Carlo Cadorna was an Italian politician and the elder brother of General Raffaele Cadorna. He graduated in law in 1830 at the University of Turin. In 1840, he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in the constituency of Pallanza, he was the Minister of Education during the government headed by Vincenzo Gioberti. He was rapporteur of the law of secularisation of 29 May 1855 and spoke to a principle of separation of church and state, that the Church would be responsible only spiritual power on "thoughts, beliefs", while the assets of the Church must be under the jurisdiction of the state. In 1857 Cadorna was elected President of the Chamber of Deputies of the Kingdom of Sardinia, in 1858 became a senator and appointed Minister of Education in the government led by Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour. In 1864 he was the prefect of Turin, in 1868 Minister of the Interior of the Legislature I of Italy, he was the ambassador to the United Kingdom from 1869 to 1875. Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus Order of the Crown of Italy http://notes9.senato.it/Web/senregno.
The Letta Cabinet was the 62nd cabinet of the Italian Republic. In office from 28 April 2013 to 22 January 2014, it comprised ministers of the Democratic Party, The People of Freedom, Civic Choice, the Union of the Centre, one of the Italian Radicals and three non-party independents; the government was referred to by journalists as a grand coalition and/or government of broad agreements. At formation, the cabinet benefited from a supermajority in the Italian Parliament, one of the largest in the history of the Italian Republic; the cabinet was the youngest government so far, with a median age of 53. It was sworn in on 28 April 2013 and won the confidence vote in both the Chamber of Deputies on 29 April and the Senate on 30 April; the 2013 general election, held on 24–25 February, saw the rise of the Five Star Movement and the lack of a common majority in both houses of Parliament. More the centre-left coalition was ahead of the centre-right coalition, but controlled a majority only in the Chamber of Deputies.
The election was followed by weeks of deadlock, including various failed attempts either to elect a President to succeed Giorgio Napolitano and form a government, the establishment of a panel of experts by the President himself in order to outline priorities and formulate an agenda to deal with the persistent economic hardship and growing unemployment, the resignation of Pier Luigi Bersani from secretary of the Democratic Party. On 22 April 2013 Napolitano, after being re-elected for an unprecedented second term started consultations. Two days the President gave Enrico Letta, deputy-secretary of the PD, the task of forming a government, having determined that Bersani could not. Letta succeeded Mario Monti, who had resigned on 21 December 2012, but whose government remained in charge for ordinary administration until 28 April 2013, the day the new government was sworn in. During the ceremony, a man fired shots outside wounded two Carabinieri; the cabinet was composed by four parties: the PD, The People of Freedom, Civic Choice and the Union of the Centre.
The fact that the new Prime Minister was a nephew of Gianni Letta, one of the most trusted advisors to Silvio Berlusconi, the leader of the PdL, was perceived as a way of overcoming the bitter hostility between the two opposing camps. However, on 28 September, Berlusconi asked his party's five ministers to resign from the government over a tax hike. On 15 November 2013, who would be soon stripped of his seat in the Senate with PD's votes due to his conviction for tax fraud, announced the re-foundation of Forza Italia, in opposition to the government, the PdL split. In fact, all five PdL ministers, led by Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior Angelino Alfano, joined the New Centre-Right party; the same week SC suffered a split, with its minister Mario Mauro leaving the party, founding the Populars for Italy and keeping his post. The Letta Cabinet lasted until 22 February 2014; the government fell apart. Since December 2013 the party had been led by Matteo Renzi, the 39-year-old mayor of Florence nicknamed "the scrapper".
Renzi formed the Renzi Cabinet. Democratic Party: Prime minister, 9 ministers, 5 deputy ministers, 12 undersecretaries The People of Freedom: 5 ministers, 2 deputy ministers, 10 undersecretaries Independents: 3 ministers, 2 deputy ministers, 5 undersecretaries Civic Choice: 2 ministers, 1 deputy minister, 2 undersecretaries Union of the Centre: 1 minister, 1 undersecretary Italian Radicals: 1 minister Great South: 1 undersecretary Moderates in Revolution: 1 undersecretary Democratic Party: Prime minister, 8 ministers, 4 deputy ministers, 12 undersecretaries New Centre-Right: 4 ministers, 1 deputy minister, 7 undersecretaries Independents: 3 ministers, 2 deputy ministers, 5 undersecretaries Civic Choice: 1 minister, 1 deputy minister, 1 undersecretary Populars for Italy: 1 minister, 1 undersecretary Union of the Centre: 1 minister, 1 undersecretary Italian Radicals: 1 minister Media related to Letta Cabinet at Wikimedia Commons
Law enforcement in Italy
Law enforcement in Italy is an exclusive duty of the State and it is provided by four national agencies with full powers, with other local forces providing restricted or limited duties. Law enforcement in Italy is an exclusive function of the State and it is organised, Under the Ministry of Domestic Affairs, with provincial division and jurisdiction; the Ministero dell'Interno Ministry of the Interior is the government department with oversight of all of the national forces. On a local level, the forces are under the authority of the Prefetto, in collaboration with the Questore, that have their offences Prefettura and Questura in every province capital. For this reasons, the main police force in Italy is Polizia di Stato, or Polizia,which is a nationwide, full-powered agency, with different divisions for each specialised area of interest. Polizia's duties may vary from traffic patrol to forensic analysis or riot control; this civilian agency is distributed from the medium-large cities up to the province capital though exceptions may exist with offices and/or stations in critical towns or in places of interest.
Same duties are carried out by Arma dei Carabinieri known as ‘’Carabinieri’’, which are Military Police for the Italian Armed Forces. In addition to this carabinieri are in charge of investigation or intervention inside Public Administrations and personal right violation, but because of their history as “defender of the Constitution, they act under the orders of the questore and they are distributed all over the country, with a station in every municipality. Though in cases of emergency both Polizia or Carabinieri may be called upon or may intervene, strong differences underline the two agencies: Carabinieri is more an investigation/law break control corps, while Polizia includes a number of bureaucratic duties around visas, licences, registration of tourists from hotels, so on. Other national forces focus on specific and distinguished duties. For example, Guardia di Finanza is the finance and economy police and is responsible for dealing with financial crime and smuggling, it maintains over 600 boats and ships and more than 100 aircraft to serve in its mission of patrolling Italy's territorial waters.
The ‘’Polizia Penitenziaria’’ is the national prison guard agency. Only in 2016 the environment and the forestry police guard, called the "Corpo Forestale dello Stato," was absorbed into the Carabinieri, taking the number of national police forces from five to four. Italy divides law enforcement into Military and Civil forces, distinguishing each "agency" by duties and jurisdictions. All law enforcement officers are considered "Pubblici Ufficiali" and but not all officers belonging to police forces are "Agenti di Pubblica Sicurezza" as the latter gives the authority to arrest and patrol in the whole national territory and in all situations. In a different way from other countries, Italy does not have multiple specialised agencies for immigration, drug offenses, patrolling etc, but each “area” is investigated by a dedicated section of each national agency. For example, the Polizia Stradale is a role within the Polizia, with focus on patrolling the roads and various crimes committed on national and local roads.
Therefore, crimes covering multiple "areas" do not need to be covered by multiple agencies. Border and Maritime patrolling is undertaken by the Guardia di Guardia Costiera. Officers of the Guardia Costiera, who are members of the Italian Navy, do not have the same range of powers as the Polizia or the Carabinieri. Municipal officers work on minor crimes on a local basis, from traffic offenses to small-time drug dealing and illegal camping; each town or city has its own police department but they have limited jurisdiction and duties. Local officers can check driving licenses, enforce municipal laws and ordinances and carry out investigations for robberies and minor offenses, but they cannot form a "riot squad" or interfere with homicide or general investigations by the Police or Carabinieri; each Polizia Locale is under the authority of the respective local mayor, but the officers' mandate is valid only during their working hours and within the area their force covers, whereas Carabinieri, Polizia di Stato and Guardia di Finanza are always formally "on duty", wherever they are and regardless of whether they are at work.
In 2005, the total number of active police officers in all of the agencies was 324,339 in Italy, the highest number in the European Union both overall and per capita, twice the number of agents in the sized United Kingdom. However, this number includes every officer of the Arma dei Carabinieri, one of the four arms of the Italian Armed Forces, which includes roles which in other countries would not be considered to be police officers. For example, it has a department akin to workplace inspectors, Carabinieri della tutela del lavoro, one tasked with ensuring proper standards are being met within food and drink production, Carabinieri per la tutela della salute; the Polizia di Stato is the civil national police of Italy. Along with patrolling and law enforcement duties, it patrols the Autostrada, and
Italian Socialist Party
The Italian Socialist Party was a socialist and social-democratic political party in Italy. Founded in Genoa in 1892, the PSI dominated the Italian left until after World War II, when it was eclipsed in status by the Italian Communist Party; the Socialists came to special prominence in the 1980s, when their leader Bettino Craxi, who had severed the residual ties with the Soviet Union and re-branded the party as liberal-socialist, served as Prime Minister. The PSI was disbanded in 1994 as a result of the Tangentopoli scandals. Prior to World War I, future dictator Benito Mussolini was a member of the PSI; the Italian Socialist Party was founded in 1892 as the Partito dei Lavoratori Italiani by delegates of several workers' associations and parties, notably including the Italian Labour Party and the Italian Revolutionary Socialist Party. It was part of a wave of new socialist parties at the end of the 19th century and had to endure persecution by the Italian government during its early years. While in Sicily the Fasci Siciliani were spreading, the Italian Workers' Party was celebrating on September 8, 1893 its second congress in Reggio Emilia and decided to adopt the name of Italian Socialist Party.
At the start of the 20th century, the PSI chose not to oppose the governments led by five-time Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti. This conciliation with the existing governments and its improving electoral fortunes helped to establish the PSI as a mainstream Italian political party by the 1910s. Despite the party's improving electoral results, the PSI remained divided into two major branches, the Reformists and the Maximalists; the Reformists, led by Filippo Turati, were strong in the unions and the parliamentary group. The Maximalists, led by Costantino Lazzari, were affiliated with the London Bureau of socialist groups, an international association of left-wing socialist parties. In 1912, the Maximalists led by Benito Mussolini prevailed at the party convention and this led to the split of the Italian Reformist Socialist Party. In the 1919 general election, the PSI reached its highest result ever: 32.0% and 156 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. From 1912 to 1914, Mussolini headed up the Bolshevik wing of the Italian Socialist Party who purged moderate or reformist socialists.
World War I tore the party apart. The orthodox socialists were challenged by advocates of national syndicalism, who called for revolutionary war to liberate Italian-speaking territories from Austrian control and force the government by threat of violence to create a corporatist state; the national syndicalists intended to support Italian republicans in overthrowing the monarchy if such reforms were not made and if Italy did not enter the war. The dominant internationalist and pacifist wing of the party remained committed to avoiding what it called a "bourgeois war"; the PSI's refusal to support the war led to its national syndicalist faction either leaving or being purged from the party, such as Mussolini who had begun to show sympathy to the national syndicalist cause. A number of the national syndicalists expelled from the PSI joined Mussolini's Fascist Revolutionary movement in 1914 and in 1921 his newly named National Fascist Party. After the Russian Revolution of 1917, the PSI aligned itself in support of the Communist Bolshevik movement in Russia and supported its call for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie.
From 1919 to the 1920s, the Socialists and the Fascists emerged as prominent rival movements in Italy's urban centres resorting to political violence in their clashes. In 1919, the Socialist Party of Turin formed the Red Army of Turin, accompanied by a proposal to organise a national confederation of Red Scouts and Cyclists; the left-wing of the party broke away in 1921 to form the Communist Party of Italy, a division from which the PSI never recovered and which had enormous consequences on Italian politics. In 1922, another split occurred when the reformist wing of the party, headed by Turati and Giacomo Matteotti, was expelled and formed the Unitary Socialist Party. In 1924, Matteotti was assassinated by Fascists and shortly afterwards a fascist dictatorship was established in Italy. In 1926, the PSI and all other political parties except the Fascist Party were banned; the party's leadership remained in exile during the Fascist years and in 1930 the PSU was re-integrated into the PSI. The party was a member of the Labour and Socialist International between 1930 and 1940.
In the 1946 general election and the first after World War II, the PSI obtained 20.7% of the vote, narrowly ahead of the Italian Communist Party that gained 18.9%. In the 1948 general election, the US secretly convinced the British Labour Party to pressure social democrats to end all coalitions with communists, which fostered a split in PSI —Socialists led by Pietro Nenni chose to take part in the Popular Democratic Front along with the PCI, while social democrat Giuseppe Saragat launched the Italian Workers' Socialist Party; the PSI was weakened by the split and was far less organized than the PCI, therefore Communist candidates were far more competitive. As a result, the Socialist parliamentary delegation was cut by a half. Nonetheless, the PSI continued its alliance with the PCI until 1956, when Soviet repression in Hungary caused a major split between the two parties. Starting from 1963, the Socialists participated in the centre-left governments in alliance with Christian Democracy, the Italian Democratic Socialist Party and the Italian Republican Party.
These governments acceded to many of the demands of the PSI for social reform and laid the foundations for Italy's modern welfare state. During the 1960s and 1970s, the PSI lost much of its influence despite participati
The Left group called Historical Left by historians to distinguish it from the left-wing groups of the 20th century, was a liberal and reformist parliamentary group in Italy during the second half of the 19th century. The members of the Left were known as Democrats or Ministerials. Differently by his Right counterpart, the Left was the result of coalition who represented Northern and Southern middle class, urban bourgeoisie, small businessmen and academics, it supported a right to vote and the public school for all children. Moreover, the party was against the high taxation's policies promoted by the Right. Since the 1890s, the Left showed conservative tendencies, breaking strikes and protests and promoting a colonialist policy in Africa; the Left originated from parliamentary group inside the Sardinian Parliament as opposition to the right-wing government of the Marquess of Azeglio. It was not a structured party, but an opposition divided in two tendencies: The Moderates led by Urbano Rattazzi supported a parliamentary system, were pragmatic about Italian unification and favourable to cooperate with the Right dissident Count of Cavour.
The Radicals led by Giuseppe Garibaldi supported a strong nationalism and tendency to republicanism. The cooperation between Rattazzi and Cavour grew strong and the two plotted to oust D'Azeglio from office. After the 1851 self-coup of President Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte in France, the fake rumors about a same decision by the government caused the fall of D'Azeglio in 1852, orchestrated by Cavour and Rattazzi with the final goal of took the power, with Cavour becoming Prime Minister while Rattazzi became President of the Chamber of Deputies; this unusual coalition between Left and Right was nicknamed Connubio Rattazzi–Cavour by conservative opposition. The Sardinian intervention in the Crimean War, which Rattazzi opposed, caused the decline of the Left–Right coalition in 1855. After pressions by now-Emperor Napoleon III over Cavour in 1858, Rattazzi was forced to reisgn as Minister of the Interior because reputed too nationalist and intransigent about Italian unification, which Cavour intendent only as a Sardinian–Piedmontese expansion.
Despite the exclusion from the government, the Left and Rattazzi, thanks to his frienship with Rosa Vercellana, mistress of the King gained Victor Emmanuel II's favour, who adversed Cavour. During the 1860s, after the Italian unification the Left was in opposition, but the turmoils of that age were reflected inside the Left, divided in three main factions: The Third Party led by Rattazzi was characterized by liberalism and a temperated progressivism; the Great Centre led by Agostino Depretis and Agostino Bertani was ambivalent toward the Right and supporting constitutionalism and modernization, but still anti-republican. The Intransigents led by Francesco Crispi constituted by former members of the Action Party, supporting a left populism near to the republicanism. After the death of Rattazzi in 1873, Depretis took over the leadership of the Left. In 1862, Depretis was Minister of Public Works in a government led by Rattazzi with both Left and Right ministers, he justified the agreement with the Right by stating the following: We cannot allow that majorities must remain unchangeable.
Ideas grow up with actions, like science advance and the world moves, so parties are transforming. They undergo the law of motion, the occurrence of transformations; this statement was the basis of the phenomenon of trasformismo, which constist in a constant changing of political faction motivated by opportunity rather than ideals. In 1876, the Right Prime Minister Marco Minghetti lost parliamentary confidence thanks to an agreement between Depretis and liberist factions of the Right, opposed to the railways nationalization project. King Victor Emmanuel II verified the impossibility for the Right to gain confidence and nominated Depretis as Prime Minister, who formed a Left-only government. In November 1876, the legislative election confirmed the stability of the Left that gained the 56% of votes; the Depretis ministry realized a tax reform and tried to align Italy with Germany against the conservative France and Austria-Hungary, but after strong criticism for his decision to abolish the Ministry of Agricolture and Trade he resigned and was substituted by his rival Benedetto Cairoli in 1877.
Differently by the pragmatic Depretis, Cairoli was a strong opponent of trasformismo, an irridentist and Francophile. Isolated by the European powers at the Congress of Berlin, Cairoli was forced to resign in 1878 after a failed life attempt to King Umberto I and after lesser than nine months of government. Despite a short break with a new Depretis cabinet, Cairoli formed a new executive with Depretis support in 1879. Despite the Left's elctoral success in the election of 1880, the Cairoli ministry was unable to prevent the French conquest of the Beylik of Tunis in 1881 that resulted his political death, becoming unpopular with both Left and Right; the decline of Cairoli opened the door to Depretis, chosen to form a new government. During this long term from 1881 to 1887, the Left led by Depretis achieved a series of success, like the manhood suffrage toward the low-educated citizens and the adoption of protectionism to favour the development of textile and steel industries while facing many internal and international troubles.
The executive faced the difficult relationship with Austria that showed an anti-Italian attitude despite the common adhesion to the Triple Alliance with Germany, ended the Italian international isolation. Another problem was the rupture with the
Domenico Giovanni Giuseppe Maria Lanza was an Italian politician and the eighth Prime Minister from 1869 to 1873. Lanza was born in the Piedmontese city of Casale Monferrato, he studied medicine at Turin, capital of the Kingdom of Sardinia returned to Casale where he divided his energies between practising medicine and developing his 33 hectare estate in nearby Roncaglia. He wrote on agriculture developments in both the practical and social aspects. Lanza was among the first in Monferrato to introduce modern equipment as iron ploughs and seed drills, involved himself in the agricultural education of poor children, hoping to achieve at once “the betterment of our agriculture and the moral and intellectual betterment of our agricultural workers.”Lanza was an active member of the Subalpine Agricultural Association of Turin and became its secretary. The association was concerned for reform in the political and economic spheres, as well as in that of agriculture, its identification with the cause of liberal nationalism—with the Risorgimento—was underlined at the September 1847 agrarian congress in Casale, when Lanza raised the cry of “Viva l’Italia libera ed indipendente!”
He commented on that event: “I did not join the association purely to improve the cultivation of cabbages.”, Lanza took an active part in the rising of 1848 and was elected to the Piedmontese parliament in that year. He attached himself to the party of Cavour and devoted his attention chiefly to questions of economy and finance, he became minister of public instruction in 1855 in the cabinet of Cavour, in 1858 minister of finance. Lanza followed Cavour into his temporary retirement in July 1859 after the Treaty of Villafranca, for a year was chairman of the House, he was minister of the interior in the La Marmora cabinet, arranged the transference of the capital to Florence. He maintained a resolute opposition to the financial policy of Menabrea, who resigned when Lanza was a second time elected, in 1869, chairman of the House. Lanza formed a new cabinet. With Quintino Sella as minister of finance he sought to reorganize Italian budget, resigned office when Sella's projects were rejected in 1873.
His cabinet had seen the accomplishment of Italian unity and the installation of an Italian government in Rome after the defeat of the Papal States in late 1870. Works by or about Giovanni Lanza at Internet Archive
Bettino Ricasoli, 1st Count of Brolio, 2nd Baron Ricasoli was an Italian statesman. Ricasoli was born in Florence. Left an orphan at eighteen, with an estate encumbered, he was by special decree of the grand duke of Tuscany declared of age and entrusted with the guardianship of his younger brothers. Interrupting his studies, he withdrew to Brolio, by careful management disencumbered the family possessions. In 1847 he founded the journal La Patria, addressed to the grand duke a memorial suggesting remedies for the difficulties of the state. In 1848 he was elected Gonfaloniere of Florence, but resigned on account of the anti-Liberal tendencies of the grand duke; as Tuscan minister of the interior in 1859 he promoted the union of Tuscany with Piedmont, which took place on March 12, 1860. Elected Italian deputy in 1861, he succeeded Cavour in the premiership; as premier he admitted the Garibaldian volunteers to the regular army, revoked the decree of exile against Mazzini, attempted reconciliation with the Vatican.
Disdainful of the intrigues of his rival Rattazzi, he found himself obliged in 1862 to resign office, but returned to power in 1866. On this occasion he refused Napoleon III's offer to cede Venetia to Italy, on condition that Italy should abandon the Prussian alliance, refused the Prussian decoration of the Black Eagle because La Marmora, author of the alliance, was not to receive it. Upon the departure of the French troops from Rome at the end of 1866 he again attempted to conciliate the Vatican with a convention, in virtue of which Italy would have restored to the Church the property of the suppressed religious orders in return for the gradual payment of 24,000,000. In order to mollify the Vatican he conceded the exequatur to forty-five bishops inimical to the Italian régime; the Vatican accepted his proposal, but the Italian Chamber proved refractory, though dissolved by Ricasoli, returned more hostile than before. Without waiting for a vote, Ricasoli resigned office and thenceforward disappeared from political life, speaking in the Chamber only upon rare occasions.
He died at his Castello di Brolio on 23 October 1880. The barone created the modern recipe of Chianti wine, his private life and public career were marked by the utmost integrity, by a rigid austerity which earned him the name of the Iron Baron. In spite of the failure of his ecclesiastical scheme, he remains one of the most noteworthy figures of the Italian Risorgimento. History of Chianti Discorsi dei ministri Ricasoli Bettino, Della Rovere, Menabrea, e Cordova sulla Questione Romana e Sulla Condizione Provencie Napoletane Barone Ricasoli family Chianti Classico winery's - Ricasoli history