Freemasonry or Masonry consists of fraternal organisations that trace their origins to the local fraternities of stonemasons, which from the end of the fourteenth century regulated the qualifications of stonemasons and their interaction with authorities and clients. The degrees of Freemasonry retain the three grades of medieval craft guilds, those of Apprentice, Journeyman or fellow, Master Mason; the candidate of these three degrees is progressively taught the meanings of the symbols of Freemasonry, entrusted with grips and words to signify to other members that he has been so initiated. The initiations are part allegorical morality part lecture; the three degrees are offered by Craft Freemasonry. Members of these organisations are known as Masons. There are additional degrees, which vary with locality and jurisdiction, are administered by their own bodies; the basic, local organisational unit of Freemasonry is the Lodge. The Lodges are supervised and governed at the regional level by a Grand Lodge or Grand Orient.
There is no worldwide Grand Lodge that supervises all of Freemasonry. Modern Freemasonry broadly consists of two main recognition groups. Regular Freemasonry insists that a volume of scripture is open in a working lodge, that every member profess belief in a Supreme Being, that no women are admitted, that the discussion of religion and politics is banned. Continental Freemasonry is now the general term for the jurisdictions which have removed some, or all, of these restrictions; the Masonic lodge is the basic organisational unit of Freemasonry. The Lodge meets to conduct the usual formal business of any small organisation. In addition to business, the meeting may perform a ceremony to confer a Masonic degree or receive a lecture, on some aspect of Masonic history or ritual. At the conclusion of the meeting, the Lodge might adjourn for a formal dinner, or festive board, sometimes involving toasting and song; the bulk of Masonic ritual consists of degree ceremonies. Candidates for Freemasonry are progressively initiated into Freemasonry, first in the degree of Entered Apprentice.
Some time in a separate ceremony, they will be passed to the degree of Fellowcraft, they will be raised to the degree of Master Mason. In all of these ceremonies, the candidate is entrusted with passwords and grips peculiar to his new rank. Another ceremony is officers of the Lodge. In some jurisdictions Installed Master is valued as a separate rank, with its own secrets to distinguish its members. In other jurisdictions, the grade is not recognised, no inner ceremony conveys new secrets during the installation of a new Master of the Lodge. Most Lodges have some sort of social calendar, allowing Masons and their partners to meet in a less ritualised environment. Coupled with these events is the obligation placed on every Mason to contribute to charity; this occurs at both Grand Lodge level. Masonic charities contribute to many fields, such as disaster relief; these private local Lodges form the backbone of Freemasonry, a Freemason will have been initiated into one of these. There exist specialist Lodges where Masons meet to celebrate events, such as sport or Masonic research.
The rank of Master Mason entitles a Freemason to explore Masonry further through other degrees, administered separately from the Craft, or "Blue Lodge" degrees described here, but having a similar format to their meetings. There is little consistency in Freemasonry; because each Masonic jurisdiction is independent, each sets its own procedures. The wording of the ritual, the number of officers present, the layout of the meeting room, etc. varies from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. The officers of the Lodge are appointed annually; every Masonic Lodge has two Wardens, a secretary and a treasurer. There is a Tyler, or outer guard, always present outside the door of a working Lodge. Other offices vary between jurisdictions; each Masonic Lodge exists and operates according to a set of ancient principles known as the Landmarks of Freemasonry. These principles have thus far eluded any universally accepted definition. Candidates for Freemasonry will have met most active members of the Lodge they are joining before they are initiated.
The process varies between jurisdictions, but the candidate will have been introduced by a friend at a Lodge social function, or at some form of open evening in the Lodge. In modern times, interested people track down a local Lodge through the Internet; the onus is on candidates to ask to join. Once the initial inquiry is made, an interview follows to determine the candidate's suitability. If the candidate decides to proceed from here, the Lodge ballots on the application before he can be accepted; the absolute minimum requirement of any body of Freemasons is that the candidate must be free, considered to be of good character. There is an age requirement, varying between Grand Lodges, capable of being overridden by a dispensation from the Grand Lodge; the underlying assumption is that the candidate should
Isabel Martínez de Perón
María Estela Martínez Cartas de Perón, better known as Isabel Martínez de Perón or Isabel Perón, served as the 42nd President of Argentina from 1974 to 1976. She was the third wife of President Juan Perón. During her husband's third term as president from 1973 to 1974, Isabel served as both vice president and First Lady. Following her husband's death in office in 1974, Isabel served as president of Argentina from 1 July 1974 to 24 March 1976, when the military took over the government and placed her under house arrest for five years, before exiling her to Spain in 1981, she holds the distinction of having been the first woman to have had the title of "President", as opposed to a queen or prime minister. In 2007 an Argentine judge ordered her arrest over the forced disappearance of an activist in February 1976, on the grounds that the disappearance was authorized by her signing of decrees allowing Argentina's armed forces to take action against "subversives", she was arrested near her home in Spain on 12 January 2007.
Spanish courts subsequently refused her extradition to Argentina. María Estela Martínez Cartas was born in La Rioja, into a lower-middle-class family, daughter of María Josefa Cartas Olguín and Carmelo Martínez, she dropped out of school after the fifth grade. In the early 1950s she became a nightclub dancer, adopting the name Isabel, the saint's name that she had chosen as a confirmation name, she met her future husband during his exile in Panama. Juan Perón, 35 years her senior, was attracted by her beauty and believed she could provide him with the female companionship he had been lacking since the death of his second wife Eva Perón in 1952. Perón brought Isabel with him when he moved to Madrid, Spain, in 1960. Authorities in the conservative Roman Catholic nation did not approve of Perón's cohabitation with a young woman to whom he was not married, so on 15 November 1961 the former president reluctantly married for a third time; as Perón resumed an active role in Argentine politics from exile, Isabel acted as a go-between from Spain to South America.
Having been deposed in a coup in 1955, Perón was forbidden from returning to Argentina, so his new wife was appointed to travel in his stead. The CGT leader José Alonso became one of her main advisers in Perón's dispute against Steelworkers' leader Augusto Vandor's Popular Union faction during mid-term elections in 1965. Isabel met José López Rega, a former policeman with an interest in occultism and fortune-telling, during a visit to Argentina in 1964, she was interested in occult matters, so the two became friends. Under pressure from Isabel, Perón appointed López as her personal secretary. Dr. Héctor Cámpora was nominated by Perón's Justicialist Party to run in the March 1973 presidential elections on the FREJULI ticket. Cámpora won, but it was understood that Juan Perón held the real power; that year, Perón returned to Argentina, Cámpora resigned to allow Perón to run for president. He chose Isabel as his nominee for the Vice Presidency to mollify feuding Peronist factions, as these could agree on no other running mate.
His return from exile was marked by a growing rift between the right and left wings of the Peronist movement. The latter was, supported by the CGT labor federation leadership and Isabel herself, this faction became known by the left as the entorno due to the inner circle status Perón afforded them. Juan Perón cultivated their support while he was in exile, his sympathies ended, after the assassination of CGT leader José Ignacio Rucci by the leftist Montoneros in September. Perón's victory in a snap election called by Congress in September 1973 was always considered and he won with 62% of the vote, he began his third term on 12 October, with Isabel as Vice President. Perón was by in precarious health, however. Isabel had to take over as Acting President on several occasions during his tenure. Juan Perón suffered a series of heart attacks on 28 June 1974. Juan Perón died on 1 July 1974, less than a year after his third election to office; as vice-president his widow formally ascended to the presidency, thus becoming the first female in the world to hold the title of "President", although she was not the first female to lead a country.
She was popularly known as La Presidente. Although she lacked Evita Perón's charisma, the grieving widow at first attracted support from the nation, she pledged to uphold the social market economy policies embodied in the 1973 "Social Pact" as well her husband's long-held economic nationalism. Extremist groups, having fallen out with Juan Perón in previous months, publicly offered support to her; however she cancelled meetings with various constituent and political groups, the sympathy re
The Argentine Army is the land armed force branch of the Armed Forces of the Argentine Republic and the senior military service of the country. Under the Argentine Constitution, the President of Argentina is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, exercising his or her command authority through the Minister of Defense; the Army's official foundation date is May 29, 1810, four days after the Spanish colonial administration in Buenos Aires was overthrown. The new national army was formed out of several pre-existent colonial militia units and locally manned regiments; as of 2018, the active element of the Argentine Army numbered some 51,309 military personnel. Several armed expeditions were sent to the Upper Peru, Paraguay and Chile to fight Spanish forces and secure Argentina's newly gained independence; the most famous of these expeditions was the one led by General José de San Martín, who led a 5000-man army across the Andes Mountains to expel the Spaniards from Chile and from Perú. While the other expeditions failed in their goal of bringing all the dependencies of the former Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata under the new government in Buenos Aires, they prevented the Spaniards from crushing the rebellion.
During the civil wars of the first half of the 19th century, the Argentine Army became fractionalized under the leadership of the so-called caudillos, provincial leaders who waged a war against the centralist Buenos Aires administration. However, the Army was re-unified during the war with the Brazilian Empire.. It was only with the establishment of a Constitution and a national government recognized by all the provinces that the Army became a single force, absorbing the older provincial militias; the Army went on to fight the War of the Triple Alliance in the 1860s together with Brazil and Uruguay against Paraguay. After that war, the Army became involved in Argentina's Conquista del Desierto: the campaign to occupy Patagonia and root out the natives, who conducted looting raids throughout the country. Between 1880 and 1930, the Army sought to become a professional force without active involvement in politics though many a political figure -President Julio Argentino Roca, for example- benefitted from a past military career.
The Army prevented the fall of the government in a number of Radical-led uprisings. Meanwhile, the military in general and the Army, in particular, contributed to develop Argentina's unsettled southern frontier and its nascent industrial complex; the main foreign influence during this period was, by and large, the Prussian doctrine. Because of that, during both World Wars most of the officers supported the Germans, more or less while the Argentine Navy favored the British instead. In 1930, a small group of Army forces deposed President Hipólito Yrigoyen without much response from the rest of the Army and the Navy; this was the beginning of a long history of political intervention by the military. Another coup, in 1943, was responsible for bringing an obscure colonel into the political limelight: Juan Perón. Though Perón had the support of the military during his two consecutive terms of office, his repressive government alienated many officers, which led to a military uprising which overthrew him in September 1955.
Between 1955 and 1973 the Army and the rest of the military became vigilant over the possible re-emergence of Peronism in the political arena, which led to two new coups against elected Presidents in 1962 and 1966. It should be noted that political infighting eroded discipline and cohesion within the army, to the extent that there was armed fighting between contending military units during the early 1960s; the military government which ruled Argentina between 1966 and 1973 saw the growing activities of groups such as Montoneros and the ERP, a important social movement. During Héctor Cámpora's first months of government, a rather moderate and left-wing Peronist, approximatively 600 social conflicts and factory occupations had taken place. Following the June 20, 1973 Ezeiza massacre and right-wing Peronism broke apart, while the Triple A death squad, organized by José López Rega, closest advisor to María Estela Martínez de Perón, started a campaign of assassinations against left-wing opponents.
But Isabel Perón herself was ousted during the March 1976 coup by a military junta. The new military government, self-named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, put a stop to the guerrilla's campaigns, but soon it became known that violent methods and severe violations of human rights had taken place, in what the dictatorship called a "Dirty War" — a term refused by jurists during the 1985 Trial of the Juntas. Batallón de Inteligencia 601 became infamous during this period, it was a special military intelligence service set up in the late 1970s, active in the Dirty War and Operation Condor, disbanded in 2000. Its personnel collected information on and infiltrated guerrilla groups and human rights organisations, coordinated killings and other abuses; the unit participated in the training of Nicaraguan Contras with US assistance, including from John Negroponte. Meanwhile, the Guevarist People's Revolutionary Army, led by Roberto Santucho and inspired by Che Guevara's foco theory, began a rural insurgency in the province of Tucumán, in the mountainous n
Juan Carlos Onganía
Juan Carlos Onganía Carballo was de facto President of Argentina from 29 June 1966 to 8 June 1970. He rose to power as military dictator after toppling the president Arturo Illia in a coup d'état self-named Revolución Argentina. While preceding military coups in Argentina were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional juntas, the Revolución Argentina headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and to communism, which gave to the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading role in the political and economic operation of the country; the political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell named this type of regime "authoritarian-bureaucratic state", in reference both to the Revolución Argentina, the Brazilian military regime, Augusto Pinochet's regime and Juan María Bordaberry's regime in Uruguay. While Chief of the Army in 1963, Onganía helped crush the 1963 Argentine Navy Revolt by mobilizing troops that seized rebelling Navy bases. However, he demonstrated a disregard for civil authority when he refused to call off his troops after a ceasefire agreement had been approved by President José María Guido and his cabinet, was only convinced to follow orders after a tense meeting.
As military dictator, Onganía suspended political parties and supported a policy of Participacionismo, by which representatives of various interest groups such as industry and agriculture, would form committees to advise the government. However these committees were appointed by the dictator himself. Onganía suspended the right to strike and supported a corporatist economic and social policy, enforced in Cordoba by the appointed governor, Carlos Caballero. Onganía's Minister of Economy, Adálbert Krieger Vasena, decreed a wage freeze and a 40% devaluation, which adversely impacted the state of the Argentine economy, favoring foreign capital. Krieger Vasena suspended collective labour conventions, reformed the Fossil Fuels Law which had established a partial monopoly of the Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales state enterprise and signed a law facilitating the expulsion of tenants in cases of non-payment of rent. Onganía's rule signified an end to university autonomy, achieved by the University Reform of 1918.
A month into his administration, he was responsible for the violation of university autonomy in the so-called La Noche de los Bastones Largos in which he ordered police to invade the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires. Students and professors were arrested. Many were forced to leave the country, beginning a "brain drain" that adversely affects Argentine academia to this day. Onganía ordered repression on all forms of "immoralism", proscribing miniskirts, long hair for boys, all avant-garde artistic movements; this moral campaign favorized the radicalization of the middle classes, who were over-represented in universities. In 1969, Ongania dedicated the country to the Immaculate Heart of Mary; this position was opposed by the other factions in the military, which felt that its influence in government would be diminished. At the end of May 1968, General Julio Alsogaray dissented from Onganía, rumors spread about a possible coup d'état, Alsogaray leading the conservative opposition to Onganía.
At the end of the month, Onganía dismissed the leaders of the Armed Forces: Alejandro Lanusse replaced Julio Alsogaray, Pedro Gnavi replaced Benigno Varela, Jorge Martínez Zuviría replaced Adolfo Alvarez. Ongania's ruthless government was weakened by a popular uprising of workers and students that took place in the whole of the country, in particular in the interior, in cities such as Córdoba in 1969 or Rosario; the dominant military faction, led by General Lanusse, demanded. When he refused, he was toppled by a military junta. Jorge Rafael Videla Argentine military officer who would succeed Ongania. 31 yrs after
The Cordobazo was a civil uprising in the city of Córdoba, Argentina, at the end of May 1969, during the military dictatorship of General Juan Carlos Onganía, which occurred a few days after the Rosariazo, a year after the French May'68. Contrary to previous protests, the Cordobazo did not correspond to previous struggles, headed by Marxist workers' leaders, but associated students and workers in the same struggle against the military government. On 29 May 1969 there was a general strike in Córdoba, which brought police repression and a civil uprising, an episode termed the Cordobazo; the next day the CGT de los Argentinos, headed in Cordoba by Agustín Tosco, called for national strike. General Onganía had taken power during the 1966 coup, self-named Revolución Argentina, which had toppled President Arturo Illia. Onganía's regime suspended the right to strike, froze workers' wages, deactivated the Commission on Minimum Wages, while his Minister of Economy, Adalbert Krieger Vasena, decreed a 40% devaluation of the peso.
The age of retirement was extended. Onganía had implemented the "law on repression of Communism" and had ordered the Dirección de Investigación de Políticas Antidemocráticas political police to detain political activists and trade-unionists who did not care to cooperate with him in the "participationist" policies, considering universities as "centers of subversion and communism", had reneged on the 1918 University Reform, violently expelling from universities teachers and students in the Noche de los Bastones Largos. Furthermore, Onganía was attempting to impose corporatism in Argentina. In this context, the important industrial hub of Córdoba was one of the experimental place of corporatinist policies, implemented by the appointed governor Carlos Caballero; these unpopular measures led to increasing protests in the country. At the beginning of May'69, a succession of strikes and popular assemblies occurred in Córdoba, which were harshly repressed by the provincial and national military authorities of the junta.
On 13 May 1969, in Tucumán, former workers of a sugar mill took the factory and its manager as hostage, asking for overdue payments. On 14 May, in Córdoba, automobile industry workers protested the elimination of the Saturday rest. On 15 May, the University of Corrientes increased the price of food tickets in its cafeteria fivefold, the ensuing protest ended up with one student, Juan José Cabral, killed by the police. On 17 May, the student Adolfo Bello was killed during a protest in Rosario. On 21 May, the police killed the 15-year-old student Luis Blanco during a silent march of 4,000 persons in Rosario, in commemoration of Bello's death. Rosario is declared by the authorities an emergency zone under military jurisdiction. On 29 May 1969, the police shot dead the first victim of the Cordobazo, Máximo Mena, which triggered further demonstrations and rioting. Progressively, the population took control of most of the city, setting up barricades to defend themselves, they burnt several administrative centers, as well as the headquarters of the foreign firms, which symbolized Vasena's economic policies, of Citroën and Xerox, although they accompanied the firefighters in order to impede the fire from extending itself to other city blocks.
On the night of 29 to 30 May 1969, Onganía decided to send the military to crush the uprising. Meanwhile, the headquarters of the CGT de los Argentinos were searched and its leaders arrested. Thus, Agustín Tosco, one of the main leader of the CGTA, was arrested and condemned by the War Council. On the following days, official medias reflected the official vision of the events a conspiracy of international communism; the Cordobazo influenced events in other parts of the country, where violent demonstrations occurred, favorised the influence of trade unionists radically opposed to the dictatorship. This latter current, known as sindicalismo clasista, came to head the SMATA trade union of Córdoba, as well as the autonomous unions of Fiat Concord and Fiat Materfer. Workers' leaders of Córdoba, such as Agustín Tosco, René Salamanca, Gregorio Flores and José Francisco Páez, played a role on the national political stage. In Salta, Armando Jaime headed the CGT clasista, it underlined two new facts in Argentine politics: on one hand, the alliance of the students' movement with the workers, on the other hand, the predominance of the interior on the capital, Buenos Aires.
The Cordobazo had lasting influences on the history of Argentina. On one hand, it showed that the population accepted violent means to defend themselves against the military dictatorship, since no other democratic means of expression could be used. On the other hand, liberal democracy and the system of elections was globally refused by what came to be known as the New Opposition. Arturo Frondizi, elected in 1958, had legitimized the 1955 military coup, known as the Revolución Libertadora, which had toppled Juan Perón. Henceforth, the Cordobazo showed, to contemporary activists, that they could find popular support for violent and revolutionary means of actions against Onganía's dictatorship, thus radicalizing the social and political context of Argentina. Several armed groups were formed or strengthened in the aftermaths of the Cordobazo, among them the Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas, the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación
The Casa Rosada is the executive mansion and office of the President of Argentina. The palatial mansion is known as Casa de Gobierno; the President lives at the Quinta de Olivos, the official residence of the President of Argentina, located in Olivos, Greater Buenos Aires. The characteristic color of the Casa Rosada is baby pink, is considered one of the most emblematic buildings in Buenos Aires; the building houses a museum, which contains objects relating to former presidents of Argentina. It has been declared a National Historic Monument of Argentina; the Casa Rosada sits at the eastern end of the Plaza de Mayo, a large square which since the 1580 foundation of Buenos Aires has been surrounded by many of the most important political institutions of the city and of Argentina. The site at the shoreline of the Río de la Plata, was first occupied by the "Fort of Juan Baltazar of Austria", a structure built on the orders of the founder of Buenos Aires, Captain Juan de Garay, in 1594, its 1713 replacement by a masonry structure complete with turrets made the spot the effective nerve center of colonial government.
Following independence, President Bernardino Rivadavia had a Neoclassical portico built at the entrance in 1825, the building remained unchanged until, in 1857, the fort was demolished in favor of a new customs building. Under the direction of British Argentine architect Edward Taylor, the Italianate structure functioned as Buenos Aires' largest building from 1859 until the 1890s; the old fort's administrative annex, which survived the construction of Taylor's Customs House, was enlisted as the Presidential offices by Bartolomé Mitre in the 1860s and his successor, Domingo Sarmiento, who beautified the drab building with patios and wrought-iron grillwork, had the exterior painted pink in order to defuse political tensions by mixing the red and white colors of the country's two opposing political parties: red was the color of the Federalists, while white was the color of the Unitarians. An alternative explanation suggests that the original paint contained cow's blood to prevent damage from the effects of humidity.
Sarmiento authorized the construction of the Central Post Office next door in 1873, commissioning Swedish Argentine architect Carl Kihlberg, who designed this, one of the first of Buenos Aires' many examples of Second Empire architecture. Presiding over an unprecedented socio-economic boom, President Julio Roca commissioned architect Enrique Aberg to replace the cramped State House with one resembling the neighboring Central Post Office in 1882. Following works to integrate the two structures, Roca had architect Francesco Tamburini build the iconic Italianate archway between the two in 1884; the resulting State House, still known as the "Rose House", was completed in 1898 following its eastward enlargement, works which resulted in the destruction of the customs house. A Historical Museum was created in 1957 to display presidential memorabilia and selected belongings, such as sashes, books and three carriages; the remains of the former fort were excavated in 1991, the uncovered structures were incorporated into the Museum of the Casa Rosada.
Located behind the building, these works led to the rerouting of Paseo Colón Avenue, unifying the Casa Rosada with Parque Colón behind it. Plans were announced in 2009 for the restoration of surviving portions of Taylor's Customs House, as well; the Casa Rosada itself is undergoing extensive renovation delayed by the 2001 economic crisis. The work is scheduled for completion on the 2010 bicentennial of the May Revolution that led to independence. In 1536, Don Pedro de Mendoza established a settlement near the mouth of the Riachuelo de los Navíos, called Nuestra Señora del Buen Ayre. In 1580, Juan de Garay founded the city at the place, to be the Plaza Mayor, naming it Santísima Trinidad while the port retained the name of the original settlement, it was replaced in 1713 by a more solid construction with turrets, sentry boxes, a moat and a drawbridge that upon being completed in 1720 was given the name of "Castillo San Miguel". President Bernardino Rivadavia modified the fort in 1820, the drawbridge was replaced by a neoclassical portico.
The site, for defence purposes at that time and seat of the Spanish and Home governments, is where Government House stands. In the Pink House Museum one of its cannon holes can be found in part of a storage room of the Royal Treasury's warehouse. Under the direction of the English architect, Edward Taylor, the New Customs House was built in 1855 back to back with the rear walls of the Fort, facing the river, it is the first public building of great size built by the young mercantile State of Buenos Aires. From the central tower at the top of which there was a clock and a beacon, stretched out a 300 m pier providing wharfaging for ships of greater draught to cast their anchors. Via two side ramps carts, loaded with goods, accessed the manoeuvring dock, it was used for forty years and it was demolished down to the first floor by the Madero Port project and its foundations are buried under what is today Colón Park. President Domingo Sarmiento ordered the construction of the Postal headquarters in 1873 on open ground that had remained after the south wing of the Buenos Aires Fort had been demolished.
This project was carried out by the Swedish architect Carlos
In international human rights law, a forced disappearance occurs when a person is secretly abducted or imprisoned by a state or political organization or by a third party with the authorization, support, or acquiescence of a state or political organization, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the person's fate and whereabouts, with the intent of placing the victim outside the protection of the law. According to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which came into force on 1 July 2002, when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed at any civilian population, a "forced disappearance" qualifies as a crime against humanity and, thus, is not subject to a statute of limitations. On 20 December 2006, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. Forced disappearance implies murder; the victim in such a case is abducted, illegally detained and tortured during interrogation, killed, with the body hidden.
A murder will be surreptitious, with the corpse disposed of to escape discovery so that the person vanishes. The party committing the murder has plausible deniability, as nobody can provide evidence of the victim's death. "Disappearing" political rivals is a way for regimes to engender feelings of complicity in populations. The difficulty of publicly fighting a government that murders in secret can result in widespread pretense that everything is normal, as it did in the Dirty War in Argentina. In international human rights law, disappearances at the hands of the state have been codified as "enforced" or "forced disappearances" since the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action. For example, the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court defines enforced disappearance as a crime against humanity, the practice is addressed by the OAS's Inter-American Convention on Forced Disappearance of Persons. There is some authority indicating that enforced disappearances occurring during armed conflict, such as the Third Reich's Night and Fog program, may constitute war crimes.
In February 1980 the United Nations established the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, "the first United Nations human rights thematic mechanism to be established with a universal mandate". Its main task "is to assist families in determining the fate or whereabouts of their family members who are disappeared". In August 2014, the Working Group reported 43,250 unresolved cases of disappearances in 88 different States; the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, adopted by the UN General Assembly on 20 December 2006 states that the widespread or systematic practice of enforced disappearances constitutes a crime against humanity. It gives victims' families the right to seek reparations, to demand the truth about the disappearance of their loved ones; the Convention provides for the right not to be subjected to enforced disappearance, as well as the right for the relatives of the disappeared person to know the truth. The Convention contains several provisions concerning prevention and sanctioning of this crime, as well as the rights of victims and their relatives, the wrongful removal of children born during their captivity.
The Convention further sets forth the obligation of international co-operation, both in the suppression of the practice, in dealing with humanitarian aspects related to the crime. The Convention establishes a Committee on Enforced Disappearances, which will be charged with important and innovative functions of monitoring and protection at international level. An international campaign of the International Coalition against Enforced Disappearances is working towards universal ratification of the Convention. Disappearances work on two levels: not only do they silence opponents and critics who have disappeared, but they create uncertainty and fear in the wider community, silencing others who would oppose and criticise. Disappearances entail the violation of many fundamental human rights. For the disappeared person, these include the right to liberty, the right to personal security and humane treatment, the right to a fair trial, to legal counsel and to equal protection under the law, the right of presumption of innocence among others.
Their families, who spend the rest of their lives searching for information on the disappeared, are victims. The evocation of the crime of forced disappearance begins with the history of the rights in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, formulated on 26 August 1789 in France by the authorities that came out of the French Revolution, where it was stated in Articles 7 and 12: art. 7. No person may be charged, detained or imprisoned except in cases determined by law and in the manner prescribed therein; those requesting, executing or executing arbitrary orders must be punished...... art. 12. The guarantee of the rights of man and of the citizen needs a public force; this force is therefore instituted for the benefit of all, not for the particular utility of those who are in charge of it. Throughout