Montoneros was an Argentine leftist urban guerrilla group, active during the 1960s and 1970s. The name is an allusion to the 19th century cavalry militias, called Montoneras, who fought for the Partido Federal during the Argentine Civil Wars. After Juan Perón's return from 18 years of exile and the 1973 Ezeiza massacre, which marked the definitive split between left and right-wing Peronism, the president expelled the Montoneros from the Justicialist party in May 1974; the group was destroyed during the Dirty War. In Argentina, left-wing guerrillas arose in response to state terror; some engaged in kidnapping and violence in their opposition to right-wing dictatorships in Latin America during the 1970s. The Montañeros began as a self-described Christian and socialist group. Giussani claims that the Montoneros maintained that democracies were a complex masquerade that concealed fascist governments and delayed class struggle, their attacks sought to force the governments to give up such pretensions and operate as fascist governments, expecting that in such a scenario the people would support the guerrillas.
This doctrine did not work as intended: people despised the military dictatorships, but some did not see the guerrillas as the enemies of the dictatorships, but rather as a contributing cause to the government's repression. The projected class struggle never took place, chiefly because of the U. S.-backed military dictatorship's repression of all dissent. Although Juan Perón encouraged the actions of José López Rega, supported the right-wing unionists and denied preferential promotions to the Montoneros, they thought that his actions were a strategic masquerade; some believed. Perón expelled the group from Plaza de Mayo and outlined the government's counter-insurgency that decimated the guerrillas; some surviving Montoneros still acknowledge Perón as their leader. Shortly after his return to Argentina, Peron moved to the Right and insulted all leftists, prompting the Montoneros to go underground; the Montoneros formed around 1970 out of a confluence of Roman Catholic groups, university students in social sciences, leftist supporters of Juan Domingo Perón.
"The Montoneros took their name from the pejorative term used by the 19th-century elite to discredit the mounted followers of the popular caudillos." Montonera referred to the raiding parties composed by Native Americans in Argentina, the spear in the Montoneros seal refers to this inspiration. Their best-known leader was Mario Firmenich; the Montoneros hoped that Perón would return from exile in Francoist Spain and transform Argentina into a "Socialist Fatherland". The Montoneros initiated a campaign to destabilise by force the regime supported by the U. S. which had trained Argentinian and other Latin American dictators via the School of the Americas. Despite the extreme repression of the Argentina military dictatorship, the Montoneros committed many acts of resistance to the regime. In 1970, as retribution for the June 1956 León Suárez massacre and Juan José Valle's execution, the Montoneros kidnapped and executed former dictator Pedro Eugenio Aramburu and other collaborators. In November 1971, in solidarity with militant car workers, Montoneros took over a car manufacturing plant in Caseros, sprayed 38 Fiats with petrol, set them afire.
On 14 February 1972, FAL guerrillas supporting urban operations in the Barrio Norte suburb of Buenos Aires, deliver a bomb concealed in a flower bouquet to the house of the ex-Justice Minister Jaime Perriaux, killing three policemen and mortally wounding another of an anti-explosives unit, wounding eleven others, including neighbours. In July 1972, they set off explosives in the Plaza de San Isidro in Buenos Aires, which injured three policemen and blinded one fireman, who died two days because of complications. In April 1973, Colonel Héctor Irabarren, head of the 3rd Army Corps' Intelligence Service, was killed when resisting a kidnap attempt by the Mariano Pojadas and Susana Lesgart platoons of the Montoneros. On 17 October 1972, a powerful bomb detonated inside the Sheraton Hotel in Buenos Aires, to the horror of nearly 700 guests, killing a Canadian woman and gravely wounding her husband Gerry as he slept; the Montoneros and the Revolutionary Armed Forces claimed responsibility for the attack.
The Montoneros financed their operations by kidnapping and collecting ransoms for businessmen or executives, making as much as $14.2 million in 1974 in an abduction of an Exxon executive. On 11 March 1973, Argentina held general elections for the first time in ten years. Perón loyalist Héctor Cámpora became Perón returned from Spain. In a controversial move, he released. Cámpora resigned in July to allow Perón to win the new elections held in October. However, a feud developed between the Montoneros; the right wing of the Peronist party, the unions, the Radical Party led by Ricardo Balbín favoured a social pact between trade unions and employers, rather than a violent socialist revolution. Right-wingers and Montoneros clashed at Perón's homecoming ceremony, leading to the 20 June 1973 Ezeiza massacre, which resulted in 13 dead and more than 300 wounded. Perón supported the unions, the radicals led by Balbín, the right-wing Peronists. Among the latter was a former federal police corporal, José López Rega, the founder of the Alianza Anticomunista Argentina, paramilitary death squads, which had orga
Military history is a humanities discipline within the scope of general historical recording of armed conflict in the history of humanity, its impact on the societies and economies thereof, as well as the resulting changes to local and international relationships. Professional historians focus on military affairs that had a major impact on the societies involved as well as the aftermath of conflicts, while amateur historians and hobbyists take a larger interest in the details of battles and uniforms in use; the essential subjects of military history study are the causes of war, the social and cultural foundations, military doctrine on each side, the logistics, technology and tactics used, how these changed over time. On the other hand, Just War Theory explores the moral dimensions of warfare, to better limit the destructive reality caused by war, seeks to establish a doctrine of military ethics; as an applied field, military history has been studied at academies and service schools because the military command seeks to not repeat past mistakes, improve upon its current performance by instilling an ability in commanders to perceive historical parallels during a battle, so as to capitalize on the lessons learned from the past.
When certifying military history instructors the Combat Studies Institute deemphasizes rote detail memorization and focuses on themes and context in relation to current and future conflict, using the motto "Past is Prologue."The discipline of military history is dynamic, changing with development as much of the subject area as the societies and organisations that make use of it. The dynamic nature of the discipline of military history is related to the rapidity of change the military forces, the art and science of managing them, as well as the frenetic pace of technological development that had taken place during the period known as the Industrial Revolution, more in the nuclear and information ages. An important recent concept is the Revolution in Military Affairs which attempts to explain how warfare has been shaped by emerging technologies, such as gunpowder, it highlights the short outbursts of rapid change followed by periods of relative stability. In terms of the history profession in major countries, military history is an orphan, despite its enormous popularity with the general public.
William H. McNeill points out: This branch of our discipline flourishes in an intellectual ghetto; the 144 books in question fall into two distinct classes: works aimed at a popular readership, written by journalists and men of letters outside academic circles, professional work nearly always produced within the military establishment.... The study of military history in universities remains underdeveloped. Indeed, lack of interest in and disdain for military history constitute one of the strangest prejudices of the profession. Historiography is the study of the history and method of the discipline of history or the study of a specialised topic. In this case, military history with an eye to gaining an accurate assessment of conflicts using all available sources. For this reason military history is periodised, creating overlaying boundaries of study and analysis in which descriptions of battles by leaders may be unreliable due to the inclination to minimize mention of failure and exaggerate success.
Military historians use Historiographical analysis in an effort to allow an unbiased, contemporary view of records. One military historian, Jeremy Black, outlined problems 21st-century military historians face as an inheritance of their predecessors: Eurocentricity, a technological bias, a focus on leading military powers and dominant military systems, the separation of land from sea and air conflicts, the focus on state-to-state conflict, a lack of focus on political "tasking" in how forces are used. If these challenges were not sufficient for the military historians, the limits of method are complicated by the lack of records, either destroyed or never recorded for its value as a military secret that may prevent some salient facts from being reported at all. Researching Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom, for example, have presented unique challenges to historians due to records that were destroyed to protect classified military information, among other reasons. Historians utilize their knowledge of government regulation and military organization, employing a targeted and systematic research strategy to piece together war histories.
Despite these limits, wars are some of the most studied and detailed periods of human history. Military historians have compared organization and strategic ideas and national support of the militaries of different nations. In the early 1980s, historian Jeffrey Kimball studied the influence of a historian's political position on current events on interpretive disagreement regarding the causes of 20th century wars, he surveyed the ideological preferences of 109 active diplomatic historians in the United States as well as 54 active military historians. He finds that their current political views are moderately correlated with their historiographical interpretations. A clear position on the left-right continuum regarding capitalism was apparent in most cases. All groups agreed with the proposition, "historically, Americans have tended to view questions of their national security in terms of such extremes as good vs. evil." Though the Socialists were split, the other groups agreed that "miscalculation and/or misunderstanding of the situation" had caused U.
S. interventionism." Kimball reports that: Of historians in the field of diplomatic history, 7% are Socialist, 19% are O
History of Argentina
The history of Argentina can be divided into four main parts: the pre-Columbian time or early history, the colonial period, the period of nation-building, the history of modern Argentina. Prehistory in the present territory of Argentina began with the first human settlements on the southern tip of Patagonia around 13,000 years ago. Written history began with the arrival of Spanish chroniclers in the expedition of Juan Díaz de Solís in 1516 to the Río de la Plata, which marks the beginning of Spanish occupation of this region. In 1776 the Spanish Crown established the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, an umbrella of territories from which, with the Revolution of May 1810, began a process of gradual formation of several independent states, including one called the United Provinces of Río de la Plata. With the declaration of independence on July 9, 1816 and the military defeat of the Spanish Empire in 1824, a federal state was formed in 1853-1861, known today as the Republic of Argentina; the area now known as Argentina was sparsely populated until the period of European colonization.
The earliest traces of human life are dated from the Paleolithic period, there are further signs in the Mesolithic and Neolithic. However, large areas of the interior and Piedmont were depopulated during an extensive dry period between 4000 and 2000 B. C; the Uruguayan archaeologist Raúl Campá Soler divided the indigenous peoples in Argentina into three main groups: basic hunters and food gatherers, without the development of pottery. The second group could be found in the pampas and south of Patagonia, the third one included the Charrúa and Minuane and the Guaraní; the major ethnic groups included the Onas at Tierra del Fuego, Yámana at the archipelago between the Beagle Channel and Cape Horn, Tehuelche in the Patagonia, many peoples at the literal, guaycurúes and, at Chaco. The Guaraní had expanded across large areas of South America, but settled in the northeastern provinces of Argentina; the Toba nation and the Diaguita which included the Calchaqui and the Quilmes lived in the North and the Comechingones in what is today the province of Cordoba.
The Charrúa, Bohán and Chaná were people located in the actual territory of Entre Ríos and the Querandí in Buenos Aires. In the late 15th century, the Native tribes of the Quebrada de Humahuaca were conquered by the Inca Empire, under Topa Inca Yupanqui, to secure the supply of metals such as silver and copper; the Incan domination of the area lasted for about half a century and ended with the arrival of the Spanish in 1536. Europeans first arrived in the region with the 1502 Portuguese voyage of Gonçalo Coelho and Amerigo Vespucci. Around 1512, João de Lisboa and Estevão de Fróis discovered the Rio de La Plata in present-day Argentina, exploring its estuary, contacting the Charrúa people, bringing the first news of the "people of the mountains", the Inca empire, obtained from the local natives, they traveled as far south as the Gulf of San Matias at 42ºS, on the northern shores of Patagonia. The Spanish, led by Juan Díaz de Solís, visited the territory, now Argentina in 1516. In 1536 Pedro de Mendoza established a small settlement at the modern location of Buenos Aires, abandoned in 1541.
A second one was established in 1580 by Juan de Garay, Córdoba in 1573 by Jerónimo Luis de Cabrera. Those regions were part of the Viceroyalty of Peru, whose capital was Lima, settlers arrived from that city. Unlike the other regions of South America, the colonization of the Río de la Plata estuary was not influenced by any gold rush, since it lacked any precious metals to mine; the natural ports on the Río de la Plata estuary could not be used because all shipments were meant to be made through the port of Callao near Lima, a condition that led to contraband becoming the normal means of commerce in cities such as Asunción, Buenos Aires, Montevideo. The Spanish raised the status of this region by establishing the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776; this viceroyalty consisted of today's Argentina and Paraguay, as well as much of present-day Bolivia. Buenos Aires, now holding the customs of the new political subdivision, became a flourishing port, as the revenues from the Potosí, the increasing maritime activity in terms of goods rather than precious metals, the production of cattle for the export of leather and other products, other political reasons, made it become one of the most important commercial centers of the region.
The viceroyalty was, short-lived due to lack of internal cohesion among its many regions and lack of Spanish support. Ships from Spain became scarce again after the Spanish defeat at the battle of Trafalgar, that gave the British maritime supremacy; the British tried to invade Buenos Aires and Montevideo in 1806 and 1807, but were defeated both times by Santiago de Liniers. Those victories, achieved without help from mainland Spain, boosted the confidence of the city; the beginning of the Peninsular War in Spain and the capture of the Spanish king Ferdinand VII created great concern all around the viceroyalty. It was thought; this idea led to multiple attempts to remove the local authorities at Chuquisaca, La Paz and Buenos Aires, all of which were short-lived. A new successful attempt, the May Revolution of 1810, took place when it was reported that all of Spain, with the exception of Cádiz and León, had been conquered; the May Revolution ousted the viceroy. Other forms of government, such as a constitutional monarchy or a Regency were considered.
Operación Masacre is a nonfiction novel of investigative journalism, written by noted Argentine journalist and author Rodolfo Walsh. It is considered by some to be the first of its genre, it was published in 1957, nine years before the publication of Truman Capote's In Cold Blood, a book credited as the first major nonfiction novel of investigative journalism. This book details the José León Suárez massacre, which involved the June 9, 1956 capture and shooting by the Buenos Aires Province Police of a group of men who were suspected of being involved with a Peronist uprising that same night led by General Juan José Valle. Walsh claims that the men were arrested before the establishment that night of martial law, were never properly charged, were therefore unlawfully shot; the book is divided into three sections: in the first, Walsh provides portraits of the victims of the shooting. The most recent editions of the book in Spanish and English include additions to the text written by Walsh for the various editions of the book that came out after its first publication in 1957.
Walsh received a tip-off about the secret operation in December 1956, while he was playing chess in a café. Operación Masacre was published in May–July 1957 as a series of articles in the journal Mayoría, where it was subtitled "A book without a publisher" as an indication of the problems Walsh had had securing an outlet for his story; these articles were re-written into the book Operación Masacre. In 2013, an annotated English translation by Daniella Gitlin, "Operation Massacre," was published by Seven Stories Press. Literary critic Ángel Rama described Operación Masacre as a "police novel for the poor." The novel explores themes of violence that are not only unexpected, but are unpunished, although Pedro Eugenio Aramburu would be executed in 1970 by the Peronist Montoneros for his role in the José León Suárez massacre. Daniel Link argues that the book "destabilizes literary genres" and anticipates what would be called testimonial fiction; this form of writing has proven to be problematic to some literary analysts because some have seen the need to match the documented historical narrative with the events in the literary text itself, leading to challenges of verification for those seeking proof of historical accuracy and reliability.
Operación Masacre was adapted into a 1973 film by director and writer Jorge Cedrón, starring Norma Aleandro, Carlos Carella, Víctor Laplace, Ana María Picchio and one of the survivors of the José León Suárez massacre, Julio Troxler. Bollig, Ben. "Violence without Reason: On Argentine Short Stories". Journal of Iberian & Latin American Studies. Taylor & Francis. 12: 79–90. Doi:10.1080/14701840600704565. Retrieved 2008-05-23. Foster, David William. "Latin American Documentary Narrative". PMLA. PMLA, Vol. 99, No. 1. 99: 41–55. Doi:10.2307/462034. JSTOR 462034. Link, Daniel. "Rethinking Past Present". Review: Literature and Arts of the Americas. Routledge. 40: 218–230. Doi:10.1080/08905760701627711. McCaughan, Michael. True Crimes: Rodolfo Walsh, the Life and Times of a Radical Intellectual. London: Latin American Bureau. ISBN 1-899365-43-5. Rama, Angel. Literatura y clase social. Mexico City: Folios Ediciones. ISBN 968-478-035-4. Waisbord, Silvio. Watchdog Journalism in South America: News and Democracy. New York: Columbia University Press.
Pedro Eugenio Aramburu
Pedro Eugenio Aramburu Silveti was an Argentine Army general. He was a major figure behind the Revolución Libertadora, the military coup against Juan Perón in 1955, he became 31st President of Argentina from November 13, 1955 to May 1, 1958. He was kidnapped by the radical organization Montoneros on May 29, 1970 and murdered in retaliation for the June 1956 execution of General Juan José Valle, an army officer associated with the Peronist movement, 26 Peronist militants after a botched attempt to overthrow his regime, he studied at the National Military College 1922: Sub-lieutenant 1939: Major 1943: Teacher in the Escuela de Guerra 1951: Brigadier Director of the Escuela de Guerra 1955: Commander in Chief of the Army 1958: Lieutenant general. In September 1955, Aramburu participated in a military coup called the "Revolución Libertadora", he led the hardliners and assumed the Presidency of Argentina himself, on November 13, 1955, after the resignation of moderate General Eduardo Lonardi. Admiral Isaac Rojas, was appointed Vice-President.
The Revolución Libertadora which overthrew Juan Domingo Perón was triggered in part by the Perón's public confrontation with the Catholic Church over divorce laws, his actions towards the press, as well as the imprisonment of opposition leaders and economic instability. For example Perón incited his followers to wreck the offices and printing presses of newspapers who criticized him and he jailed the leader of the opposition, Ricardo Balbin, of the Radical Civic Union party.</ref> The military Revolución Libertadora against Perón for these actions led to three years of military rule under Aramburu, who allowed elections to be held in 1958 Aramburu's military government forced Perón into exile and barred the Peronist party from further elections. Known Peronists were persecuted and imprisoned, or murdered. Perón lived in exile in Spain until 1973 under the protection of Generalísimo Francisco Franco. After the end of his presidential term in 1958, Aramburu retired from the military career and devoted himself to politics.
He ran for president in 1963 as leader of the Union of the Argentine People, with the slogan "Vote UDELPA and HE won't return", referring to Perón. With the Peronists banned, the Presidential elections resulted in Arturo Umberto Illia becoming president, with Aramburu coming in third, yet the military retained much real power, censoring its leader. The fragility of Argentine democracy was shown when Illia was overthrown in 1966 by a military coup led by General Juan Carlos Onganía. In all those 15 years, Pedro Eugenio Aramburu was popular with much of the press, he gave his opinions on society and politics. In 1970, he was mentioned as a possible Presidential candidate. In the 1960s, rumors about Perón's return to Argentina were circulating daily. From his exile in Spain, his voice grew stronger. At the same time, leftist strength grew in Argentina as in much of South America; the example of Che Guevara influenced a generation of students in schools and universities that supported international socialism.
It was in this background that the group Montoneros, led by Fernando Abal Medina were formed to support Peron's return to Argentina. On May 29, 1970 at noon, Aramburu was snatched from his apartment in Buenos Aires by two members of Montoneros posing as young army officers. Montoneros dubbed the kidnapping Operación Pindapoy, after a company that produced citrus in the 1960s. Aramburu's disappearance kept Argentinian society on tenterhooks for a month before it was discovered that Aramburu had been murdered three days after his abduction, following a mock trial and his corpse hidden inside a farmhouse near Timote, Carlos Tejedor, in Buenos Aires Province, he had been shot twice in the chest with two different pistols. In the following weeks, statements from the Montoneros flooded the media. Among other things, they claimed historical reasons for their actions such as "the murder of 27 Argentines after an unsuccessful Peronist rebellion in 1956," as the José León Suárez massacre. Aramburu's murder and the coldness with which it was carried out shook Argentine society to its core.
On the one hand, the Montoneros, claiming to represent Peronism, felt the murder was justified by Aramburu's execution of Peronists who had attempted to overthrow his unelected military regime. On the other hand, many members of Argentine society liked and respected Aramburu and some observers felt that he had modified his political position and might have been a voice for the return of democracy at a time when the military was still unwilling to allow elections. For a sympathetic view of Aramburu see the Argentine newspaper, La Gaceta, out of Tucuman, for the period May 30 through July, 1970. See Los Andes, out of Mendoza, for this same time period. In 1974, Aramburu's body was stolen by Montoneros; the corpse was to be held. It was an act of revenge for the previous removal of Evita's body. Once Evita's body arrived in Argentina the Montoneros gave up Aramburu's corpse and abandoned it in a street in Buenos Aires. History of Argentina Ejército Argentino Some speeches of Aramburu Information about Presidents of Argentina Braden vs Peron confrontation The official notices from Montoneros Find-A-Grave profile for Pedro Eugenio Aramburu
Peronism or Justicialism is an Argentine political movement based on the political ideology and legacy of former President Juan Domingo Perón and his second wife Eva Perón. The Peronist Justicialist Party derives its name from the concept of social justice. Since its inception in 1946, Peronist candidates have won nine of the 12 presidential elections from which they have not been banned; as of 2018, Juan Domingo Perón was the only Argentine to have been elected president three times. The pillars of the Peronist ideal, known as the "three flags", are social justice, economic independence and political sovereignty. Peronism can be described as a third position ideology as it rejects both communism. Peronism espouses corporatism and thus aims to mediate tensions between the classes of society, with the state responsible for negotiating compromise in conflicts between managers and workers. However, it is a ill-defined ideology as different and sometimes contradictory sentiments are expressed in the name of Peronism.
Today, the legacy and thought of Perón have transcended the confines of any single political party and bled into the broader political landscape of Argentina. Traditionally, the Peronist movement has drawn its strongest support from the working class and sympathetic unions and has been characterized as proletarian in nature. From the perspective of opponents, Peronism is an authoritarian ideology. Perón was compared to fascist dictators, accused of demagoguery and his policies derided as populist. Proclaiming himself the embodiment of nationality, Perón's government silenced dissent by accusing opponents of being unpatriotic; the corporatist character of Peronism drew attacks from socialists who accused his administration of preserving capitalist exploitation and class division. Conservatives rejected its modernist ideology and felt their status threatened by the ascent of the Peronist apparat. Liberals condemned dictatorial tendencies. Defenders of Peronism describe the doctrine as populist, albeit in the sense that they believe it embodies the interests of the masses and in particular the most vulnerable social strata.
Admirers hold Perón in esteem for his administration's anti-imperialism and non-alignment as well as its progressive initiatives. Amongst other measures introduced by Perón's governments, social security was made universal while education was made free to all who qualified and working students were given one paid week before every major examination. Vast low-income housing projects were created and paid vacations became standard. All workers were guaranteed free medical care and half of their vacation-trip expenses and mothers-to-be received three paid months off prior to and after giving birth. Workers' recreation centers were constructed throughout the country. Perón's ideas were embraced by a variety of different groups in Argentina across the political spectrum. Perón's personal views became a burden on the ideology, see for example his anti-clericalism, which did not strike a sympathetic chord with upper-class Argentinians. Peronism is regarded as a form of corporate socialism, or "right-wing socialism".
Perón's public speeches were nationalist and populist. It would be difficult to separate Peronism from corporate nationalism, for Perón nationalized Argentina's large corporations, blurring distinctions between corporations and government. At the same time, the labor unions became corporate, ceding the right to strike in agreements with Perón as Secretary of Welfare in the military government from 1943–1945. In exchange, the state was to assume the role of negotiator between conflicting interests. Peronism lacked a strong interest in matters of foreign policy other than the belief that the political and economic influences of other nations should be kept out of Argentina—he was somewhat isolationist. Early in his presidency, Perón envisioned Argentina's role as a model for other countries in Latin America and beyond, but such ideas were abandoned. Despite his oppositional rhetoric, Perón sought cooperation with the United States government on various issues. Political opponents sustain that Perón and his administration resorted to organized violence and dictatorial rule.
Perón maintained the institutions of democratic rule, but subverted freedoms through such actions as nationalizing the broadcasting system, centralizing the unions under his control and monopolizing the supply of newspaper print. At times, Perón resorted to tactics such as illegally imprisoning opposition politicians and journalists, including Radical Civic Union leader Ricardo Balbin. Perón's admiration for Benito Mussolini is well documented. Many scholars categorize Peronism as a fascist ideology. Carlos Fayt believes that Peronism was just "an Argentine implementation of Italian fascism". Hayes reaches the conclusion that "the Peronist movement produced a form of fascism, distinctively Latin American". One of the most vocal critics of Peronism was the Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges. After Perón ascended to the presidency in 1946, Borges spoke before the Argentine Society of Writers by saying: Dictatorships breed oppression, dictatorships breed servility, dictatorships breed cruelty. Bellboys babbling orders, portraits of caudillos, prearranged cheers or insults, walls covered with names, unanimous ce