Adjutant is a military appointment given to an officer who assists the commanding officer with unit administration the management of human resources in army unit. The term adjudant is used in French-speaking armed forces as a non-commissioned officer rank similar to a staff sergeant or warrant officer but is not equivalent to the role or appointment of an adjutant. An adjutant general is commander of an army's administrative services. Adjutant comes from the Latin adiutāns, present participle of the verb adiūtāre, frequentative form of adiuvāre'to help'. In various uniformed hierarchies, the term is used for number of functions, but as a principal aide to a commanding officer. A regimental adjutant, garrison adjutant etc. is a staff officer who assists the commanding officer of a regiment, battalion or garrison in the details of regimental, garrison or similar duty. In United States Army squadrons, the adjutant is the officer-in-charge of the administrative platoon. In the British Army, an adjutant is a senior captain, sometimes a major.
As the colonel's personal staff officer, he was once in charge of all the organisation and discipline for a battalion or regiment, although now the bulk of administrative work is carried out by the regimental administrative officer. Until the 1970s the adjutant was the regimental operations officer, although this job is now filled by a separate officer. In the British Army, adjutants are given field rank and as such are senior by appointment to all other captains, ranking just behind the majors. Unlike the RAO, the adjutant is a member of the regiment of which their unit is a part; the adjutant's job is not a'backroom' one, since he accompanies the colonel — Captain David Wood, the adjutant of 2 Para, was killed in action at the Battle of Goose Green, for example. In a British Infantry battalion, the adjutant controls the battle whilst the CO commands it; as such, the adjutant is a man of significant influence within his battalion. In the Foot Guards, the adjutant of the unit in charge of Trooping the Colour is one of three officers on horseback.
In many Commonwealth armies, the adjutant performs much the same role as in the British Army. There is no RAO position within the Australian or Canadian armies, where an adjutant performs the administrative role with the assistance of a Chief Clerk, who has a rank of Warrant Officer Class Two. In the Canadian Army and Royal Canadian Air Force, the term adjutant is used in common with other English-speaking armies, the corresponding French term is Capitaine-adjudant; the Bangladesh Army has the appointment of Adjutant, similar to that in old British system. Adjutants are captains and sometimes lieutenants though the authorization is of Captain rank. Resaldar Adjutant or Naek Subedar Adjutant is a position unique to the Bangladesh Army, he is a Warrant Officer. On all formal parades, the standard procedure is for the Squadron/Company Sergeant Major to first report to the Resaldar Adjutant/ Naek Subedar Adjutant, the Resaldar Adjutant/ Naek Subedar Adjutant in turn to report to the Adjutant; the Indian Army has the position of Adjutant, based on the old British system.
The Adjutants in some cases hold the rank of Major. Subedar Adjutant is a position unique to the Indian Army, he is a Subedar. On all formal parades, the standard procedure is for the Company Havildar Major to first report to the Subedar Adjutant, the Subedar Adjutant in turn to report to the Adjutant. In the British Indian Army, the equivalent position was the Jemadar Adjutant, who held the lower rank of Jemadar; the Pak Army has the appointment of Adjutant, similar to that in old British system. Adjutants in Pak Army are Captains and sometimes Lieutenants. Pak Army holds the rank of Junior Adjutant who works as an aide to Adjutant and is of the Rank of Subedar equivalent rank to Warrant Officer or Sergeant in Western Armies; the Regimental Adjutant is Commander of Regimental Provost and Assist Commanding Officer in all matters pertaining to Discipline and Operational planning. In the US Army the adjutant was a member of the branch or regiment of the parent unit. In 2008, as a result of the Army's transformation, the Human Resources community implemented the Personnel Services Delivery Redesign, which recoded the adjutant position in battalions to an officer from the Adjutant General branch.
The adjutant general at the battalion-level is a junior captain or senior first lieutenant and, in conjunction with the S-1 section, manages the administrative functions of the unit. The adjutant works with the unit's command sergeant major for awards ceremonies, traditional ceremonial functions, casual events, evaluation reports, management of correspondence and other secretarial functions. Based upon the needs of the commander, an adjutant from the combat arms branches may still be specially appointed in modern-day to assist a brigade commander to ease his/her burden of command. There is a bugle call announcing the adjutant, still used in military ceremonies today. In the USMC, the adjutant serves as the senior administrator for their unit, is the OIC of the S-1 or admin shop. Per the USMC MOS handbook: "Adjutants coordinate administrative matters for Marine Co
The Argentine Army is the land armed force branch of the Armed Forces of the Argentine Republic and the senior military service of the country. Under the Argentine Constitution, the President of Argentina is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, exercising his or her command authority through the Minister of Defense; the Army's official foundation date is May 29, 1810, four days after the Spanish colonial administration in Buenos Aires was overthrown. The new national army was formed out of several pre-existent colonial militia units and locally manned regiments; as of 2018, the active element of the Argentine Army numbered some 51,309 military personnel. Several armed expeditions were sent to the Upper Peru, Paraguay and Chile to fight Spanish forces and secure Argentina's newly gained independence; the most famous of these expeditions was the one led by General José de San Martín, who led a 5000-man army across the Andes Mountains to expel the Spaniards from Chile and from Perú. While the other expeditions failed in their goal of bringing all the dependencies of the former Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata under the new government in Buenos Aires, they prevented the Spaniards from crushing the rebellion.
During the civil wars of the first half of the 19th century, the Argentine Army became fractionalized under the leadership of the so-called caudillos, provincial leaders who waged a war against the centralist Buenos Aires administration. However, the Army was re-unified during the war with the Brazilian Empire.. It was only with the establishment of a Constitution and a national government recognized by all the provinces that the Army became a single force, absorbing the older provincial militias; the Army went on to fight the War of the Triple Alliance in the 1860s together with Brazil and Uruguay against Paraguay. After that war, the Army became involved in Argentina's Conquista del Desierto: the campaign to occupy Patagonia and root out the natives, who conducted looting raids throughout the country. Between 1880 and 1930, the Army sought to become a professional force without active involvement in politics though many a political figure -President Julio Argentino Roca, for example- benefitted from a past military career.
The Army prevented the fall of the government in a number of Radical-led uprisings. Meanwhile, the military in general and the Army, in particular, contributed to develop Argentina's unsettled southern frontier and its nascent industrial complex; the main foreign influence during this period was, by and large, the Prussian doctrine. Because of that, during both World Wars most of the officers supported the Germans, more or less while the Argentine Navy favored the British instead. In 1930, a small group of Army forces deposed President Hipólito Yrigoyen without much response from the rest of the Army and the Navy; this was the beginning of a long history of political intervention by the military. Another coup, in 1943, was responsible for bringing an obscure colonel into the political limelight: Juan Perón. Though Perón had the support of the military during his two consecutive terms of office, his repressive government alienated many officers, which led to a military uprising which overthrew him in September 1955.
Between 1955 and 1973 the Army and the rest of the military became vigilant over the possible re-emergence of Peronism in the political arena, which led to two new coups against elected Presidents in 1962 and 1966. It should be noted that political infighting eroded discipline and cohesion within the army, to the extent that there was armed fighting between contending military units during the early 1960s; the military government which ruled Argentina between 1966 and 1973 saw the growing activities of groups such as Montoneros and the ERP, a important social movement. During Héctor Cámpora's first months of government, a rather moderate and left-wing Peronist, approximatively 600 social conflicts and factory occupations had taken place. Following the June 20, 1973 Ezeiza massacre and right-wing Peronism broke apart, while the Triple A death squad, organized by José López Rega, closest advisor to María Estela Martínez de Perón, started a campaign of assassinations against left-wing opponents.
But Isabel Perón herself was ousted during the March 1976 coup by a military junta. The new military government, self-named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, put a stop to the guerrilla's campaigns, but soon it became known that violent methods and severe violations of human rights had taken place, in what the dictatorship called a "Dirty War" — a term refused by jurists during the 1985 Trial of the Juntas. Batallón de Inteligencia 601 became infamous during this period, it was a special military intelligence service set up in the late 1970s, active in the Dirty War and Operation Condor, disbanded in 2000. Its personnel collected information on and infiltrated guerrilla groups and human rights organisations, coordinated killings and other abuses; the unit participated in the training of Nicaraguan Contras with US assistance, including from John Negroponte. Meanwhile, the Guevarist People's Revolutionary Army, led by Roberto Santucho and inspired by Che Guevara's foco theory, began a rural insurgency in the province of Tucumán, in the mountainous n
The Paraná River is a river in south Central South America, running through Brazil and Argentina for some 4,880 kilometres. It is second in length only to the Amazon River among South American rivers; the name Paraná is an abbreviation of the phrase "para rehe onáva", which comes from the Tupi language and means "like the sea". It merges first with the Paraguay River and farther downstream with the Uruguay River to form the Río de la Plata and empties into the Atlantic Ocean; the first European to go up the Paraná River was the Venetian explorer Sebastian Cabot, in 1526, while working for Spain. The course is formed at the confluence of the Rio Grande rivers in southern Brazil. From the confluence the river flows in a southwestern direction for about 619 km before encountering the city of Saltos del Guaira, Paraguay; this was once the location of the Guaíra Falls (Sete Quedas waterfalls, where the Paraná fell over a series of seven cascades. This natural feature was said to rival the world-famous Iguazu Falls to the south.
The falls were flooded, however, by the construction of the Itaipu Dam, which began operating in 1984. For the next 200 km the Paraná flows southward and forms a natural boundary between Paraguay and Brazil until the confluence with the Iguazu River. Shortly upstream from this confluence, the river is dammed by the Itaipu Dam, the second largest hydroelectric power plant in the world, creating a massive, shallow reservoir behind it. After merging with the Iguazu, the Paraná becomes the natural border between Paraguay and Argentina. Overlooking the Paraná River from Encarnación, across the river, is downtown Posadas, Argentina; the river continues its general southward course for about 468 km before making a gradual turn to the west for another 820 km, encounters the Paraguay River, the largest tributary along the course of the river. Before this confluence the river passes through a second major hydroelectric project, the Yaciretá Dam, a joint project between Paraguay and Argentina; the massive reservoir formed by the project has been the source of a number of problems for people living along the river, most notably the poorer merchants and residents in the low-lying areas of Encarnación, a major city on the southern border of Paraguay.
River levels rose upon completion of the dam, flooding out large sections of the city's lower areas. From the confluence with the Paraguay River, the Paraná again turns to the south for another 820 km through Argentina, making a slow turn back to the east near the city of Rosario for the final stretch of less than 500 km before merging with the Uruguay River to form the Río de la Plata; this flows into the Atlantic Ocean. During the part of its course downstream from the city of Diamante, Entre Ríos, it splits into several arms and it forms the Paraná Delta. Together with its tributaries, the Rio Paraná forms a massive drainage basin that encompasses much of the southcentral part of South America including all of Paraguay, much of southern Brazil, northern Argentina, the southeastern part of Bolivia. If the Uruguay River is counted as a tributary to the Paraná, this watershed extends to cover most of Uruguay as well; the volume of water flowing into the Atlantic Ocean through the Río de la Plata equals the volume at the Mississippi River delta.
This watershed contains a number of large cities, including São Paulo, Buenos Aires, Asunción, Brasília, La Plata. The Paraná and its tributaries provide a source of income and of daily sustenance for fishermen who live along its banks; some of the species of fish are commercially important, they are exploited for heavy internal consumption or for export. The Parana River delta ranks as one of the world's greatest bird-watching destinations. Much of the length of the Paraná is navigable, the river serves as an important waterway linking inland cities in Argentina and Paraguay with the ocean, providing deepwater ports in some of these cities; the construction of enormous hydroelectric dams along the river's length has blocked its use as a shipping corridor to cities further upstream, but the economic impact of those dams offsets this. The Yacyretá Dam and the Itaipu Dam on the Paraguay border have made the small undeveloped nation of Paraguay the world's largest exporter of hydroelectric power.
Due to its use for oceangoing ships, measurements of the water tables extend back to 1904. The data correlates with the solar cycle; the course of the Paraná is crossed by the following bridges, beginning upstream: Tributaries of the Río de la Plata Paraná River steamers Information and a map of the Paraná's watershed "Paraná". New International Encyclopedia. 1905
Álvaro Carlos Alsogaray was an Argentine politician and businessman. Minister of Economy during much of the 1959-62 period, he was one of the principal proponents of economic conservatism in modern Argentina. Alsogaray was born in Esperanza, Santa Fe, in 1913, as the eldest of three children to Julia Elisa Bosch and Álvaro Alsogaray. Born to a prominent local military family, Alsogaray graduated from the National Military College as an infantry officer, he studied military engineering in the Army's School of Higher Technical Studies and civil and aeronautical engineer at the National University of Córdoba. He married Edith Gay in 1940, had two sons and a daughter, he retired from the army with the rank of captain and with two engineering degrees, which led to his being called el capitán ingeniero. He entered business, becoming an important contractor for State enterprises such as FAMA, served as its director during the presidency of Juan Perón, whose populist politics and policies would be anathema to Alsogaray's thinking.
After the coup that removed Perón in 1955, he held the posts of Under-secretary of Commerce and Minister of Industry, maintained numerous Peronist staffers at the Undersecretariat despite his support for the coup. He founded the Independent Civic Party in 1956. To placate powerful agrarian interests and other conservatives, the otherwise progressive Arturo Frondizi named Alsogaray Minister of the Economy in early 1959. Inheriting large trade deficits, Alsogaray devalued the peso and imposed severe credit controls on Argentina's large public banks. Declaring that the economy "must go through winter", the austerity measures were a boon to exporters - but caused consumer prices to double in 1959, real wages and construction to fall by about 20%; the resulting trade surplus and pro-growth policies pursued by Frondizi's unofficial point man on the economy, Rogelio Julio Frigerio, both contributed to a robust recovery in 1960 and 1961. Marginalized in favor of Frigerio after the 1959 recession and unpopular, Alsogaray resigned early in 1961.
Frigerio had been President Frondizi's first choice for the critical Economy Ministry, an appointment thwarted by the military. Frondizi's efforts to mediate differences between the United States and Cuba resulted in a March, 1962, coup d'état, Álvaro Alsogaray was able to use the influence of his brother, General Julio Alsogaray, to secure several ministerial and planning posts under Frondizi's military-appointed successor, Senate President José María Guido. Reintroducing many of his restrictive 1959 policies, as well as nearly worthless "Ninth of July" bonds, which were issued in lieu of cash payments to public employees and government contractors, the economy again slipped into severe recession. Out of power after the election of Dr. Arturo Illia in 1963, Alsogaray devoted himself to undermining the new administration during the vigorous economic recovery that followed. Finding allies in conservative business and media interests, the powerful Roman Catholic Church, his influential brother Julio and other Illia opponents were successful.
Following the 1966 coup against President Illia, he was designated Ambassador to the United States, a post he held until 1968. Alsogaray founded the'New Force' in 1972, though like the Independent Civic Party, it fared poorly in the 1973 elections that returned Perón to power, he was among the few conservative figures to publicly oppose the imminent March 1976 coup, but supported the subsequent National Reorganization Process. As the dictatorship yielded to calls for elections, he founded the Union of the Democratic Centre in 1982. Running as a right-wing, economically conservative candidate on the latter ticket, he stood for the Presidency in 1983 and 1989. Alsogaray received two million votes in his 1989 presidential bid, behind only major party candidates Carlos Menem and Eduardo Angeloz. Continuing to enjoy a measure of support in Buenos Aires' affluent northside, he and his daughter María Julia Alsogaray were elected the only two national deputies for the UCeDé in 1983, he served until 1999.
A vehement anti-Peronist and anti-socialist, Alsogaray forged an alliance with the late Juan Perón's Justicialist Party in 1989, following their nomination of pro-market Governor Carlos Menem, endorsed Justicialist candidate Eduardo Vaca that year in a tightly-contested seat in the Argentine Senate representing the City of Buenos Aires. Argentine Senators were indirectly elected at the time, Alsogaray's endorsement in the electoral college gave Vaca the seat, despite the latter's coming in second to centrist UCR candidate Fernando de la Rúa; the Universidad Francisco Marroquín granted Alsogaray an honorary doctorate in 1985. A vocal supporter of the era's privatizations, he prevailed on President Menem to appoint his daughter, María Julia, Secretary of the Environment, in which post she served from 1991 to 1999, himself served in numerous consultative posts during the Menem presidency, endorsing the populist-turned-conservative president in his 1995 re-election bid. Among his most notable roles in this era was as director of a feasibility study in 1995-96 for the replacement of Buenos Aires' two international airports for an island terminal on the Río de la Plata.
His UCedé party languished despite his renewed influence as much due to public mistrust
Cavalry or horsemen are soldiers or warriors who fight mounted on horseback. Cavalry were the most mobile of the combat arms. An individual soldier in the cavalry is known by a number of designations such as cavalryman, dragoon, or trooper; the designation of cavalry was not given to any military forces that used other animals, such as camels, mules or elephants. Infantry who moved on horseback, but dismounted to fight on foot, were known in the 17th and early 18th centuries as dragoons, a class of mounted infantry which evolved into cavalry proper while retaining their historic title. Cavalry had the advantage of improved mobility, a man fighting from horseback had the advantages of greater height and inertial mass over an opponent on foot. Another element of horse mounted warfare is the psychological impact a mounted soldier can inflict on an opponent; the speed and shock value of the cavalry was appreciated and exploited in armed forces in the Ancient and Middle Ages. In Europe cavalry became armoured, became known for the mounted knights.
During the 17th century cavalry in Europe lost most of its armor, ineffective against the muskets and cannon which were coming into use, by the mid-19th century armor had fallen into disuse, although some regiments retained a small thickened cuirass that offered protection against lances and sabres and some protection against shot. In the period between the World Wars, many cavalry units were converted into motorized infantry and mechanized infantry units, or reformed as tank troops. However, some cavalry still served during World War II, notably in the Red Army, the Mongolian People's Army, the Royal Italian Army, the Romanian Army, the Polish Land Forces, light reconnaissance units within the Waffen SS. Most cavalry units that are horse-mounted in modern armies serve in purely ceremonial roles, or as mounted infantry in difficult terrain such as mountains or forested areas. Modern usage of the term refers to units performing the role of reconnaissance and target acquisition. In many modern armies, the term cavalry is still used to refer to units that are a combat arm of the armed forces which in the past filled the traditional horse-borne land combat light cavalry roles.
These include scouting, skirmishing with enemy reconnaissance elements to deny them knowledge of own disposition of troops, forward security, offensive reconnaissance by combat, defensive screening of friendly forces during retrograde movement, restoration of command and control, battle handover and passage of lines, relief in place, breakout operations, raiding. The shock role, traditionally filled by heavy cavalry, is filled by units with the "armored" designation. Before the Iron Age, the role of cavalry on the battlefield was performed by light chariots; the chariot originated with the Sintashta-Petrovka culture in Central Asia and spread by nomadic or semi-nomadic Indo-Iranians. The chariot was adopted by settled peoples both as a military technology and an object of ceremonial status by the pharaohs of the New Kingdom of Egypt as well as the Assyrian army and Babylonian royalty; the power of mobility given by mounted units was recognized early on, but was offset by the difficulty of raising large forces and by the inability of horses to carry heavy armor.
Cavalry techniques were an innovation of equestrian nomads of the Central Asian and Iranian steppe and pastoralist tribes such as the Iranic Parthians and Sarmatians. The photograph above left shows Assyrian cavalry from reliefs of 865–860 BC. At this time, the men had no spurs, saddle cloths, or stirrups. Fighting from the back of a horse was much more difficult than mere riding; the cavalry acted in pairs. At this early time, cavalry used swords and bows; the sculpture implies two types of cavalry. Images of Assyrian cavalry show saddle cloths as primitive saddles, allowing each archer to control his own horse; as early as 490 BC a breed of large horses was bred in the Nisaean plain in Media to carry men with increasing amounts of armour, but large horses were still exceptional at this time. By the fourth century BC the Chinese during the Warring States period began to use cavalry against rival states, by 331 BC when Alexander the Great defeated the Persians the use of chariots in battle was obsolete in most nations.
The last recorded use of chariots as a shock force in continental Europe was during the Battle of Telamon in 225 BC. However, chariots remained in use for ceremonial purposes such as carrying the victorious general in a Roman triumph, or for racing. Outside of mainland Europe, the southern Britons met Julius Caesar with chariots in 55 and 54 BC, but by the time of the Roman conquest of Britain a century chariots were obsolete in Britannia; the last mention of chariot use in Britain was by the Caledonians at the Mons Graupius, in 84 AD. During the classical Greek period cavalry were limited to those citizens who could afford expensive war-horses. Three types of cavalry became common: light cavalry, whose riders, armed with javelins, could harass and skirmish.
Laguna del Desierto incident
The Laguna del Desierto incident, in Argentina called Battle of Laguna del Desierto, occurred between four Chilean Carabineros and between 40 and 90 members of the Argentine Gendarmerie and took place in zone south of O'Higgins/San Martín Lake on 6 November 1965, resulting in one lieutenant killed and a sergeant injured, both members of Carabineros, creating a tense atmosphere between Chile and Argentina. The British award of 1903 considered the demands of Chile and Argentina as irreconcilable and previous authorization of both governments draw a boundary between the extreme pretensions of the litigants. In the Laguna del Desierto region, the tribunal set the hito 62 at the O'Higgins/San Martin Lake and draw the boundary from there to mount Fitz Roy on the Martínez de Rozas Range awarding Chile the complete valley of Laguna del Desierto. In 1946 an aerial reconnaissance of the United States Air Force, ordered by the Chilean government, revealed that the lake emptied to the Atlantic shores.
Chile and Argentina have to redraw its maps. The organized labour support for 1963 elected Argentine President Arturo Illia turned to antagonism during 1964, as secret plans for Juan Domingo Perón's return from exile took shape. Accordingly, the General Confederation of Labor leader José Alonso called a general strike in May, became a vocal opponent of the president; this antagonism intensified after Perón's failed attempt to return in December, during 1965, CGT leaders began publicly hinting at support for a coup. The triumph of the Peronists party in the March 1965 elections shook the Argentine Armed Forces, both among internal military factions linked to the Peronist movement, in particular among the large section of the army which remained anti-Peronist. In addition, a campaign against the government was being carried out by important parts of the media, notably Primera Plana and Confirmado, the nation's leading newsmagazines. Seizing on minimally relevant events such as the President's refusal to support Operation Power Pack, Illia was nicknamed "the turtle" in both editorials and caricatures, his rule was vaguely referred to as "slow," "dim-witted" and "lacking energy and decision," encouraging the military to take power and weakening the government more.
On 4 October 1965, the Chilean settler Domingo Sepúlveda was instructed by Argentine gendarmes to regularize his settlement by the Argentine authorities in Río Gallegos. On 9 October Sepúlveda went to the Chilean Police station at the O'Higgins/San Martín Lake to denounce the Argentine requirement. On 17 October Carabineros sent a platoon to the zone and built an outpost in the property of Juana Sepúlveda and a six-man reconnaissance patrol was sent to a shelter 8 km farther south, they were major Miguel Torres Fernández, lieutenant Hernán Merino Correa, sergeant Miguel Manríquez, the lance-corporal Víctor Meza Durán and the Carabineros Julio Soto Jiménez and José Villagrán Garrido. On 30 October, Eduardo Frei Montalva and Arturo Illia, presidents of Chile and Argentina, met in Mendoza and agreed to revert to the status quo before the Argentine requirement: withdraw the forces, no further buildings for Carabineros or Gendarmerie in the zone. On the Argentine side, on 1 November the operation Laguna del Desierto under the command of Osiris Villegas and Julio Rodolfo Alsogaray, chief of the V Division of the Argentine Army and Director of the Argentine Gendarmerie brought in several DC-3 flights the Gendarmerie Squadron "Buenos Aires" from El Palomar Airport to the zone and on 3 November, the Gendarmerie Squadron 43 was ordered from Río Turbio to meet the "Buenos Aires" in the same area.
They were accompanied by photographers of the magazine Gente y la Actualidad. On 6 November at 14:00 Major Torres received the order to return to the police station. Two Carabineros and Villagrán, were ordered to bring the horses and the other four men prepared their return. At 16:40 they were surrounded by 90 Argentine Gendarmes; as the Chileans noted the encirclement and called to negotiate, Argentine forces shot dead Lieutenant Hernán Merino and injured Sergeant Miguel Manríquez. Major Torres, Manríquez and Meza were captured and brought, along with Merino's body, to the barracks of Regimiento N° 181 de Combate of the Argentine Army in Río Gallegos. On 9 November they flew to Chile with an envoy of Presidente Frei, Juan Hamilton; the Chilean Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Gabriel Valdés, on 10 November 1965 called the killing of Merino "an unprecedented and unexcusable act in the history of our boundary disputes." In 1994 an international tribunal awarded the whole zone to Argentina. After a refused appeal, in 1995 Chile accepted the award.
Lieutenant Hernán Merino Correa became one of the best-known and emblematic Carabinero in Chile and the statements about him reveal that the image of the ideal Carabinero, one who embodies heroism, devotion to homeland and self-sacrifice, has been maintained. His body was brought to Santiago where he was accorded a state funeral and he was interred under the monument to the glories of Carabineros de Chile; the Escuela de Fronteras of Carabineros bears his name, as many other streets in Chile. Under the planning of the Commander of the First Division of the Army, General Julio Alsogaray, a military coup against Argentine president Illia took place on June 28, 1966. General Alsogaray presented himself in Illia's
Neoliberalism or neo-liberalism is the 20th-century resurgence of 19th-century ideas associated with laissez-faire economic liberalism and free market capitalism. While it is most associated with such ideas, the defining features of neoliberalism in both thought and practice has been the subject of substantial scholarly discourse; these ideas include economic liberalization policies such as privatization, deregulation, free trade and reductions in government spending in order to increase the role of the private sector in the economy and society. These market-based ideas and the policies they inspired constitute a paradigm shift away from the post-war Keynesian consensus which lasted from 1945 to 1980. English-speakers have used the term "neoliberalism" since the start of the 20th century with different meanings, but it became more prevalent in its current meaning in the 1970s and 1980s, used by scholars in a wide variety of social sciences as well as by critics. Modern advocates of free market policies avoid the term "neoliberal" and some scholars have described the term as meaning different things to different people as neoliberalism "mutated" into geopolitically distinct hybrids as it travelled around the world.
As such, neoliberalism shares many attributes with other concepts that have contested meanings, including democracy. The definition and usage of the term have changed over time; as an economic philosophy, neoliberalism emerged among European liberal scholars in the 1930s as they attempted to trace a so-called "third" or "middle" way between the conflicting philosophies of classical liberalism and socialist planning. The impetus for this development arose from a desire to avoid repeating the economic failures of the early 1930s, which neoliberals blamed on the economic policy of classical liberalism. In the decades that followed, the use of the term "neoliberal" tended to refer to theories which diverged from the more laissez-faire doctrine of classical liberalism and which promoted instead a market economy under the guidance and rules of a strong state, a model which came to be known as the social market economy. In the 1960s, usage of the term "neoliberal" declined; when the term re-appeared in the 1980s in connection with Augusto Pinochet's economic reforms in Chile, the usage of the term had shifted.
It had not only become a term with negative connotations employed principally by critics of market reform, but it had shifted in meaning from a moderate form of liberalism to a more radical and laissez-faire capitalist set of ideas. Scholars now tended to associate it with the theories of Mont Pelerin Society economists Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, James M. Buchanan, along with politicians and policy-makers such as Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan and Alan Greenspan. Once the new meaning of neoliberalism became established as a common usage among Spanish-speaking scholars, it diffused into the English-language study of political economy. By 1994, with the passage of NAFTA and with the Zapatistas' reaction to this development in Chiapas, the term entered global circulation. Scholarship on the phenomenon of neoliberalism has been growing over the last couple of decades. An early use of the term in English was in 1898 by the French economist Charles Gide to describe the economic beliefs of the Italian economist Maffeo Pantaleoni, with the term "néo-libéralisme" existing in French, the term was used by others including the classical liberal economist Milton Friedman in a 1951 essay.
In 1938 at the Colloque Walter Lippmann, the term "neoliberalism" was proposed, among other terms, chosen to be used to describe a certain set of economic beliefs. The colloquium defined the concept of neoliberalism as involving "the priority of the price mechanism, free enterprise, the system of competition, a strong and impartial state". To be "neoliberal" meant advocating a modern economic policy with state intervention. Neoliberal state interventionism brought a clash with the opposing laissez-faire camp of classical liberals, like Ludwig von Mises. Most scholars in the 1950s and 1960s understood neoliberalism as referring to the social market economy and its principal economic theorists such as Eucken, Röpke, Rüstow and Müller-Armack. Although Hayek had intellectual ties to the German neoliberals, his name was only mentioned in conjunction with neoliberalism during this period due to his more pro-free market stance. During the military rule under Augusto Pinochet in Chile, opposition scholars took up the expression to describe the economic reforms implemented there and its proponents.
Once this new meaning was established among Spanish-speaking scholars, it diffused into the English-language study of political economy. According to one study of 148 scholarly articles, neoliberalism is never defined but used in several senses to describe ideology, economic theory, development theory, or economic reform policy, it has become a term of condemnation employed by critics and suggests a market fundamentalism closer to the laissez-faire principles of the paleoliberals than to the ideas of those who attended the colloquium. This leaves some controversy as to the precise meaning of the term and its usefulness as a descriptor in the social sciences as the number of different kinds of market economies have proliferated in recent years. Another center-left movement from modern American liberalism that used the term "neoliberalism" to describe its ideology formed in the United States in the 1970s. According to David Brooks, prominent neoliberal politicians included Al Gore and Bill Clinton of the Democratic Party of the United States.
The neoliberals coalesced around The New Republic and the Washington Monthly. The "godfather" of this