred years, to make it relevant to the problems of the twenty-first century".
Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary form of anarchism associated with Mikhail Bakunin and James Guillaume. It is a specific tendency, not to be confused with the broad category sometimes called collectivist or communitarian anarchism; the tendency emerged from the most radical wing of mutualism during the late 1860s. Unlike mutualists, collectivist anarchists oppose all private ownership of the means of production, instead advocating that ownership be collectivized, being made the joint property of the commune; this was to be achieved through violent revolution, first starting with a small cohesive group through acts of armed insurrection, or propaganda by the deed, which would inspire the workers and peasants as a whole to revolt and forcibly collectivize the means of production. However, collectivization was not to be extended to the distribution of income as workers would be paid according to time worked, rather than receiving goods being distributed "according to need" as in anarcho-communism.
This position was criticised by anarcho-communists as "uphold the wages system". Anarchist communist and collectivist ideas were not mutually exclusive. Although the collectivist anarchists advocated compensation for labor, some held out the possibility of a post-revolutionary transition to a communist system of distribution according to need, claiming that this would become more feasible once technology and productivity had evolved to a point where "production outstrips consumption" in a relative sense. Collectivist anarchism arose contemporaneously with Marxism, but it opposed the Marxist dictatorship of the proletariat despite the stated Marxist goal of a collectivist stateless society. Anarcho-communism is a theory of anarchism that advocates the abolition of the state, money and private property. Politically, anarcho-communists advocate replacing the nation-state and representative government with a
A gift economy, gift culture, or gift exchange is a mode of exchange where valuables are not traded or sold, but rather given without an explicit agreement for immediate or future rewards. This exchange contrasts with a barter economy or a market economy, where goods and services are exchanged for value received. Social norms and custom govern gift exchange. Gifts are not given in an explicit exchange of goods or services for some other commodity; the nature of gift economies forms the subject of a foundational debate in anthropology. Anthropological research into gift economies began with Bronisław Malinowski's description of the Kula ring in the Trobriand Islands during World War I; the Kula trade appeared to be gift-like since Trobrianders would travel great distances over dangerous seas to give what were considered valuable objects without any guarantee of a return. Malinowski's debate with the French anthropologist Marcel Mauss established the complexity of "gift exchange" and introduced a series of technical terms such as reciprocity, inalienable possessions, presentation to distinguish between the different forms of exchange.
According to anthropologists Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry, it is the unsettled relationship between market and non-market exchange that attracts the most attention. Gift economies are said, by some, to build communities, with the market serving as an acid on those relationships. Gift exchange is distinguished from other forms of exchange by a number of principles, such as the form of property rights governing the articles exchanged. Gift ideology in commercialized societies differs from the "prestations" typical of non-market societies. Gift economies must be differentiated from several related phenomena, such as common property regimes and the exchange of non-commodified labour. According to anthropologist Jonathan Parry, discussion on the nature of gifts, of a separate sphere of gift exchange that would constitute an economic system, has been plagued by the ethnocentric use of modern, market society-based conception of the gift applied as if it were a cross-cultural, pan-historical universal.
However, he claims that anthropologists, through analysis of a variety of cultural and historical forms of exchange, have established that no universal practice exists. His classic summation of the gift exchange debate highlighted that ideologies of the "pure gift" "are most to arise in differentiated societies with an advanced division of labour and a significant commercial sector" and need to be distinguished from non-market "prestations". According to Weiner, to speak of a "gift economy" in a non-market society is to ignore the distinctive features of their exchange relationships, as the early classic debate between Bronislaw Malinowski and Marcel Mauss demonstrated. Gift exchange is "embedded" in political, kin, or religious institutions, therefore does not constitute an "economic" system per se. Gift-giving is a form of transfer of property rights over particular objects; the nature of those property rights varies from society to society, from culture to culture, are not universal. The nature of gift-giving is thus altered by the type of property regime in place.
Property is not a thing. According to Chris Hann, property is a social relationship that governs the conduct of people with respect to the use and disposition of things. Anthropologists analyze these relationships in terms of a variety of actors' "bundle of rights" over objects. An example is the current debates around intellectual property rights. Hann and Strangelove both give the example of a purchased book, over which the author retains a "copyright". Although the book is a commodity and sold, it has not been "alienated" from its creator who maintains a hold over it. Weiner has argued that the ability to give while retaining a right to the gift/commodity is a critical feature of the gifting cultures described by Malinowski and Mauss, explains, for example, why some gifts such as Kula valuables return to their original owners after an incredible journey around the Trobriand islands; the gifts given in Kula exchange still remain, in the property of the giver. In the example used above, "copyright" is one of those bundled rights that regulate the use and disposition of a book.
Gift-giving in many societies is complicated because "private property" owned by an individual may be quite limited in scope. Productive resources, such as land, may be held by members of a corporate group, but only some members of that group may have "use rights"; when many people hold rights over the same objects gifting has different implications than the gifting of private property. Anthropologist Annette Weiner refers to these types of objects as "inalienable possessions" and to the process as "keeping while giving". Malinowski's study of the Kula ring became the subject of debate with the French anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, author of "The Gift". In Parry's view, Malinowski placed the emphasis on the exchange of goods between individuals, their non-altruistic motives for giving the gift: they expected a return of equal or greater value. Malinowski stated.