Thomas J. Robertson
Thomas James Robertson was a United States Senator from South Carolina. Born near Winnsboro, he completed preparatory studies and graduated from South Carolina College at Columbia in 1843, he engaged in planting and was a member of the State constitutional convention in 1865. Upon the readmission of the State of South Carolina to representation in 1868, Robertson was elected as a Republican to the U. S. Senate. While in the Senate he was chairman of the Committee on Manufactures, he retired from public life and active business due to ill health, in 1897 died in Columbia. Interment was in Elmwood Cemetery. United States Congress. "Thomas J. Robertson". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. Thomas J. Robertson at Find a Grave New York Times article Attitude of President Grant Toward the Robbers New York Times article South Carolina Senatorial elections Bio of son Edwin Wales Robertson
President pro tempore of the United States Senate
The President pro tempore of the United States Senate is the second-highest-ranking official of the United States Senate. Article One, Section Three of the United States Constitution provides that the Vice President of the United States is the President of the Senate, mandates that the Senate must choose a President pro tempore to act in the Vice President's absence. Unlike the Vice President, the President pro tempore is an elected member of the Senate, able to speak or vote on any issue. Selected by the Senate at large, the President pro tempore has enjoyed many privileges and some limited powers. During the Vice President's absence, the President pro tempore is empowered to preside over Senate sessions. In practice, neither the Vice President nor the President pro tempore presides. S. Senators of the majority party to give them experience in parliamentary procedure. Since 1890, the most senior U. S. Senator in the majority party has been chosen to be President pro tempore and holds the office continuously until the election of another.
This tradition has been observed without interruption since 1949. Since the enactment of the current Presidential Succession Act in 1947, the president pro tempore is third in the line of succession to the presidency, after the vice president and the Speaker of the House of Representatives and ahead of the Secretary of State; the current President pro tempore of the Senate is Iowa Republican Charles Grassley. Elected on January 3, 2019, he is the 91st person to serve in this office. Although the position is in some ways analogous to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the powers of the president pro tempore are far more limited. In the Senate, most power rests with party leaders and individual senators, but as the chamber's presiding officer, the president pro tempore is authorized to perform certain duties in the absence of the vice president, including ruling on points of order. Additionally, under the 25th Amendment to the Constitution, the president pro tempore and the speaker are the two authorities to whom declarations must be transmitted that the president is unable to perform the duties of the office, or is able to resume doing so.
The president pro tempore is third in the line of presidential succession, following the vice president and the speaker, is one of the few members of Congress entitled to a full-time security detail. Additional duties include appointment of various congressional officers, certain commissions, advisory boards, committees and joint supervision of the congressional page school; the president pro tempore is the designated legal recipient of various reports to the Senate, including War Powers Act reports under which he or she, jointly with the speaker, may have the president call Congress back into session. The officeholder is an ex officio member of various commissions. With the secretary and sergeant at arms, the president pro tempore maintains order in Senate portions of the Capitol and Senate buildings; the office of president pro tempore was established by the Constitution of the United States in 1789. The first president pro tempore, John Langdon, was elected on April 6 the same year. Between 1792 and 1886, the president pro tempore was second in the line of presidential succession following the vice president and preceding the speaker.
Through 1891, the president pro tempore was appointed on an intermittent basis only, when the vice president was not present to preside over the Senate, or at the adjournment of a session of Congress. Langdon served four separate terms from 1789 to 1793. During the 4th Congress; when called upon to serve, they would preside, sign legislation, perform routine administrative tasks. Whenever the vice presidency was vacant, as it was on 10 occasions between 1812 and 1889, the office garnered heightened importance, for although he did not assume the vice presidency, the president pro tempore was next in line for the presidency. Before the ratification of the Twenty-fifth Amendment in 1967, a vacancy in the vice presidency could be filled only by a regular election; when President Andrew Johnson, who had no vice president, was impeached and tried in 1868, Senate President pro tempore Benjamin Franklin Wade was next in line to the presidency. Wade's radicalism is thought by many historians to be a major reason why the Senate, which did not want to see Wade in the White House, acquitted Johnson.
The President pro tempore and the Speaker of the House were removed from the presidential line of succession in 1886. Both were restored to it in 1947, though this time with the president pro tempore following the speaker. William P. Frye served as President pro tempore from 1896 a tenure longer than anyone else, he resigned from the position due to ill health a couple of months before his death. Electing his successor proved difficult, as Senate Republicans in the majority, were split be
Charles Pinckney (governor)
Charles Pinckney was an American planter and politician, a signer of the United States Constitution. He was elected and served as the 37th Governor of South Carolina serving two more non-consecutive terms, he served as a US Senator and a member of the House of Representatives. He was first cousin once removed of fellow signer Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. Pinckney's descendants included seven future South Carolina governors, including men related to the Maybank and Rhett families. Pinckney was educated in Charleston, South Carolina, his father, Colonel Charles Pinckney, was planter. His mother was Frances Brewton, daughter of a goldsmith and his wife, sister of Miles Brewton and Rebecca Brewton Motte, who were both prominent in Charleston history, his father had signed a loyalty oath to the British after they occupied Charleston in 1780 during the American Revolutionary War. This enabled him to keep his property. On his death in 1782, the senior Pinckney bequeathed Snee Farm, a plantation outside the city, his numerous slaves, to his eldest son Charles.
Busy with the war and his political career, Pinckney did not marry until 1787. He married Mary Eleanor Laurens, daughter of Henry Laurens, the wealthy and politically powerful South Carolina slave trader, they had at least three children. Among his in-laws were Colonel John Laurens and U. S. Representative David Ramsay. A brother-in-law married the daughter of South Carolina Governor John Rutledge, he was elected as a delegate to the Third Continental Congress. He started to practice law in Charleston in 1779 at the age of 21. About that time, well after the War for Independence had begun, young Pinckney enlisted in the militia, he became a lieutenant, served at the siege of Savannah. When Charleston fell to the British the next year, the young Pinckney was captured, he did not return to Charleston until 1783. Pinckney was elected again to the Continental Congress following the war, serving 1784–87, he was elected to the state legislature for several terms. As a nationalist, he worked hard in Congress trying to ensure that the United States would receive navigation rights from Spain to the Mississippi River and to strengthen congressional power.
Pinckney owned several plantations and a townhouse in Charleston in addition to Snee Farm: Frankville and Hopton, situated on both sides of the Congaree River, five miles from Columbia. After Pinckney married Eleanor Laurens in 1788, the elegant three-storied brick home at 16 Meeting Street in Charleston became his principal residence. In the 1790 federal census, he is recorded as holding "14 slaves in St. Philip's and St. Michael's Parish, 52 slaves in St. Bartholomew, 45 slaves in the Orangeburg District", all in addition to Snee Farm, where his father's probate record had listed 40 slaves in 1787. Pinckney's role in the Constitutional Convention is controversial. Although one of the youngest delegates, he claimed to have been the most influential one and contended he had submitted a draft, known as the Pinckney Plan, the basis of the final Constitution; this was disputed by James Madison and some of the other framers. Pinckney submitted an elaborate form of the Virginia Plan, proposed first by Edmund Randolph, but it was disregarded by the other delegates.
Historians assess him as an important contributing delegate. Pinckney boasted that he was 24, allowing him to claim distinction as the youngest delegate, but he was 29 years old at the time of the convention, he attended full-time and and contributed to the final draft and to resolution of problems that arose during the debates. He worked for ratification of the constitution in South Carolina. At the Convention, Pierce Butler and Pinckney, both from South Carolina, introduced the Fugitive Slave Clause. James Wilson of Pennsylvania objected, saying that it was special protection for slaveholders, requiring all state governments to enforce it at taxpayers' expense, in places where no one or most residents did not own slaves. Butler withdrew the clause. But, the next day, a southerner reinstated the clause and the Convention adopted it without further objection; this clause was added to the clause. No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.
This clause was first applied to fugitive slaves and required that they be extradited upon the claims of their masters. Despite the clause, free states sometimes declined to enforce it; the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 increased requirements on the states and penalties for
South Carolina is a state in the Southeastern United States and the easternmost of the Deep South. It is bordered to the north by North Carolina, to the southeast by the Atlantic Ocean, to the southwest by Georgia across the Savannah River. South Carolina became the eighth state to ratify the U. S. Constitution on May 23, 1788. South Carolina became the first state to vote in favor of secession from the Union on December 20, 1860. After the American Civil War, it was readmitted into the United States on June 25, 1868. South Carolina is the 40th most extensive and 23rd most populous U. S. state. Its GDP as of 2013 was $183.6 billion, with an annual growth rate of 3.13%. South Carolina is composed of 46 counties; the capital is Columbia with a 2017 population of 133,114. The Greenville-Anderson-Mauldin metropolitan area is the largest in the state, with a 2017 population estimate of 895,923. South Carolina is named in honor of King Charles I of England, who first formed the English colony, with Carolus being Latin for "Charles".
South Carolina is known for its 187 miles of coastline, beautiful lush gardens, historic sites and Southern plantations, colonial and European cultures, its growing economic development. The state can be divided into three geographic areas. From east to west: the Atlantic coastal plain, the Piedmont, the Blue Ridge Mountains. Locally, the coastal plain is referred to the other two regions as Upstate; the Atlantic Coastal Plain makes up two-thirds of the state. Its eastern border is a chain of tidal and barrier islands; the border between the low country and the up country is defined by the Atlantic Seaboard fall line, which marks the limit of navigable rivers. The state's coastline contains many salt marshes and estuaries, as well as natural ports such as Georgetown and Charleston. An unusual feature of the coastal plain is a large number of Carolina bays, the origins of which are uncertain; the bays tend to be oval. The terrain is flat and the soil is composed of recent sediments such as sand and clay.
Areas with better drainage make excellent farmland. The natural areas of the coastal plain are part of the Middle Atlantic coastal forests ecoregion. Just west of the coastal plain is the Sandhills region; the Sandhills are remnants of coastal dunes from a time when the land was sunken or the oceans were higher. The Upstate region contains the roots of an eroded mountain chain, it is hilly, with thin, stony clay soils, contains few areas suitable for farming. Much of the Piedmont was once farmed. Due to the changing economics of farming, much of the land is now reforested in Loblolly pine for the lumber industry; these forests are part of the Southeastern mixed forests ecoregion. At the southeastern edge of the Piedmont is the fall line, where rivers drop to the coastal plain; the fall line was an important early source of water power. Mills built to harness this resource encouraged the growth of several cities, including the capital, Columbia; the larger rivers are navigable up to the fall line. The northwestern part of the Piedmont is known as the Foothills.
The Cherokee Parkway is a scenic driving route through this area. This is. Highest in elevation is the Blue Ridge Region, containing an escarpment of the Blue Ridge Mountains, which continue into North Carolina and Georgia, as part of the southern Appalachian Mountains. Sassafras Mountain, South Carolina's highest point at 3,560 feet, is in this area. In this area is Caesars Head State Park; the environment here is that of the Appalachian-Blue Ridge forests ecoregion. The Chattooga River, on the border between South Carolina and Georgia, is a favorite whitewater rafting destination. South Carolina has several major lakes covering over 683 square miles. All major lakes in South Carolina are man-made; the following are the lakes listed by size. Lake Marion 110,000 acres Lake Strom Thurmond 71,100 acres Lake Moultrie 60,000 acres Lake Hartwell 56,000 acres Lake Murray 50,000 acres Russell Lake 26,650 acres Lake Keowee 18,372 acres Lake Wylie 13,400 acres Lake Wateree 13,250 acres Lake Greenwood 11,400 acres Lake Jocassee 7,500 acres Lake Bowen Earthquakes in South Carolina demonstrate the greatest frequency along the central coastline of the state, in the Charleston area.
South Carolina averages 10–15 earthquakes a year below magnitude 3. The Charleston Earthquake of 1886 was the largest quake to hit the Southeastern United States; this 7.2 magnitude earthquake destroyed much of the city. Faults in this region are difficult to study at the surface due to thick sedimentation on top of them. Many of the ancient faults are within plates rather than along plate boundaries. South Carolina has a humid subtropical climate, although high-elevation areas in the Upstate area have fewer subtropical characteristics than areas on the Atlantic coastline. In the summer, South Carolina is hot and humid, with daytime temperatures averaging between 86–93 °F in most of the state and overnight lows averaging 70–75 °F on the coast and from 66–73 °F inland. Winter temperatures are much less uniform in South Carolina. Coastal areas of the state have mild winters, with high temperatures approaching an average of 60 °F and overnight lows around 40 °F. Inland, the average January overnight low is around 32 °F i
James Chesnut Jr.
James Chesnut Jr. was an American politician who served as a Deputy from South Carolina to the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States from 1861 to 1862. He served as a senior officer of the Confederate States Army in the Eastern Theater of the American Civil War. Chesnut, a lawyer prominent in South Carolina state politics, served as a Democratic senator in 1858-60, where he proved moderate on the slavery question, but on Lincoln's election in 1860, Chesnut resigned from the U. S. Senate and took part in the South Carolina secession convention helping to draft the Confederate States Constitution; as aide to General P. G. T. Beauregard, he served at First Manassas, he was aide to Jefferson Davis and promoted to Brigadier-General. Chesnut returned to law practice after the war, his wife was Mary Boykin Chesnut, whose published diaries reflect the Chesnuts' busy social life and prominent friends such as John Bell Hood, Louis T. Wigfall, Wade Hampton III, Jefferson Davis. James Chesnut Jr. was born the youngest of fourteen children and the only son of James Chesnut Sr. and his wife, Mary Cox on Mulberry Plantation near Camden, South Carolina.
Chesnut Sr. was one of the wealthiest planters in the South, who owned 448 slaves and many large plantations totaling nearly five square miles before the outbreak of the Civil War. Chesnut Jr. graduated from the law department of the College of New Jersey in 1835, rose to prominence in South Carolina state politics. Admitted to the bar in 1837, Chesnut Jr. commenced practice that year in Camden. He was elected as a member of the South Carolina House of Representatives and the South Carolina Senate, he was a delegate to the southern convention at Nashville, Tennessee, in 1850. In 1858 Chesnut was elected by the South Carolina Legislature to the U. S. Senate as a Democrat to replace Josiah J. Evans, he served there for two years alongside Senator James Henry Hammond of South Carolina. Although a defender of slavery and states' rights, Chesnut opposed the re-opening of the African slave trade and was not as staunch a secessionist as most of the South Carolinian politicians. Moderate in his political views, he believed in extending protections for slavery's westward expansion while remaining within the Union.
But the political atmosphere tightened towards the Presidential Election of 1860, since the Republican Party and its presidential candidate, Abraham Lincoln, opposed slavery. After the results of the election were known, Chesnut decided that he could no longer stay in his office in the Senate. Shortly after Lincoln's election, he was the first Southern senator to withdraw from the Senate, on November 10, 1860. Chesnut participated in the South Carolina secession convention in December 1860 and was subsequently elected to the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States, he was a member of the committee. In the spring of 1861, he served as an aide-de-camp to General P. G. T. Beauregard and was sent by the general to demand the surrender of Fort Sumter in Charleston. After the commander of the fort, Major Robert Anderson of the U. S. Army declined to surrender, Chesnut gave orders to the nearby Fort Johnson to open fire on Fort Sumter. In consequence the first shots of the Civil War were fired, on April 12, 1861.
In the summer of 1861 Chesnut took part in the First Battle of Manassas as an aide-de-camp to Beauregard. In 1862 Chesnut served as a member of the South Carolina's Executive Council and the Chief of the Department of the Military of South Carolina. In the war he served the Confederate Army as a colonel and an aide to Confederate President Jefferson Davis. In 1864 he was promoted to brigadier general and given command of South Carolina reserve forces until the end of the war, he was third in command of the confederate forces at the Battle of Tulifinny. He was in overall command before the arrival of Maj. Gen. Samuel Jones and Brig. Gen. Lucius Gartrell. After the war, he formed the Conservative Party. Although James Chesnut Jr. was the only son, his father had given him little of his extensive property. Because his father lived to the age of 90 and gave his son but a small allowance, the son James had to live on his law practice; the Chesnut fortune declined in the course of the war and thus, after his father died in 1866, Chesnut inherited little more than the extensive debts that encumbered the Mulberry and Sandy Hill plantations.
Chesnut married seventeen-year-old Mary Boykin Miller, on April 23, 1840. She became well known for her book on life during the Civil War, published as a diary but revised extensively from 1881 to 1886; the daughter of U. S. Senator Stephen Decatur Miller and Mary Boykin, she was well-educated and intelligent and took part in her husband's career; the Chesnuts' marriage was at times stormy due to difference in temperament. Their companionship was warm and affectionate but they had no children; the couple resided at Chesnut Cottage in Columbia during the Civil War period. As Mary Chesnut described in depth in her diary, the Chesnuts had a wide circle of friends and acquaintances in the society of the South and the Confederacy. Among their friends were, for example, Confederate general John Bell Hood, ex-Governor John L. Manning, Confederate general and politician John S. Preston and his wife Caroline, Confederate general and politician Wade Hampton III, Confed
James F. Byrnes
James Francis Byrnes was an American judge and politician from the state of South Carolina. A member of the Democratic Party, Byrnes served in Congress, the executive branch, on the United States Supreme Court, he was the 104th Governor of South Carolina, making him one of the few politicians to serve in all three branches of the American federal government while being active in state government. Born and raised in Charleston, South Carolina, Byrnes pursued a legal career with the help of his cousin, Governor Miles Benjamin McSweeney. Byrnes won election to the United States House of Representatives, serving from 1911 to 1925, he became a protégé of Senator Benjamin Tillman. He sought election to the United States Senate in 1924, but narrowly lost a run-off election to Coleman Livingston Blease, who had the backing of the Ku Klux Klan. After the loss, Byrnes moved his law practice to Spartanburg, South Carolina and prepared for a political comeback, he narrowly defeated Blease in the 1930 Democratic primary and joined the Senate in 1931.
Historian George E. Mowry called Byrnes "the most influential Southern member of Congress between John Calhoun and Lyndon Johnson." In the Senate, Byrnes supported the policies of his long-time friend, President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Byrnes sought federal investment in South Carolina water projects, he supported Roosevelt's foreign policy, calling for a hard line against Japan and Nazi Germany. On the other hand, Byrnes opposed anti-lynching legislation and some of the labor laws proposed by Roosevelt, such as the Fair Labor Standards Act. Roosevelt appointed Byrnes to the Supreme Court in 1941, but asked him to join the executive branch after the start of World War II. During the war, Byrnes led the Office of War Mobilization, he was a candidate to replace Henry A. Wallace as Roosevelt's running mate in the 1944 election, but Harry S. Truman was instead nominated by the 1944 Democratic National Convention. After Roosevelt's death, Byrnes served as a close adviser to Truman, becoming United States Secretary of State in July 1945.
In this capacity, Byrnes attended the Paris Peace Conference. However, relations between Byrnes and Truman soured, Byrnes resigned from the Cabinet in January 1947, he returned to elective politics in 1950. As governor, he opposed the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education and sought to establish "separate but equal" as a realistic alternative to the desegregation of schools, he endorsed most Republican presidential nominees after 1948 and supported Strom Thurmond's switch to the Republican Party in 1964. James Francis "Jimmy" Byrnes was born at 538 King St. in Charleston, South Carolina and reared in that city. Byrnes's father, James Francis Byrnes, died shortly, his mother, Elizabeth McSweeney Byrnes, was an Irish-American dressmaker. In the 1880s, a widowed aunt and her three children came to live with them. At the age of fourteen, Byrnes left St. Patrick's Catholic School to work in a law office, became a court stenographer. Notably, he transcribed the murder trial of then-Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, James H. Tillman, nephew of Benjamin Tillman, for the killing of Narciso Gener Gonzales, the editor of The State.
In 1906, he married the former Maude Perkins Busch of South Carolina. Though they had no children, he was the godparent of James Christopher Connor. Byrnes converted from the Catholic Church to Episcopalianism. In 1900, when Byrnes's cousin Governor Miles B. McSweeney appointed him as a clerk for Judge Robert Aldrich of Aiken, he needed to be 21. Byrnes, his mother, Governor McSweeney just changed his date of birth to that of his older sister Leonora, he apprenticed to a lawyer – a not uncommon practice – read for the law, was admitted to the bar in 1903. In 1908, he was appointed solicitor for the second circuit of South Carolina, serving until 1910. Byrnes was a protégé of Benjamin Tillman and had a moderating influence on the fiery segregationist Senator. In 1910, he narrowly won the state's Second Congressional District in the Democratic primary tantamount to election. Byrnes proved a brilliant legislator, working behind the scenes to form coalitions and avoiding the high-profile oratory that characterized much of Southern politics.
He was a champion of the "good roads" movement that attracted motorists, politicians, to large-scale road building programs in the 1920s. He became a close ally of President Woodrow Wilson, Wilson entrusted important political tasks to the capable young representative rather than to more experienced lawmakers. In 1924, Byrnes declined renomination to the House, instead sought nomination for the Senate seat held by incumbent Nathaniel B. Dial, though both were former allies of the now-deceased "Pitchfork Ben" Tillman. Anti-Tillmanite and extreme racist demagogue Coleman Blease, who had challenged Dial in 1918 ran again. Blease led the primary with 42 percent. Dial finished third with 22 percent. Byrnes was opposed by the Ku Klux Klan. Byrnes had been raised as a Roman Catholic, the Klan spread rumors that he was still a secret Catholic. Byrnes countered by citing his support by Episcopalian clergy. Three days before the run-off vote, twenty Catholics who said they had been altar boys with Byrnes published a professed endorsement of him.
The leader of this group was a Blease ally, the "endorsemen
Coleman Livingston Blease
Coleman Livingston Blease was a South Carolina politician who belonged to the Democratic Party. He served as a state legislator, 90th Governor of South Carolina, U. S. Senator. Blease was notorious for playing on the prejudices of poor whites to gain their votes, he was anti-black education. As senator, he advocated penalties for interracial couples attempting to get married, as well as criticizing First Lady Lou Hoover for inviting a black guest to tea at the White House. Coleman Livingston Blease was born to Henry Horatio Blease and Mary Ann Livingston Blease near the town of Newberry, South Carolina, on October 8, 1868, the year that South Carolina's new Reconstruction constitution was adopted, blacks began participating in public political life. Blease was educated at Newberry College, the University of South Carolina, Georgetown University, where he graduated from the law department in 1889. At the University of South Carolina, Blease was expelled for plagiarism and henceforth he carried a grudge against the university.
Blease returned to Newberry to enter politics. He began his political career in the South Carolina House of Representatives in 1890 as a protégé of Benjamin Ryan Tillman, but whereas Tillman drew his support from South Carolina's successful white farmers and planters, Blease recognized that the white tenant farmers and textile mill workers lacked a political voice. In 1895 the state legislature ratified a new constitution that disfranchised African-American citizens, thus crippling the Republican Party in the state; the state had a one-party system, run by the Democrats. Blease's rise to power, as he moved from the South Carolina House of Representatives to the South Carolina Senate in 1900, was built on the support of both the sharecroppers and white mill workers, an important segment of the electorate in South Carolina in this period, his appeal to the millworkers and sharecroppers was based on his personality and his view that made the "inarticulate masses feel that Coley was making them an important political force in the state."
This new era saw a sharp division within the state Democratic Party, with the factions known for many years as being "Tillmanites" and "Bleaseites." Blease was elected mayor of Newberry in 1910. Blease was elected governor in 1910 because he "knew how to play on race and class prejudices to obtain votes." His legislative program was erratic and without consistency. Blease opposed compulsory attendance, he abolished the textile mill at the state penitentiary for health reasons, yet opposed inspections of private factories to ensure safe and healthful working conditions. Blease acquired such a bad reputation that he was said to represent the worst aspects of Jim Crow and Benjamin Tillman. Blease favored complete white supremacy in all matters, he encouraged the practice of lynching opposed the education of blacks, derided an opponent for being a trustee of a black school. Blease once buried the severed finger of a lynched black man in the South Carolina gubernatorial garden; the newspapers did not escape Blease's wrath, he praised Jim Tillman for the murder of The State editor N.
G. Gonzales in 1903. Blease advocated imprisonment for editors who published candidates' speeches. Blease was a scofflaw. On two occasions, he pardoned his black chauffeur. Enjoying the power to pardon, Blease said that he wanted to pardon at least one thousand men before he exited office because he wanted "to give the poor devils a chance." He was estimated to have pardoned between 1,500 and 1,700 prisoners, some of whom were guilty of murder and other serious crimes. His political enemies suggested. Among those he pardoned was former U. S. congressman George W. Murray in 1912; the African-American Republican had lost an appeal for his conviction of forgery in 1905 by an all-white jury, was sentenced to hard labor. Refusing to serve for a conviction that he claimed resulted from discrimination, Murray had left the state permanently for Chicago. Although the combined opposition of Tillman and the upper classes could not prevent Blease's re-election in 1912, he lost the U. S. Senate primary in 1914 to incumbent "Cotton Ed" Smith.
This was one of the first U. S. senatorial elections to be decided by popular vote, following ratification of the Seventeenth Amendment to the U. S. Constitution in 1913. In a show of spite for progressive governor-elect Richard Irvine Manning III, Blease resigned five days before the end of his second term on January 14, 1915, so that he did not have to attend Manning's inauguration. Lieutenant Governor Charles Aurelius Smith succeeded to the governorship and performed ceremonial functions during his five days in office. Afterward, Blease spent a decade outside the mainstream of state politics. Manning's administration brought many Progressive Era reforms to the state; as the political climate turned more reactionary after 1919, when the state and nation suffered with postwar economic adjustments, Blease's popularity rebounded. Blease lacked a constructive program, but his agitation had permanently quickened the political consciousness of the cotton-mill operatives and other poor whites. In all of his campaigns, Blease used a catchy, non-specific campaign jingle that became well known to every