Epirus Revolt of 1854
The 1854 revolt in Epirus was one of the most important of a series of Greek uprisings that occurred in the Ottoman-occupied Greek world during that period. When the Crimean War broke out, many Epirote Greeks, with tacit support from the Greek state, revolted against the Ottoman rule. Although this movement was supported by distinguished military personalities, the correlation of forces doomed it from the start, leading to its suppression after a few months; when the Crimean War broke out between the Ottoman Empire and Russia, many Greeks felt that it was an opportunity to gain lands inhabited by Greeks but not included in the independent Kingdom of Greece. The Greek War of Independence was still fresh in their minds, as well as the Russian intervention that had helped secure Greek independence. Furthermore, Greeks had traditionally looked to help from fellow-Orthodox Russia. Although the official Greek state, under severe diplomatic and military pressure from the British and French, refrained from entering the conflict, a number of uprisings were organized in Epirus, Crete, with support from individuals and groups within independent Greece.
On 30 January 1854, Spyridon Karaiskakis, gave a number of inspiring speeches in villages east of Arta, seeking to inspire the Epirotes to revolt against Ottoman rule and join their province to Greece. The initial objective was the provincial capital, captured by Karaiskakis with a force of 2,500 irregulars. In the meantime, the Greek General Theodoros Grivas took a band of 300 volunteers to the villages of Peta and Pente Pigadia. Apart from the region of Arta, in Tzoumerka, the revolt spread to most of the mountainous regions of Epirus and a number of towns soon came under the full control of the revolutionaries: Paramythia, Tsamantas and some villages around Ioannina; the revolt was in full swing in parts of the nearby region of Thessaly. Meanwhile, a number of Greek officers, most of them of Souliote descent, resigned from their posts in the Greek Army and joined the rebellion. However, a unit of 1,600 Ottoman troops, reinforced by an additional 3,000, managed to recapture Arta with the help of heavy artillery.
In early March, Grivas managed to advance further north capturing Metsovo, afterwards looted by the Greek troops. At March 27, after repeated Ottoman attacks, supported by Albanian irregulars, Grivas had to retreat; as a consequence the town of Metsovo was looted by these bands and a large part of it was burned down. On April 13, a 6,000-strong Ottoman force, with the support of British and French artillery, attacked the rebels’ headquarters east of Arta, in the town of Peta. After fierce battles and suffering heavy losses, Kitsos Tzavelas with his men retreated behind the Greek border. Meanwhile, the Ottomans moved north to eliminate every movement in the region around Ioannina. In Plaka, a force of 14,000 Ottomans with an addition of 1,500 Albanians fought against the armed groups of S. Karaiskakis and N. Zervas; the Ottoman force was forced to retreat, with the Albanians in particular suffering heavy losses. The situation started to worsen for the Greeks when additional Ottoman reinforcements arrived in the region.
On the other hand, the British and the French forces blockaded the port of Piraeus and a number of other Greek ports, making reinforcement and ammunition for the revolutionaries hard to obtain and applying further pressure on the Greek government to force the return of its officers. After a number of vicious battles in Voulgareli, Skoulikaria and in Kleidi on 12 May, the revolt was doomed and the Epirotes retreated behind the Greek border; when the revolt in Epirus was suppressed, reprisals started, with Ottoman and Albanian bands looting and burning a number of towns and villages. These activities ended with the end of the Crimean War in 1856. Epirus Revolt of 1878 Cretan Revolt Reid, James J.. Crisis of the Ottoman Empire: prelude to collapse 1839-1878. Franz Steiner Verlag. ISBN 978-3-515-07687-6. Sakellariou, M. V.. Epirus, 4000 years of Greek history and civilization. Ekdotike Athenon. ISBN 978-960-213-371-2. Ruches, P. J.. Albanian Historical Folksongs. Argonaut. George, Dodd. Pictorial history of the Russian war 1854-5-6: with maps and wood engravings.
W. & R. Chambers. New monthly magazine Vol. 102. Published for Henry Colburn by Richard Bentley. 1854. Der Aufstand der Griechen im Epirus, ihr Land, ihre Sitten u. Gebräuche, ihre Lage unter der türkischen Regierung: Mit einer Karte. Hartleben. 1854
Dimitrios Kallergis was a fighter of the Greek War of Independence, major general and one of the most important protagonists of the 3 September 1843 Revolution. Kallergis was born in 1803 in Crete. Hailing from the distinguished Cretan Kallergis family, a historic family of Mylopotamos, the roots of which lay in the Byzantine Empire and which had risen to prominence under the Venetian domination of the island, he was left fatherless at an early age and he was sent to Russia to the care of the Tsar's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Nesselrode, who appears in some sources is mentioned as his uncle. After completing his general studies he went to Vienna. On the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence joined the insurgents. On 19 January 1822 he disembarked with his relatives and Nikolaos Kallergis, the officer Valianos in Hydra bringing with them ammunitions, whose worth was 100.000 rubles and a recommendation letter of bishop Ignatius Oungrovlachias. During the summer of 1825 he took on along with his compatriot Emmanuel Antoniadis the leadership of the campaign in Crete.
On 2 August 200 revolutionaries occupied the Gramvousa’s fortress, in which many pirates assembled during the next months. The campaign failed while, according to the American Philhellene Samuel Gridley Howe, Kallergis was unsuitable for the leader’s position. Subsequently he participated in the Georgios Karaiskakis’ expedition in Roumeli and he was distinguished. In October 1826 he participated in the failed attack of Colonel Fabvier against Thebes. On January 30, 1827 he took part in the victorious battle of Kastella where he had significant contribution and on February 20 he defended the area of the Three Towers, conquered by the Ottomans but she had suffered several losses, he was captured by the enemy forces during the disastrous for the Greek troops battle of Phaleron, where he was leader of the Cretan fighters. He was released after paying a large sum of money from his family but during his captivity, his one ear was amputated. During the government of Ioannis Kapodistrias, Kallergis was one of his supporters.
He served as his adjutant and he proceeded to the organization of a regular body of the cavalry, where he became deputy commander. After the governor’s assassination he had sided with Augustinos Kapodistrias and he participated in the civil conflicts of the time. During January 1832 he fought as a cavalry officer in the battles in Argos and in March in the battle of Loutraki where his and Nikitaras’ forces were defeated by the troops of Ioannis Kolettis. At the same time, he followed a military career as an officer in the regular army while he was involved in the political issues of that period, first as a follower of the Russian party and of the French party. In 1834, during the Bavarian regency and the Kolettis’ government he was imprisoned as a supporter of the Russian party, whose significant members had made at that time various uprisings in the Greek territory. In 1843, as colonel of the cavalry, he was a leading figure of the 3 September 1843 Revolution against Otto which forced the king to dismiss his Bavarian ministers and grant a constitution.
He was appointed military commandant of Athens, promoted to Major General and aide de camp to the king. In 1845 he was dismissed by the army and withdrew from Greece, occasioned by an incident between him and Queen Amalia, he went to London, where he became friend with Louis Napoleon, nephew of Napoleon I and Emperor of the French, which he followed in Paris and so he became follower of the French policy. In 1848 he made an abortive descent on the Greek coast, in the hope of launching a revolution in the Greek kingdom, he was soon released and, after a stay in the island of Zante, went to Paris. In 1854, during the Crimean War, he served as Minister of Military Affairs in the Alexandros Mavrokordatos cabinet—imposed by the British and French, hence called "Ministry of Occupation" by the Greeks; until Mavrokordatos’ arrival, Kallergis exercised authority as dictator, with the full support of the French occupation troops. This particular government recalled all the Greek officers who participated in the anti-Ottoman revolutionary movements in Thessaly and Macedonia to return to Greece while by personal requirement of Kallergis, Otto's adjutants—Gennaios Kolokotronis, Ioannis Mamouris and Gardikiotis Grivas—were dismissed, while the hitherto Minister of Military Affairs, Skarlatos Soutsos, was suspended.
When he was minister, Kallergis formed for the first time in Greece a fire brigade. In September 1855, a serious episode of Kallergis with the royal couple entailed the fall of Mavrokordatos’ government. In 1861 he was appointed minister plenipotentiary in Paris, in which capacity he took an important part in the negotiations which followed the fall of the Bavarian dynasty and led to the accession of Prince George of Denmark to the Greek throne. In 1866 he participated in the two-day government of Dimitrios Voulgaris as Minister of Military Affairs. In mid-1866 he returned to Greece as chief equerry of King George I, he proposed to the king to assign him the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, arguing that with the help of the governments of France and Italy he would be able to accomplish the vision of the Megali Idea, but King George didn’t believe it. In the summer of the same year he was elected by the Cretans as leader of the Cretan Revolt, but in September he refused the post because of health problems.
In January 1867 he was appointed as Ambassador of Greece to the United States but during the trip he fell ill in Paris and returned to Athens, where he died on 8 April 1
The Zollverein, or German Customs Union, was a coalition of German states formed to manage tariffs and economic policies within their territories. Organized by the 1833 Zollverein treaties, it formally started on 1 January 1834. However, its foundations had been in development from 1818 with the creation of a variety of custom unions among the German states. By 1866, the Zollverein included most of the German states; the foundation of the Zollverein was the first instance in history in which independent states had consummated a full economic union without the simultaneous creation of a political federation or union. Prussia was the primary driver behind the creation of the customs union. Austria was excluded from the Zollverein because of its protected industry and because Prince von Metternich was against the idea. By the founding of the North German Confederation in 1867, the Zollverein covered states of 425,000 square kilometres, had produced economic agreements with several non-German states, including Sweden-Norway.
After the founding of the German Empire in 1871, the Empire assumed the control of the customs union. However, not all states within the Empire were part of the Zollverein until 1888. Conversely, Luxembourg was independent and not a state in the German Reich, it remained in the Zollverein until 1919; the splintering of territory and states over generations meant that by the 1790s in the German-speaking Holy Roman Empire in Central Europe, there were 1800 customs barriers. Within the Prussian state itself, there were, at the beginning of the 19th century, more than 67 local customs and tariffs, with as many customs borders. To travel from Königsberg in East Prussia to Cologne, for example, a shipment was inspected and taxed 18 times; each customs inspection at each border slowed the shipment's progress from source to destination, each assessment on the shipment reduced profit and increased the price of goods stifling trade. When France defeated the Second Coalition, made up of Russian and German forces, annexed territories up to the Rhine, there was a general consolidation of the myriad of tiny states in Germany in the Mediatization of 1803.
This was called the Principal Conclusion of the Extraordinary Imperial Delegation. This last piece of major legislation enacted by the Holy Roman Empire re-arranged the map of Central Europe in the southwestern territories; the Reichshauptschluss resulted in the secularization of many ecclesiastical territories, the so-called mediatization, i.e. the annexation to larger neighboring territories, of many of the free imperial territories, including most of the imperial cities. Considerable portions of the Habsburg family territories in southwestern Central Europe were "mediatized", or given as compensation, to the princes and dukes who had lost territories in the French expansion. Most of the imperial cities, imperial abbeys, ecclesiastical states and cities were mediatized or secularized in 1803. With the final dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, most of the remaining tiny principalities were annexed by larger neighbors. Historians have analyzed three Prussian goals in the development of the Zollverein: first, as a political tool to eliminate Austrian influence in Germany.
The Zollverein created a larger market for German-made farm and handicraft products and promoted commercial unification under fiscally sound economic parameters. While the Union sought to limit trade and commercial barriers between and among member states, it continued to uphold the protectionist barriers against outsiders. During the Napoleonic Era, efforts in the Rhineland toward economic unity had mixed success; the Confederation of the Rhine, the other satellite creations of Napoleonic France, sought to establish economic autarky in European trade. By 1806, as Napoleon I sought to secure his hegemony in Europe, the Continental System offered a semblance of unified effort toward a widespread domestic market for European goods. However, the main purpose of the Continental System was military, not economic. Napoleon wanted a trade embargo against Britain, through which he hoped to wreck the British economy; the combination of war and isolation from Britain's trading system destroyed markets for external raw materials and for manufactured goods, resulting in the near ruin of the Central European economy.
Hard hit were the trading economies of the Lowlands and Rhineland states, which had relied upon imports of raw materials from throughout the world, on the export of finished products. The domestic markets in Central Europe were not large enough to sustain consumption of their own production; these problems were exacerbated by the numerous excise taxes and tolls which were the main source of state income. Reduction in trade meant the near bankruptcy of the smaller states. At the Congress of Vienna in 1814 and 1815, diplomats – principally those from the Great Powers – confirmed the remapping of Europe, broadly, the rest of the world, into spheres of influence. Central Europe, or German-speaking Europe, remained within the influence of the Austrian Habsburgs, balanced at the periphery by the Russian empire in the east, the French in the west. Prussia was expected to play some role in these spheres of influence, but the ambiguities of the Austrian and Prussian relationship were unresolved; the German states retained autonomy.
Constantine Kanaris or Canaris was a Greek Prime Minister and politician who in his youth was a freedom fighter in the Greek War of Independence. He was grew up on the island of Psara, close to the island of Chios, in the Aegean, his exact year of birth is unknown. The official records of the Hellenic Navy indicate 1795 but modern Greek historians believe that 1793 is more probable. Constantine was left an orphan at a young age. Having to support himself, he chose to become a seaman like most members of his family since the beginning of the 18th century, he was hired as a boy on the brig of his uncle Dimitris Bourelovw Constantine gained his fame during the Greek War of Independence. Unlike most other prominent figures of the War, he had never been initiated into the Filiki Eteria, which played a significant role in the revolution against the Ottoman Empire by secret recruitment of supporters against the Empire. By early 1821, it had gained enough support to declare a revolution; this declaration seems to have surprised Constantine, absent at Odessa.
He returned to Psara in haste and was there when the island joined the Revolution on April 10, 1821. The island formed its own fleet of ships and the famed seamen of Psara known for their successful naval combats against pirates and their well-equipped ships, proved to be effective at full naval war. Constantine soon distinguished himself as a fire ship captain. At Chios, on the moonless night of June 6/June 7, 1822 forces under his command destroyed the flagship of the Turkish admiral Nasuhzade Ali Pasha in revenge for the Chios Massacre; the admiral was holding a celebration, so Kanaris and his men managed to place a fire ship next to it without being noticed. When the flagship's powder store caught fire, all men aboard were killed; the Ottoman casualties comprised 2000 men, both naval officers and common sailors, as well as Kara-Ali himself. In the year he led another successful attacks against the Turkish fleet at Tenedos in November 1822, he was famously said to have encouraged himself by murmuring "Konstantí, you are going to die" every time he was approaching a Turkish warship on the fire boat he was about to detonate.
The Turkish fleet captured Psara on June 21, 1824. A part of the population, including Kanaris, managed to flee the island, but those who didn't were either sold into slavery or slaughtered. After the destruction of his home island, Kanaris continued to lead his men into attacks against the Turks, he took part to sea fights in the Dodecanese in August 1824. In August 1825, Kanaris led the raid on Alexandria, a daring attempt to destroy the Egyptian fleet via fire ships that might have been successful if the wind had not failed just after the Greek ships entered Alexandria harbor. Following the end of the war and the independence of Greece, Constantine became an officer of the new Greek Navy, reaching the rank of admiral, became a prominent politician. Constantine Kanaris was one of the few with the personal confidence of Ioannis Kapodistrias the first Head of State of independent Greece. Kanaris served as Minister in various governments and as Prime Minister, in the provisional government, from March 11-April 11, 1844.
He served a second term, as Navy Minister in Mavrokordatos' 1854 cabinet. In 1862, he was one of the few War of Independence veterans that helped in the bloodless revolution that deposed King Otto of Greece and put Prince William of Denmark on the Greek throne as King George I of Greece. Under George I, he served as a prime minister for fourth term and fifth and last term. Kanaris died on 2 September 1877 whilst still serving in office as Prime Minister. Following his death his government remained in power until September 14, 1877 without agreeing on a replacement at its head, he was buried in the First Cemetery of Athens, where most Greek prime ministers and celebrated figures are buried. After his death he was honored as a national hero. To honour Kanaris, three ships of the Hellenic Navy have been named after him. Kanaris. S. Navy on 1 July 1972. Kanaris. In 1817, he married Despina Maniatis, from a historical family of Psara, they had seven children: Nikolaos Kanaris, - a member of a military expeditionary force to Beirut, killed there in 1848.
Themistoklis Kanaris, - a member of a military expeditionary force to Egypt, killed there in 1851. Thrasyvoulos Kanaris, - Admiral. Miltiadis Kanaris, - Admiral, member of the Greek Parliament for many years, Naval Minister three times in 1864, 1871, 1878. Lykourgos Kanaris, - Lawyer Maria Kanari, - married A. Balambano. Aristeidis Kanaris, - officer killed in the uprising of 1863. Wilhelm Canaris, a German Admiral, speculated. An official genealogical family history, researched in 1938 showed that he was unrelated and that his family was from Italy. Woodhouse, "The Story of Modern Greece", Faber and Faber Listed among other Major Figures of the Greek War of Independence The History of the Grand Lodge of Greece Explains the Origins of the Philiki Etairia Short profile of Mohammad Ali, Viceroy of Egypt Short Profile of Ibrahim Pasha Statue of K. Kana
The Rhine is one of the major European rivers, which has its sources in Switzerland and flows in an northerly direction through Germany and The Netherlands to the North Sea. The river begins in the Swiss canton of Graubünden in the southeastern Swiss Alps, forms part of the Swiss-Liechtenstein, Swiss-Austrian, Swiss-German and the Franco-German border flows through the German Rhineland and the Netherlands and empties into the North Sea; the largest city on the Rhine is Cologne, with a population of more than 1,050,000 people. It is the second-longest river in Central and Western Europe, at about 1,230 km, with an average discharge of about 2,900 m3/s; the Rhine and the Danube formed most of the northern inland frontier of the Roman Empire and, since those days, the Rhine has been a vital and navigable waterway carrying trade and goods deep inland. Its importance as a waterway in the Holy Roman Empire is supported by the many castles and fortifications built along it. In the modern era, it has become a symbol of German nationalism.
Among the biggest and most important cities on the Rhine are Cologne, Düsseldorf, Rotterdam and Basel. The variants of the name of the Rhine in modern languages are all derived from the Gaulish name Rēnos, adapted in Roman-era geography as Greek Ῥῆνος, Latin Rhenus; the spelling with Rh- in English Rhine as well as in German Rhein and French Rhin is due to the influence of Greek orthography, while the vocalisation -i- is due to the Proto-Germanic adoption of the Gaulish name as *Rīnaz, via Old Frankish giving Old English Rín,Old High German Rīn, early Middle Dutch Rijn. The diphthong in modern German Rhein is a Central German development of the early modern period, the Alemannic name Rī retaining the older vocalism, as does Ripuarian Rhing, while Palatine has diphthongized Rhei, Rhoi. Spanish is with French in adopting the Germanic vocalism Rin-, while Italian and Portuguese retain the Latin Ren-; the Gaulish name Rēnos belongs to a class of river names built from the PIE root *rei- "to move, run" found in other names such as the Reno in Italy.
The grammatical gender of the Celtic name is masculine, the name remains masculine in German and French. The Old English river name was variously inflected as feminine; the length of the Rhine is conventionally measured in "Rhine-kilometers", a scale introduced in 1939 which runs from the Old Rhine Bridge at Constance to Hoek van Holland. The river is shortened from its natural course due to a number of canalisation projects completed in the 19th and 20th century; the "total length of the Rhine", to the inclusion of Lake Constance and the Alpine Rhine is more difficult to measure objectively. Its course is conventionally divided as follows: The Rhine carries its name without distinctive accessories only from the confluence of the Rein Anteriur/Vorderrhein and Rein Posteriur/Hinterrhein next to Reichenau in Tamins. Above this point is the extensive catchment of the headwaters of the Rhine, it belongs exclusively to the Swiss canton of Graubünden, ranging from Saint-Gotthard Massif in the west via one valley lying in Ticino and Italy in the south to the Flüela Pass in the east.
Traditionally, Lake Toma near the Oberalp Pass in the Gotthard region is seen as the source of the Anterior Rhine and the Rhine as a whole. The Posterior Rhine rises in the Rheinwald below the Rheinwaldhorn; the source of the river is considered north of Lai da Tuma/Tomasee on Rein Anteriur/Vorderrhein, although its southern tributary Rein da Medel is longer before its confluence with the Anterior Rhine near Disentis. The Anterior Rhine springs from Lai da Tuma/Tomasee, near the Oberalp Pass and passes the impressive Ruinaulta formed by the largest visible rock slide in the alps, the Flims Rockslide; the Posterior Rhine starts near the Rheinwaldhorn. One of its tributaries, the Reno di Lei, drains the Valle di Lei on politically Italian territory. After three main valleys separated by the two gorges and Viamala, it reaches Reichenau in Tamins; the Anterior Rhine arises from numerous source streams in the upper Surselva and flows in an easterly direction. One source is Lai da Tuma with the Rein da Tuma, indicated as source of the Rhine, flowing through it.
Into it flow tributaries from the south, some longer, some equal in length, such as the Rein da Medel, the Rein da Maighels, the Rein da Curnera. The Cadlimo Valley in the canton of Ticino is drained by the Reno di Medel, which crosses the geomorphologic Alpine main ridge from the south. All streams in the source area are sometimes captured and sent to storage reservoirs for the local hydro-electric power plants; the culminating point of the Anterior Rhine's drainage basin is the Piz Russein of the Tödi massif of the Glarus Alps at 3,613 metres above sea level. It starts with the creek Aua da Russein. In its lower course the Anterior Rhine flows through a gorge named Ruinaulta; the whole stretch of the Anterior Rhine to the Alpine Rhine confluence next to Reichen
Congress of Vienna
The Congress of Vienna called Vienna Congress, was a meeting of ambassadors of European states chaired by Austrian statesman Klemens von Metternich, held in Vienna from November 1814 to June 1815, though the delegates had arrived and were negotiating by late September 1814. The objective of the Congress was to provide a long-term peace plan for Europe by settling critical issues arising from the French Revolutionary Wars and the Napoleonic Wars; the goal was not to restore old boundaries but to resize the main powers so they could balance each other and remain at peace. The leaders were conservatives with little use for republicanism or revolution, both of which threatened to upset the status quo in Europe. France lost all its recent conquests while Prussia and Russia made major territorial gains. Prussia added smaller German states in Swedish Pomerania and 60 % of the Kingdom of Saxony. Russia gained parts of Poland; the new Kingdom of the Netherlands had been created just months before, included Austrian territory that in 1830 became Belgium.
The immediate background was Napoleonic France's defeat and surrender in May 1814, which brought an end to 23 years of nearly continuous war. Negotiations continued despite the outbreak of fighting triggered by Napoleon's dramatic return from exile and resumption of power in France during the Hundred Days of March to July 1815; the Congress's "final act" was signed nine days before his final defeat at Waterloo on 18 June 1815. The Congress has been criticized for causing the subsequent suppression of the emerging national and liberal movements, it has been seen as a reactionary movement for the benefit of traditional monarchs. However, others praise it for having created long-term stability and peaceful conditions in most of Europe. In a technical sense, the "Congress of Vienna" was not properly a congress: it never met in plenary session, most of the discussions occurred in informal, face-to-face sessions among the Great Powers of Austria, France and sometimes Prussia, with limited or no participation by other delegates.
On the other hand, the congress was the first occasion in history where, on a continental scale, national representatives came together to formulate treaties instead of relying on messages among the several capitals. The Congress of Vienna settlement, despite changes, formed the framework for European international politics until the outbreak of the First World War in 1914; the Treaty of Chaumont in 1814 had reaffirmed decisions, made and that would be ratified by the more important Congress of Vienna of 1814-15. They included the establishment of a confederated Germany, the division of Italy into independent states, the restoration of the Bourbon kings of Spain, the enlargement of the Netherlands to include what in 1830 became modern Belgium; the Treaty of Chaumont became the cornerstone of the European Alliance that formed the balance of power for decades. Other partial settlements had occurred at the Treaty of Paris between France and the Sixth Coalition, the Treaty of Kiel that covered issues raised regarding Scandinavia.
The Treaty of Paris had determined that a "general congress" should be held in Vienna and that invitations would be issued to "all the Powers engaged on either side in the present war". The opening was scheduled for July 1814; the Congress functioned through formal meetings such as working groups and official diplomatic functions. The Four Great Powers had formed the core of the Sixth Coalition. On the verge of Napoleon's defeat they had outlined their common position in the Treaty of Chaumont, negotiated the Treaty of Paris with the Bourbons during their restoration: Austria was represented by Prince Metternich, the Foreign Minister, by his deputy, Baron Johann von Wessenberg; as the Congress's sessions were in Vienna, Emperor Francis was kept informed. Britain was represented first by Viscount Castlereagh. In the last weeks it was headed by the Earl of Clancarty, after Wellington left to face Napoleon during the Hundred Days. Tsar Alexander I controlled the Russian delegation, formally led by the foreign minister, Count Karl Robert Nesselrode.
The tsar had two main goals, to gain control of Poland and to promote the peaceful coexistence of European nations. He succeeded in forming the Holy Alliance, based on monarchism and anti-secularism, formed to combat any threat of revolution or republicanism. Prussia was represented by Prince Karl August von Hardenberg, the Chancellor, the diplomat and scholar Wilhelm von Humboldt. King Frederick William III of Prussia was in Vienna, playing his role behind the scenes. France, the "fifth" power, was represented by its foreign minister, Talleyrand, as well as the Minister Plenipotentiary the Duke of Dalberg. Talleyrand had negotiated the Treaty of Paris for Louis XVIII of France; these parties had not been part of the Chaumont agreement, but had joined the Treaty of Paris: Spain – Marquis Pedro Gómez de Labrador Portugal – Plenipotentiaries: Pedro de Sousa Holstein, Count of Palmela. Sweden – Count Carl Löwenhielm Denmark – Count Niels Rosenkrantz, foreign minister. King Frederick VI was present in Vienna.
The Netherlands – Earl of Clancarty, the
Unification of Germany
The unification of Germany into a politically and administratively integrated nation state occurred on 18 January 1871, in the Hall of Mirrors at the Palace of Versailles in France. Princes of the German states, excluding Austria, gathered there to proclaim William I of Prussia as German Emperor after the French capitulation in the Franco-Prussian War. Unofficially, the de facto transition of most of the German-speaking populations into a federated organization of states had been developing for some time through alliances formal and informal between princely rulers, but in fits and starts; the self-interests of the various parties hampered the process over nearly a century of autocratic experimentation, beginning in the era of the Napoleonic Wars, which prompted the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, the subsequent rise of German nationalism. Unification exposed tensions due to religious, linguistic and cultural differences among the inhabitants of the new nation, suggesting that 1871 only represented one moment in a continuum of the larger unification processes.
The Holy Roman Emperor had been called "Emperor of all the Germanies". In the empire, higher nobility were referred to as "Princes of Germany" or "Princes of the Germanies"—for the lands once called East Francia had been organized and governed as pocket kingdoms since before the rise of Charlemagne. In the mountainous terrain of much of the territory, isolated peoples developed cultural, educational and religious differences over such a lengthy time period. By the nineteenth century and communications improvements brought these regions closer together; the Holy Roman Empire, which had included more than 500 independent states, was dissolved when Emperor Francis II abdicated during the War of the Third Coalition. Despite the legal and political disruption associated with the end of the Empire, the people of the German-speaking areas of the old Empire had a common linguistic and legal tradition further enhanced by their shared experience in the French Revolutionary Wars and Napoleonic Wars. European liberalism offered an intellectual basis for unification by challenging dynastic and absolutist models of social and political organization.
Economically, the creation of the Prussian Zollverein in 1818, its subsequent expansion to include other states of the German Confederation, reduced competition between and within states. Emerging modes of transportation facilitated business and recreational travel, leading to contact and sometimes conflict among German speakers from throughout Central Europe; the model of diplomatic spheres of influence resulting from the Congress of Vienna in 1814–15 after the Napoleonic Wars endorsed Austrian dominance in Central Europe. The negotiators at Vienna took no account of Prussia's growing strength within and among the German states and so failed to foresee that Prussia would rise to challenge Austria for leadership of the German peoples; this German dualism presented two solutions to the problem of unification: Kleindeutsche Lösung, the small Germany solution, or Großdeutsche Lösung, the greater Germany solution. Historians debate whether Otto von Bismarck—Minister President of Prussia—had a master plan to expand the North German Confederation of 1866 to include the remaining independent German states into a single entity or to expand the power of the Kingdom of Prussia.
They conclude that factors in addition to the strength of Bismarck's Realpolitik led a collection of early modern polities to reorganize political, economic and diplomatic relationships in the 19th century. Reaction to Danish and French nationalism provided foci for expressions of German unity. Military successes—especially those of Prussia—in three regional wars generated enthusiasm and pride that politicians could harness to promote unification; this experience echoed the memory of mutual accomplishment in the Napoleonic Wars in the War of Liberation of 1813–14. By establishing a Germany without Austria, the political and administrative unification in 1871 at least temporarily solved the problem of dualism. 1797: The French First Republic annexed the Left Bank of the Rhine as a result of the War of the First Coalition. 1802: Previous annexations by France confirmed following its victory in the War of the Second Coalition. 1804: Francis I of Austria declared the new Austrian Empire as a reaction to Napoleon Bonaparte's proclamation of the First French Empire in 1804.
1806: As a result of the War of the Third Coalition, Napoleon I annexed some territories East of the Rhine, replaced the Holy Roman Empire by the Confederation of the Rhine as a French client-state. 1807: Prussia lost one half of its territory following the War of the Fourth Coalition. 1815: After the defeat of Napoleon, the Congress of Vienna reinstated the Germanic states into the German Confederation under the leadership of the Austrian Empire. 1819: The Carlsbad Decrees suppressed any form of pan-Germanic activities to avoid the creation of a'German state'. 1834: The Prussian-led custom union evolved into the Zollverein that included all Confederation states except the Austrian Empire. 1848: Revolts across the German Confederation, such as in Berlin and Frankfurt, forced King Frederick William IV of Prussia to grant a constitution to the Confederation. In the meantime, the Frankfurt Parliament was set up in 1848 and attempted to pro