Peronism or Justicialism is an Argentine political movement based on the political ideology and legacy of former President Juan Domingo Perón and his second wife Eva Perón. The Peronist Justicialist Party derives its name from the concept of social justice. Since its inception in 1946, Peronist candidates have won nine of the 12 presidential elections from which they have not been banned; as of 2018, Juan Domingo Perón was the only Argentine to have been elected president three times. The pillars of the Peronist ideal, known as the "three flags", are social justice, economic independence and political sovereignty. Peronism can be described as a third position ideology as it rejects both communism. Peronism espouses corporatism and thus aims to mediate tensions between the classes of society, with the state responsible for negotiating compromise in conflicts between managers and workers. However, it is a ill-defined ideology as different and sometimes contradictory sentiments are expressed in the name of Peronism.
Today, the legacy and thought of Perón have transcended the confines of any single political party and bled into the broader political landscape of Argentina. Traditionally, the Peronist movement has drawn its strongest support from the working class and sympathetic unions and has been characterized as proletarian in nature. From the perspective of opponents, Peronism is an authoritarian ideology. Perón was compared to fascist dictators, accused of demagoguery and his policies derided as populist. Proclaiming himself the embodiment of nationality, Perón's government silenced dissent by accusing opponents of being unpatriotic; the corporatist character of Peronism drew attacks from socialists who accused his administration of preserving capitalist exploitation and class division. Conservatives rejected its modernist ideology and felt their status threatened by the ascent of the Peronist apparat. Liberals condemned dictatorial tendencies. Defenders of Peronism describe the doctrine as populist, albeit in the sense that they believe it embodies the interests of the masses and in particular the most vulnerable social strata.
Admirers hold Perón in esteem for his administration's anti-imperialism and non-alignment as well as its progressive initiatives. Amongst other measures introduced by Perón's governments, social security was made universal while education was made free to all who qualified and working students were given one paid week before every major examination. Vast low-income housing projects were created and paid vacations became standard. All workers were guaranteed free medical care and half of their vacation-trip expenses and mothers-to-be received three paid months off prior to and after giving birth. Workers' recreation centers were constructed throughout the country. Perón's ideas were embraced by a variety of different groups in Argentina across the political spectrum. Perón's personal views became a burden on the ideology, see for example his anti-clericalism, which did not strike a sympathetic chord with upper-class Argentinians. Peronism is regarded as a form of corporate socialism, or "right-wing socialism".
Perón's public speeches were nationalist and populist. It would be difficult to separate Peronism from corporate nationalism, for Perón nationalized Argentina's large corporations, blurring distinctions between corporations and government. At the same time, the labor unions became corporate, ceding the right to strike in agreements with Perón as Secretary of Welfare in the military government from 1943–1945. In exchange, the state was to assume the role of negotiator between conflicting interests. Peronism lacked a strong interest in matters of foreign policy other than the belief that the political and economic influences of other nations should be kept out of Argentina—he was somewhat isolationist. Early in his presidency, Perón envisioned Argentina's role as a model for other countries in Latin America and beyond, but such ideas were abandoned. Despite his oppositional rhetoric, Perón sought cooperation with the United States government on various issues. Political opponents sustain that Perón and his administration resorted to organized violence and dictatorial rule.
Perón maintained the institutions of democratic rule, but subverted freedoms through such actions as nationalizing the broadcasting system, centralizing the unions under his control and monopolizing the supply of newspaper print. At times, Perón resorted to tactics such as illegally imprisoning opposition politicians and journalists, including Radical Civic Union leader Ricardo Balbin. Perón's admiration for Benito Mussolini is well documented. Many scholars categorize Peronism as a fascist ideology. Carlos Fayt believes that Peronism was just "an Argentine implementation of Italian fascism". Hayes reaches the conclusion that "the Peronist movement produced a form of fascism, distinctively Latin American". One of the most vocal critics of Peronism was the Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges. After Perón ascended to the presidency in 1946, Borges spoke before the Argentine Society of Writers by saying: Dictatorships breed oppression, dictatorships breed servility, dictatorships breed cruelty. Bellboys babbling orders, portraits of caudillos, prearranged cheers or insults, walls covered with names, unanimous ce
Pedro Pablo Ramírez
Pedro Pablo Ramirez Menchaca was de facto President of Argentina from June 7, 1943 to February 24, 1944. He was the leader of Guardia Nacional, Argentina's Fascist militia. After graduating from the Argentine military college in 1904 as a second lieutenant, Ramírez was promoted in 1910 as first lieutenant of the cavalry. In 1911, he was sent to Germany for training with the Fifth Hussars cavalry in Kaiser Wilhelm's Prussian Army, he returned home in 1913, with a German wife, prior to the outbreak of World War I. Advancing in rank as a specialist in cavalry tactics, he assisted fellow General José Félix Uriburu in a authoritarian coup that deposed Hipólito Yrigoyen in 1930. Ramírez was sent to Rome to observe Mussolini's army until his return in 1932; when Uriburu set free elections and died, General Ramírez worked behind the scenes to plan a return of fascism to Argentina. Over the next several years, he organized the Milicia Nacionalista, authored a program for a state ruled by the militia. In 1942, Ramírez was appointed as War Minister by President Ramón Castillo, began to reorganize the Argentine Army.
At the same time, the Guardia Nacional joined with another party to form "Recuperacion Nacional," a fascist political party. Castillo fired Ramírez following a cabinet meeting on May 18, 1943. Two weeks on June 4, 1943, Ramírez assisted Arturo Rawson in overthrowing Castillo's government, was again made Minister of War. Three days on June 7 Ramírez forced Rawson's resignation and maintained Argentina's neutrality during World War II. Argentina was torn by between Britain, who wanted the country to stay neutral, the US, who wanted it to join the Allies. Ramírez stayed neutral and the United States refused requests for Lend-Lease aid. Argentina declared war on Germany and Japan during the government of Edelmiro Farrell. Despite having been brought to power through a coup d'état, Peronist historiography never calls him a dictator. Ramirez makes a brief appearance in the film Evita during the song "The Lady's Got Potential", which depicts Juan Peron's rise to power. Here he is depicted as a elderly man by Hector Malamud.
Mendelevich, Pablo. El Final. Buenos Aires: Ediciones B. ISBN 978-987-627-166-0. Pedro Pablo Ramírez at Find a Grave Newspaper clippings about Pedro Pablo Ramírez in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics
Eva Perón Foundation
The Eva Perón Foundation was a charitable foundation begun by Eva Perón, a prominent Argentine political leader, when she was the First Lady and Spiritual Leader of the Nation of Argentina. It operated from 1948 to 1955. Social welfare in Argentina was underdeveloped before Juan Perón was elected president in 1945 and his wife, born into the working classes, was aware of this. Most charity work was undertaken by the Sociedad de Beneficencia, controlled by eighty-seven elderly women of the upper-classes; the orphans whose care the Sociedad controlled had to have their heads shaved. Their policies are supposed to have been the inspiration behind Evita's famous declaration that,'When the rich think about the poor, they have poor ideas.' The chairpersons of this society were traditionally the Papal Nuncio to Argentina and the First Lady, but the society refused to extend the invitation to Evita when her husband was elected president. At first they insisted. Evita was furious and moved against the society bringing it to an end.
She created her own foundation to replace it. ‘It is time,’ Evita declared, ‘for social justice.’ On 8 July 1948 the María Eva Duarte de Perón Foundation was established. Its name was changed to the simpler Eva Perón Foundation, its opening charter declared that it was to remain ‘in the sole hands of its founder… who will… possess the widest powers afforded by the State and the Constitution.’ The Foundation's aims were to provide monetary assistance and scholarships to gifted children from impoverished backgrounds, build homes, schools and orphanages in underprivileged areas and ‘to contribute or collaborate by any possible means to the creation of works tending to satisfy the basic needs for better life of the less privileged classes.’ Initially work began with nothing more than garden parties for single mothers or Evita’s personal trips to the ghettoes of Buenos Aires to hand out aid parcels. By the end of the 1940s, Evita and her team of advisers had worked so that the Foundation was better-funded and organised than many departments of State.
It had funds of over three billion pesos, controlled $200 million on the exchange rate, employed over 14,000 workers, purchased 500,000 sewing machines, 400,000 pairs of shoes and 200,000 cooking pots for distribution annually and it had succeeded in building numerous new houses, schools and orphanages. The vast majority of these funds came from willing donors and the Peronist-dominated Congress, who were keen to back the First Lady's endeavours; the trade unions, who saw Evita as their patron sent enormous contributions to the Foundation’s work. More the Catholic Church had endorsed her projects, citing Biblical exhortations towards charity for the poor and Evita’s own personal priest, Father Benítez, claimed that the need to help the poor had taken over Eva Perón’s life. Congress assisted in 1950 by ruling that a proportion of all lottery tickets, cinema tickets and gambling games played in casinos should be given to the Foundation. By the time of Evita's death in 1952, the popularity of the Foundation amongst her millions of followers had given her an aura of sainthood.
There were allegations that most of the Foundation's wealth was ill-gotten, with Evita coercing people into donating. There were examples of pressure with the infamous case of the Mu-Mu sweet manufacturers, who were temporarily shut down after they refused to give the Foundation a free donation of sweets for underprivileged children. There was, only one example of Evita targeting the landed aristocracy and this was when the Foundation received most of the 97 million pesos which the Bemberg dynasty were forced to pay after they had attempted to evade tax after their patriarch died abroad. There were allegations that Evita set up a secret bank account in Switzerland with the funds, but these allegations have been dismissed by her more recent biographers. After Evita's premature death in 1952, the Foundation passed under the control of other Peronist women; as late as the 1970s, storage facilities full of goods intended for the Argentine poor were still being discovered
International Monetary Fund
The International Monetary Fund is an international organization headquartered in Washington, D. C. consisting of "189 countries working to foster global monetary cooperation, secure financial stability, facilitate international trade, promote high employment and sustainable economic growth, reduce poverty around the world." Formed in 1944 at the Bretton Woods Conference by the ideas of Harry Dexter White and John Maynard Keynes, it came into formal existence in 1945 with 29 member countries and the goal of reconstructing the international payment system. It now plays a central role in the management of balance of payments difficulties and international financial crises. Countries contribute funds to a pool through a quota system from which countries experiencing balance of payments problems can borrow money; as of 2016, the fund had SDR477 billion. Through the fund, other activities such as the gathering of statistics and analysis, surveillance of its members' economies and the demand for particular policies, the IMF works to improve the economies of its member countries.
The organisation's objectives stated in the Articles of Agreement are: to promote international monetary co-operation, international trade, high employment, exchange-rate stability, sustainable economic growth, making resources available to member countries in financial difficulty. IMF funds come from two major sources:quotas and loans. Quotas, which are pooled funds of member nations, generate most IMF funds; the size of a member's quota depends on its financial importance in the world. Nations with larger economic importance have larger quotas; the quotas are increased periodically as a means of boosting the IMF's resources. The current Managing Director and Chairwoman of the International Monetary Fund is French lawyer and former politician, Christine Lagarde, who has held the post since 5 July 2011. Gita Gopinath was appointed as Chief Economist of IMF from October 1, 2018, she received her Ph. D. in economics from Princeton University. According to the IMF itself, it works to foster global growth and economic stability by providing policy advice and financing the members by working with developing nations to help them achieve macroeconomic stability and reduce poverty.
The rationale for this is that private international capital markets function imperfectly and many countries have limited access to financial markets. Such market imperfections, together with balance-of-payments financing, provide the justification for official financing, without which many countries could only correct large external payment imbalances through measures with adverse economic consequences; the IMF provides alternate sources of financing. Upon the founding of the IMF, its three primary functions were: to oversee the fixed exchange rate arrangements between countries, thus helping national governments manage their exchange rates and allowing these governments to prioritize economic growth, to provide short-term capital to aid the balance of payments; this assistance was meant to prevent the spread of international economic crises. The IMF was intended to help mend the pieces of the international economy after the Great Depression and World War II; as well, to provide capital investments for economic growth and projects such as infrastructure.
The IMF's role was fundamentally altered by the floating exchange rates post-1971. It shifted to examining the economic policies of countries with IMF loan agreements to determine if a shortage of capital was due to economic fluctuations or economic policy; the IMF researched what types of government policy would ensure economic recovery. A particular concern of the IMF was to prevent financial crisis, such as those in Mexico 1982, Brazil in 1987, East Asia in 1997–98 and Russia in 1998, from spreading and threatening the entire global financial and currency system; the challenge was to promote and implement policy that reduced the frequency of crises among the emerging market countries the middle-income countries which are vulnerable to massive capital outflows. Rather than maintaining a position of oversight of only exchange rates, their function became one of surveillance of the overall macroeconomic performance of member countries, their role became a lot more active because the IMF now manages economic policy rather than just exchange rates.
In addition, the IMF negotiates conditions on lending and loans under their policy of conditionality, established in the 1950s. Low-income countries can borrow on concessional terms, which means there is a period of time with no interest rates, through the Extended Credit Facility, the Standby Credit Facility and the Rapid Credit Facility. Nonconcessional loans, which include interest rates, are provided through Stand-By Arrangements, the Flexible Credit Line, the Precautionary and Liquidity Line, the Extended Fund Facility; the IMF provides emergency assistance via the Rapid Financing Instrument to members facing urgent balance-of-payments needs. The IMF is mandated to oversee the international monetary and financial system and monitor the economic and financial policies of its member countries; this activity facilitates international co-operation. Since the demise of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates in the early 1970s, surveillance has evolved by way of changes in procedures rather than through the adoption of new obligations.
The responsibilities changed from those of guardian to those of overseer of members' policies. The Fund analyses the appropriateness of each member country's economic and financial policies for achieving orderly economic growth, assesses the consequences of these policies for other countries and for the global e
Andrés Framini was an Argentine labor leader and politician. Andrés Framini was born in the working-class La Plata suburb of Berisso, in 1914, he entered the labor force as a peon in one of Buenos Aires' many textile manufacturers working for the important Piccaluga facility in the southside Barracas section of the city. Poor pay and working conditions provided Labor Minister and Vice President Juan Perón a powerful political opportunity, which he seized by aggressively lobbying employers for a redress of these grievances, which had hitherto been quite difficult for most working-class Argentines to do; the Vice President's receptiveness to reform and his assurances of change earned Framini's support. Following President Edelmiro Farrell's October 13, 1945, arrest of the popular Perón, Framini participated in the October 17 mobilizations that freed the populist leader and forced the regime to call elections for early in 1946. Encouraged by these developments, the Textile Workers' Association was formed ten days as an affiliate of the umbrella CGT, Framini was elected factory shop steward.
Following a series of failed strikes in 1953 against President Perón's austerity plan, Framini displaced the AOT's more militant, left-wing leadership, becoming the powerful union's Secretary General. In that capacity, he was among those present at the June 16, 1955, rally at the Plaza de Mayo in support of the president following his excommunication by Pope Pius XII, a day earlier; as Perón spoke, Argentine Air Force Gloster Meteor jets flew overhead, dropping their ordnance and killing over 350 before flying to safety in neighboring Uruguay. The moderately anti-Peronist new president, Gen. Eduardo Lonardi, held talks with the CGT that sought to allow the continued existence of the 2.5 million-member labor union, while coercing the CGT to abandon Peronism. The CGT's directors resigned on October 5, leaving the leadership to Framini and to Light and Power Union leader Luis Natalini; the two CGT leaders arrived at an agreement with Labor Minister Luis Cerruti Costa within a day of taking over.
They greed to union elections within 120 days and the formal abandonment of peronism, in return for assurances against government intervention. Cerruti Costa's insistence on continuing to replace CGT leaders led to Framini's October 26 ultimatum against him, with the threat of a general strike; this was averted at the last minute. Framini responded by calling a three-day general strike for November 15; the failed strike was followed by a prison sentence for Framini, at which he was stripped of official CGT leadership. He formed an "Authentic CGT" and was among the civilian organizers of a failed, June 9, 1956, coup led by Gen, Juan José Valle against Aramburu - a fiasco which resulted in Valle's execution, as well as of 26 others'. Framini himself escaped this fate by going into hiding; the AOT received a military-appointed leader, though in 1957 the regime allowed new labor union elections resulting in the victory of Framini's deputy at the textile union, Juan Carlos Loholaberry. The regime's appointees at the CGT sabotaged an August 1957 congress by walking out, Framini responded by calling two general strikes, in September and October.
Framini geared for the February 1958 elections by echoing the exiled Juan Perón's endorsement of the UCRI candidate, Arturo Frondizi. The military, forced Frondizi to appoint an ultra-conservative military contractor, Álvaro Alsogaray, as Economy Minister at the end of 1958, throwing Framini and labor, in general, against the new administration; the president retaliated by having Framini arrested numerous times in 1959 - a year marked by recession and labor conflicts. The labor leader's case was brought before the International Labour Organization, which prevailed on President Frondizi to allow Framini due process, he was returned as head of the AOT that year. The textile workers' leader helped organize the Commission of 20, in October 1960, with the goal of persuading Frondizi to rid the CGT of its puppet leadership. A successful, November 7, 1960, general strike resulted in the president's agreeing to talks, on March 3, 1961, the CGT was entrusted to the Commission of 20; these accomplishments encouraged Peronists to field candidates for Congress and the governorships, ahead of the March 1962 mid-term elections.
Peronism and its political vehicle, the Justicialist Party, had been banned from political life since 1955. The Popular Union nominated Framini for governor of the Province of Buenos Aires and for vice-governor: Perón, himself; the leader believed. Frondizi's government declared Perón's candidacy null and void, Cardinal Caggiano spoke out against the move. Receiving the endorsement of Socialist Party leaders Alfredo Palacios and Alicia Moreau de Justo, joined on the ticket by Marcos Anglada, Framini's unofficial slogan was unequivocal, however: "Framini-Anglada, Perón to the Rosada!" The clear reference to the Casa Rosada (the presid