Thunder is the sound caused by lightning. Depending on the distance from and nature of the lightning, it can range from a sharp, loud crack to a long, low rumble; the sudden increase in pressure and temperature from lightning produces rapid expansion of the air surrounding and within a bolt of lightning. In turn, this expansion of air creates a sonic shock wave, similar to a sonic boom referred to as a "thunderclap" or "peal of thunder"; the cause of thunder has been the subject of centuries of speculation and scientific inquiry. The first recorded theory is attributed to the Greek philosopher Aristotle in the fourth century BC, an early speculation was that it was caused by the collision of clouds. Subsequently, numerous other theories were proposed. By the mid-19th century, the accepted theory was. In the 20th century a consensus evolved that thunder must begin with a shock wave in the air due to the sudden thermal expansion of the plasma in the lightning channel; the temperature inside the lightning channel, measured by spectral analysis, varies during its 50 μs existence, rising from an initial temperature of about 20,000 K to about 30,000 K dropping away to about 10,000 K.
The average is about 20,400 K. This heating causes a rapid outward expansion, impacting the surrounding cooler air at a speed faster than sound would otherwise travel; the resultant outward-moving pulse is a shock wave, similar in principle to the shock wave formed by an explosion, or at the front of a supersonic aircraft. Experimental studies of simulated lightning have produced results consistent with this model, though there is continued debate about the precise physical mechanisms of the process. Other causes have been proposed, relying on electrodynamic effects of the massive current acting on the plasma in the bolt of lightning; the shockwave in thunder is sufficient to cause injury, such as internal contusion, to individuals nearby. Inversion thunder results when lightning strikes between cloud and ground occur during a temperature inversion. In such an inversion, the air near the ground is cooler than the higher air; the sound energy is prevented from dispersing vertically as it would in a non-inversion and is thus concentrated in the near-ground layer.
Inversions occur when warm moist air passes above a cold front. The d in Modern English thunder is epenthetic, is now found as well in Modern Dutch donder. In Latin the term was tonare "to thunder"; the name of the Nordic god Thor comes from the Old Norse word for thunder. The shared Proto-Indo-European root is *tón-r̥ or *tar- found Gaulish Taranis and Hittite Tarhunt. A flash of lightning, followed after some time by a rumble of thunder, illustrates the fact that sound travels slower than light. Using this difference, one can estimate how far away the bolt of lightning is by timing the interval between seeing the flash and hearing thunder; the speed of sound in dry air is 343 m/s or 1,127 ft/s or 768 mph at 20 °C. This translates to 3 seconds per kilometer. Two-Mississippi..." is a useful method of counting the seconds from the perception of a given lightning flash to the perception of its thunder. The speed of light is high enough that it can be taken as infinite in this calculation because of the small distance involved.
Therefore, the lightning is one kilometer distant for every three seconds that elapse between the visible flash and the first sound of thunder. In the same five seconds, the light could have traveled the Lunar distance four times. Thunder is heard at distances over 20 kilometers. A bright flash of lightning and an simultaneous sharp "crack" of thunder, a thundercrack, therefore indicates that the lightning strike was near. Thunderbolt Thunderstorm Brontophobia Castle Thunder sound effect Lightning List of thunder gods Mistpouffers Media related to Thunder at Wikimedia CommonsThe science of thunder Thunder: A Child of Lightning Wikibooks: Engineering Acoustics/Thunder acoustics
In Greenlandic Inuit religion, a tupilaq was an avenging monster fabricated by a practitioner of witchcraft or shamanism by using various objects such as animal parts and parts taken from the corpses of children. The creature was given life by ritualistic chants, it was placed into the sea to seek and destroy a specific enemy. The use of a tupilaq was risky, because if it was sent to destroy someone who had greater magical powers than the one who had formed it, it could be sent back to kill its maker instead, although the maker of tupilaq could escape by public confession of her or his own deed; because tupilaqs were made in secret, in isolated places and from perishable materials, none have been preserved. Early European visitors to Greenland, fascinated by the native legend, were eager to see what tupilaqs looked like so the Inuit began to carve representations of them out of sperm whale teeth. Today, tupilaqs of many different shapes and sizes are carved from various materials such as narwhal and walrus tusk and caribou antler.
They are an important part of Greenlandic Inuit art and are prized as collectibles. The making of a tupilaq started most at night, in secrecy; the shaman would don the anorak backwards, with the hood over his face, engage in sexual contact with the bones used to make a tupilaq and chanting during the entire process, which could take several days. The making of a tupilaq was risky to its own maker if the attacked person made it rebound: in this case, public confession was the only rescue; the magic consequences of situations of concealment, the neutralizing effect of public confession was believed in several other areas of life, this is an example of the more general topic of secrecy versus publicity. Concealment or secrecy could raise magic consequences in several areas of life: Concealed miscarriage or infanticide could give birth to a monster called anngiaq, it could make harm for the community. Secrecy was preliminary for the functioning of so-called formulae. Thus, concealment was a preliminary for several magical effects.
If this was broken, unintentionally or intentionally, the effect could lose its power. Angakkuit in some groups resolved the consequence of taboo breach by achieving public confession of the breacher. Hunting means killing, animals were believed to have souls as well. Efforts were made to please the game symbolically; such would be the danger inherent in the first kill of a boy and it was "neutralized" by a public ritual, in which each adult member of the community had to make an incision into the head of the game, or eat a piece from it. Thus, the belief was, that public partaking in a dangerous thing reduced the danger, that it has a neutralizing effect. Inuit cultures were far from being alike; the tupilaq concept had variants. It might be a ghost-like being or a haunting soul. In some cultures it was the shaman who had to deal with it; such distant groups like the Caribou Inuit, Greenlandic Inuit, Iglulingmiut Inuit and Copper Inuit knew the concept of tupilaq, but the details differed: Igloolik The tupilaq was an invisible ghost.
Only the shaman could notice it. It was the soul of a dead person, it scared game away from the vicinity. Thus, the shaman had to help by scaring it away with a knife. Caribou Inuit The tupilaq was an invisible being. Like a tupilaq of the Iglulik the shaman was the only one who could see it, it was a chimera-like creature, with human head and parts from different species of animals. It was dangerous, it could attack the settlement; the shaman had to combat it and devour it with his/her helping spirits. Greenland The tupilaq was manifested in the human-made object, it was made by people to the detriment of their enemies. It was thought of have magical power onto the victim, it might be made from mixed parts of dead children. Copper Inuit To the Copper Inuit the tupilaq was similar to the Devil of Christianity. Anchimayen Tikoloshe Burch, Ernest S.. The Eskimos. Norman, Oklahoma 73018, USA: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 0-8061-2126-2. Kleivan, Inge. Sonne. Eskimos: Greenland and Canada. Iconography of religions, section VIII, "Arctic Peoples", fascicle 2.
Leiden, The Netherlands: Institute of Religious Iconography • State University Groningen. E. J. Brill. ISBN 90-04-07160-1. Rasmussen, Knud. Across Arctic America. New York • London: G. P. Putnams sons. Rasmussen, Knud. Eskimo Folk-Tales. Edited and rendered into English by W. Worster, with illustrations by native Eskimo artists. London • Copenhagen: Gyldendal. Rasmussen, Knud. Across Arctic America. New York • London: G. P. Putnams sons
In Inuit mythology, Igaluk is one of the most powerful gods of the pantheon. He is a lunar deity. In Greenland, he is known as Aningan. According to Inuit mythology and his sister Malina lived together in a village, they were close when young, but came to live apart as they grew older, in the lodges for women and for men. One day, as Igaluk looked at the women, he found, and so that night, as everyone slept, he crept into the women's dwelling and forced himself upon her. As it was dark, Malina was unable to tell who her attacker was, but the next night, when the same thing happened, she covered her hands with the soot from the lamps and smeared the Anningan's face with it. Afterwards, she looked through the skylight of the men's lodge, she was surprised to find that the man was her own brother. So Malina cut off her breasts, she put them in a bowl and carried this to the men's lodge, presented it to Igaluk, saying "If you enjoy me so much eat these," and ran away out the door, grabbing a torch as she went.
Igaluk chased after her taking a torch, was able to follow her path, as her footsteps were marked with great pools of blood. However, he tripped and dropped his torch, the flame was put out, except for a faint glow. However, Igaluk caught up to his sister, the two ran so fast that they took off into the sky and became the moon and the sun. Tulok, according to Inuit mythology, is the nemesis of Aningan. A true warrior, after hearing of the incest of Aningan decided to challenge him to battle; as by this time Aningan had become the sun he devised a plan to run so fast he could reach into the sky and pour a bucket of mythical water over the sun to put out its flames. But upon hearing this, realising the devastating effect of the loss of the sun, banded together with Aningan and became an eclipse, so that when Tulok reached the sky he would become trapped, it is said after this he split to a thousand pieces, became the stars. Malina and Anningan the Sun and The Moon: An Inuit Sky Tale When Moon Chases Sun
In the folklore of Nepal, the Yeti or Abominable Snowman is an ape-like creature taller than an average human, said to inhabit the Himalayan and Siberian regions of East Asia. The names Yeti and Meh-Teh are used by the people indigenous to the region, are part of their history and mythology. Stories of the Yeti first emerged as a facet of Western popular culture in the 19th century; the scientific community has regarded the Yeti as a legend, given the lack of evidence of its existence. In one genetic study, researchers matched DNA from hair samples found in the Himalaya with a prehistoric bear from the Pleistocene epoch; the word Yeti is derived from Tibetan: གཡའ་དྲེད་, Wylie: g.ya' dred, ZYPY: Yachê, a compound of the words Tibetan: གཡའ་, Wylie: g.ya', ZYPY: ya "rocky", "rocky place" and "bear". Pranavananda states that the words "ti", "te" and "teh" are derived from the spoken word'tre', Tibetan for bear, with the'r' so pronounced as to be inaudible, thus making it "te" or "teh". Other terms used by Himalayan peoples do not translate the same, but refer to legendary and indigenous wildlife: Michê translates as "man-bear".
Dzu-teh –'dzu' translates as "cattle" and the full meaning translates as "cattle bear", referring to the Himalayan brown bear. Migoi or Mi-go translates as "wild man". Bun Manchi – Nepali for "jungle man", used outside Sherpa communities where yeti is the common name. Mirka – Another name for "wild-man". Local legend holds that "anyone who sees one dies or is killed"; the latter is taken from a written statement by Frank Smythe's sherpas in 1937. Kang Admi – "Snow Man"; the name "Abominable Snowman" was coined in 1921, the same year Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Howard-Bury led the 1921 British Mount Everest reconnaissance expedition which he chronicled in Mount Everest The Reconnaissance, 1921. In the book, Howard-Bury includes an account of crossing the Lhakpa La at 21,000 ft where he found footprints that he believed "were caused by a large'loping' grey wolf, which in the soft snow formed double tracks rather like a those of a bare-footed man", he adds that his Sherpa guides "at once volunteered that the tracks must be that of'The Wild Man of the Snows', to which they gave the name'metoh-kangmi'".
"Metoh" translates as "man-bear" and "Kang-mi" translates as "snowman". Confusion exists between Howard-Bury's recitation of the term "metoh-kangmi" and the term used in Bill Tilman's book Mount Everest, 1938 where Tilman had used the words "metch", which does not exist in the Tibetan language, "kangmi" when relating the coining of the term "Abominable Snowman". Further evidence of "metch" being a misnomer is provided by Tibetan language authority Professor David Snellgrove from the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London, who dismissed the word "metch" as impossible, because the consonants "t-c-h" cannot be conjoined in the Tibetan language." Documentation suggests. It has been suggested that "metch" is a misspelling of "metoh"; the use of "Abominable Snowman" began when Henry Newman, a longtime contributor to The Statesman in Calcutta, writing under the pen name "Kim", interviewed the porters of the "Everest Reconnaissance expedition" on their return to Darjeeling.
Newman mistranslated the word "metoh" as "filthy", substituting the term "abominable" out of artistic license. As author Bill Tilman recounts, " wrote long after in a letter to The Times: The whole story seemed such a joyous creation I sent it to one or two newspapers". According to H. Siiger, the Yeti was a part of the pre-Buddhist beliefs of several Himalayan people, he was told. He reported that followers of the Bön religion once believed the blood of the "mi rgod" or "wild man" had use in certain mystical ceremonies; the being was depicted as an apelike creature who carries a large stone as a weapon and makes a whistling swoosh sound. In 1832, James Prinsep's Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal published trekker B. H. Hodgson's account of his experiences in northern Nepal, his local guides spotted a tall, bipedal creature covered with long dark hair, which seemed to flee in fear. Hodgson concluded. An early record of reported footprints appeared in 1899 in Laurence Waddell's Among the Himalayas.
Waddell reported his guide's description of a large apelike creature that left the prints, which Waddell thought were made by a bear. Waddell heard stories of bipedal, apelike creatures but wrote that "none, however, of the many Tibetans I have interrogated on this subject could give me an authentic case. On the most superficial investigation it always resolved into something that somebody heard tell of." The frequency of reports increased during the early 20th century, when Westerners began making determined attempts to scale the many mountains in the area and reported seeing odd creatures or strange tracks. In 1925, N. A. Tombazi, a photographer and member of the Royal Geographical Society, writes that he saw a creature at about 15,000 ft near Zemu Glacier. Tombazi wrote that he observed the creature from about 200 to 300 yd, for about a minute. "Unquestionably, the figure in outline was like a human being, walking upright and stopping to pull at some dwarf rhododendron bushes. It showed up dark against the snow, as far as I could make out, wore no clothes."
About two hours Tombazi and his companions descended
Inuit religion is the shared spiritual beliefs and practices of Inuit, an indigenous people from Alaska and Greenland. Their religion shares many similarities with religions of other North Polar peoples. Traditional Inuit religious practices include animism and shamanism, in which spiritual healers mediate with spirits. Today many Inuit follow Christianity, but traditional Inuit spirituality continues as part of a living, oral tradition and part of contemporary Inuit society. Inuit who balance indigenous and Christian theology practice religious syncretism. Inuit cosmology provides the place of people within it. Rachel Attituq Qitsualik writes: The Inuit cosmos is ruled by no one. There are father figures. There are solar creators. There are no eternal punishments in the hereafter, as there are no punishments for children or adults in the here and now. Traditional stories and taboos of the Inuit are precautions against dangers posed by their harsh Arctic environment. Knud Rasmussen asked his guide and friend Aua, an angakkuq, about Inuit religious beliefs among the Iglulingmiut and was told: "We don't believe.
We fear." Authors Inge Kleivan and Birgitte Sonne debate possible conclusions of Aua's words, because the angakkuq was under the influence of Christian missionaries, he converted to Christianity. Their study analyses beliefs of several Inuit groups, concluding that fear was not diffuse. First were unipkaaqs: myths and folktales which took place "back then" in the indefinite past. Among the Canadian Inuit, a spiritual healer is known as an angakkuq or Inuvialuk: ᐊᖓᑦᑯᖅ angatkuq; the duties of an angakkuq includes helping the community when marine animals, kept by Takanaluk-arnaluk or Sea Woman in a pit in her house, become scarce, according to the Aua, an informant and friend of the anthropologist Rasmussen. Aua described the ability of an apprentice angakkuq to see himself as a skeleton, naming each part using the specific shaman language; the Inuit at Amitsoq Lake had other prohibitions for sewing certain items. Boot soles, for example, could only be sewn far away from settlements in designated places.
Children at Amitsoq once had a game called tunangusartut in which they imitated the adults behavior towards the spirits reciting the same verbal formulae as angakkuit. According to Rasmussen, this game was not considered offensive because a "spirit can understand the joke." The homelands of the Netsilik Inuit have long winters and stormy springs. Starvation was a common danger. While other Inuit cultures feature protective guardian powers, the Netsilik have traditional beliefs that life's hardships stemmed from the extensive use of such measures. Unlike the Iglulik Inuit, the Netsilik used a large number of amulets. Dogs could have amulets. In one recorded instance, a young boy had 80 amulets, so many. One particular man had 17 names intended to protect him. Tattooing among Netsilik women provided power and could affect which world they went to after their deaths. Nuliajuk, the Sea Woman, was described as "the lubricous one". If the people breached certain taboos, she held marine animals in the tank of her lamp.
When this happened the angakkuq had to visit her to beg for game. In Netsilik oral history, she was an orphan girl mistreated by her community. Moon Man, another cosmic being, is benevolent towards humans and their souls as they arrived in celestial places; this belief differs from that of the Greenland Inuit, in which the Moon’s wrath could be invoked by breaking taboos. Sila associated with weather, is conceived of as a power contained within people. Among the Netsilik, Sila was imagined as male; the Netsilik believed Sila was a giant baby whose parents died fighting giants. Caribou Inuit is a collective name for several groups of inland Alaskan Natives living in an area bordered by the tree line and the west shore of Hudson Bay, they do not form a political unit and maintain only loose contact, but they share an inland lifestyle and some cultural unity. In the recent past, the Padlermiut took; the Caribou have a dualistic concept of the soul. The soul associated with respiration is called umaffia and the personal soul of a child is called tarneq.
The tarneq is considered so weak. The presence of the ancestor in the body of the child was felt to contribute to a more gentle behavior among boys; this belief amounted to a form of reincarnation. Because of their inland lifestyle, the Caribou have no belief concerning a Sea Woman. Other cosmic beings, named Sila or Pinga, control the caribou, as opposed to marine animals; some groups have made a distinction between the two figures, while others have considered them the same. Sacrificial offerings to them could promote luck in hunting. Caribou angakkuit performed fortune-telling through qilaneq, a technique of asking questions to a qila; the angakkuq raised his staff and belt over it. The qila entered the glove and drew the staff to itself. Qilaneq was practiced among several other Alaskan Native groups and provided "yes" or "no" answers to questions. Spiritual beliefs and practices among Inuit are diverse, just like the cultures themselves. Similar remarks apply for other beliefs: term silap inua / sila, hillap inua / hilla (among Inuit
Lightning is a violent and sudden electrostatic discharge where two electrically charged regions in the atmosphere temporarily equalize themselves during a thunderstorm. Lightning creates a wide range of electromagnetic radiations from the hot plasma created by the electron flow, including visible light in the form of black-body radiation. Thunder is the sound formed by the shock wave formed as gaseous molecules experience a rapid pressure increase; the three main kinds of lightning are: created either inside one thundercloud, or between two clouds, or between a cloud and the ground. The 15 recognized observational variants include "heat lightning", seen but not heard, dry lightning, which causes many forest fires, ball lightning, observed scientifically. Humans have deified lightning for millennia, lightning inspired expressions like "Bolt from the blue", "Lightning never strikes twice", "blitzkrieg" are common. In some languages, "Love at first sight" translates as "lightning strike"; the details of the charging process are still being studied by scientists, but there is general agreement on some of the basic concepts of thunderstorm electrification.
The main charging area in a thunderstorm occurs in the central part of the storm where air is moving upward and temperatures range from −15 to −25 °C, see figure to the right. At that place, the combination of temperature and rapid upward air movement produces a mixture of super-cooled cloud droplets, small ice crystals, graupel; the updraft carries the super-cooled cloud droplets and small ice crystals upward. At the same time, the graupel, larger and denser, tends to fall or be suspended in the rising air; the differences in the movement of the precipitation cause collisions to occur. When the rising ice crystals collide with graupel, the ice crystals become positively charged and the graupel becomes negatively charged. See figure to the left; the updraft carries. The larger and denser graupel is either suspended in the middle of the thunderstorm cloud or falls toward the lower part of the storm; the result is that the upper part of the thunderstorm cloud becomes positively charged while the middle to lower part of the thunderstorm cloud becomes negatively charged.
The upward motions within the storm and winds at higher levels in the atmosphere tend to cause the small ice crystals in the upper part of the thunderstorm cloud to spread out horizontally some distance from thunderstorm cloud base. This part of the thunderstorm cloud is called the anvil. While this is the main charging process for the thunderstorm cloud, some of these charges can be redistributed by air movements within the storm. In addition, there is a small but important positive charge buildup near the bottom of the thunderstorm cloud due to the precipitation and warmer temperatures. A typical cloud-to-ground lightning flash culminates in the formation of an electrically conducting plasma channel through the air in excess of 5 km tall, from within the cloud to the ground's surface; the actual discharge is the final stage of a complex process. At its peak, a typical thunderstorm produces three or more strikes to the Earth per minute. Lightning occurs when warm air is mixed with colder air masses, resulting in atmospheric disturbances necessary for polarizing the atmosphere.
However, it can occur during dust storms, forest fires, volcanic eruptions, in the cold of winter, where the lightning is known as thundersnow. Hurricanes generate some lightning in the rainbands as much as 160 km from the center; the science of lightning is called fulminology, the fear of lightning is called astraphobia. Lightning is not distributed evenly around the planet. On Earth, the lightning frequency is 44 times per second, or nearly 1.4 billion flashes per year and the average duration is 0.2 seconds made up from a number of much shorter flashes of around 60 to 70 microseconds. Many factors affect the frequency, distribution and physical properties of a typical lightning flash in a particular region of the world; these factors include ground elevation, prevailing wind currents, relative humidity, proximity to warm and cold bodies of water, etc. To a certain degree, the ratio between IC, CC and CG lightning may vary by season in middle latitudes; because human beings are terrestrial and most of their possessions are on the Earth where lightning can damage or destroy them, CG lightning is the most studied and best understood of the three types though IC and CC are more common types of lightning.
Lightning's relative unpredictability limits a complete explanation of how or why it occurs after hundreds of years of scientific investigation. About 70 % of lightning occurs over land in the tropics; this occurs from both the mixture of warmer and colder air masses, as well as differences in moisture concentrations, it happens at the boundaries between them. The flow of warm ocean currents past drier land masses, such as the Gulf Stream explains the elevated frequency of lightning in the Southeast United States; because the influence of small or absent land masses in the vast stretches of the world's oceans limits the differences between these variants in the atmosphere, lightning is notably less frequent there than over larger landforms. The North and South Poles are limited in their coverage of thunderstorms and theref
In Inuit mythology, Negafook represents "the North Wind or, more eloquently, the spirit that likes cold and stormy weather."A mask representing Negafok is held by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City. It was created for use in ceremonies, along with masks that represented the other winds, commemorates a "weather event" in the early 20th century