Kentucky County, Virginia

Kentucky County was formed by the Commonwealth of Virginia from the western portion of Fincastle County effective December 31, 1776. During the three and one-half years of Kentucky County's existence, its seat of government was Harrodstown. Kentucky County was abolished on June 30, 1780, when it was divided into Fayette and Lincoln counties. Afterward, these counties and those set off from them in that decade were designated collectively as the District of Kentucky by the Virginia House of Delegates; the counties of the district petitioned both the Virginia legislature and the Continental Congress seeking statehood. Successful, the Commonwealth of Kentucky was admitted to the United States as the 15th state in 1792. After Kentucky County was legislatively created on December 6, 1776, the county militia was organized as follows: George Rogers ClarkBrig General Northwestern Frontier 01/1781 John BowmanColonel – County Lieutenant of Kentucky County, Virginia 12/1776 & 11/1779 Anthony BledsoeLieutenant Colonel John Todd – Captain – Virginia Benjamin Logan – Captain – Kentucky County, Virginia Daniel Boone – Captain – Boonesborough, Kentucky James Harrod – Captain – Harrodsburg, Kentucky History of Kentucky List of former counties and towns of Virginia 1776 Act to create Kentucky County, Virginia State of Kentucky Secretary of State website

Intercultural bilingual education

Intercultural Bilingual Education is a language-planning model employed throughout Latin America in public education, it arose as a political movement asserting space for indigenous languages and culture in the education system. IBE is designed to address the educational needs of indigenous communities, consists of various bilingual curriculum designs. Since the late 20th century, IBE has become an important, more or less successful instrument of governmental language planning in several Latin American countries; these include bilingual education in Mayan languages in Guatemala, Quechua in Peru, Mayan in Mexico. As language planning became more intentional due to indigenous rights movements, theorists adopted standard terminology to classify different types multilingual educational programs. Terminology from bilingual education models, such as Colin Baker's model, has been employed in IBE policy and parallels future models on intercultural bilingual education. Below are the five main types of Intercultural Bilingual Education.

Submersion models prioritize teaching in the majority language and conduct all instruction in the majority language, although the students speak a minority language as their native language. These schools prohibit or discourage students from communicating in their first language during class hours and have traditionally employed school-wide policies punishing children for speaking in the minority language during the school day between each other. Transition models, in contrast, do use the student's first language as a bridge to monolingual instruction, but also seek to shift the state to a monolingual and monocultural society. Proponents of these models claim that children may be stigmatized for speaking an indigenous language and that Spanish provides more upward mobility. However, educators in IBE see intercultural education as a way to challenge racism and validate indigenous identities. Children in IBE programs that encouraged multilingualism in Boliva were found to develop a higher self-esteem on average than children in submersion programs.

Submersion and transition programs are associated with the highest drop-out rates. In contrast, immersion and maintenance models seek to cultivate bilingual and biliterate students. Immersion and maintenance schools seek to value and teach in both indigenous and national culture, they exhibit the highest graduation rates out of the four models. Immersion programs seek to strengthen the minority language in communities where it may be disappearing, whereas maintenance programs serve minority-language speakers. In a 2008 paper, cited by a POEIBE working paper, Mejía instead groups maintenance and immersion systems together as they are not in widespread use, excludes them from their typologies. While theoretically immersion and maintenance schools correspond to the students' first language, in practice this distinction may not be as clear in communities that are undergoing language shift; such communities may have both children who are bilingual before school, as well as those who speak only the majority or minority language.

Mejía distinguishes enrichment education as a distinct category of IBE in which bilingualism is sought beyond indigenous communities in the greater population. It is important to recognize the widespread yet false belief that any minority language heritage language instruction will detract from learning and communication in majority language. Studies from the early twentieth century that purported to find an academic disadvantage for bilingual children lacked controls for socioeconomic class and fluency during testing. With this observation in mind, IBE models plan not just the linguistic input in the student's education, but the cultural input. Intercultural education presents different “systems of knowledge, civilizational patterns and languages … in complementary distribution.” Immersion and enrichment models promote this method of learning. Submersion and transition models intend to assimilate indigenous communities into the mainstream culture. There are disconnects between this theoretical model and how it is implemented pedagogically and politically.

For example, teachers may have been educated in a submersion or transition model, as these are the oldest models, may carry these elements into immersion or maintenance education. Additionally, some researchers question whether some IBE teachers have access to training in intercultural teaching or communicative-focused L2 instruction. While many Latin American universities have designed and support certification programs, training of IBE teachers in immersion or maintenance models is an ongoing challenge, as discussed below. Beyond this disconnect between the ideal model and its implementation, IBE assumes that children are monolingual when they enter the education system. In areas such as the Mosquito Coast, children are acquiring multiple languages before school begins as discussed in Intercultural Bilingual Education in Latin America: Political Debates and Criticisms by Countries. IBE's lack of power divisions between different minority languages, focus on bilingualism when more languages are present, may not serve the community's needs appropriately.

The immense linguistic diversity in Latin America is what in part gave rise to demand for programs that would integrate indigenous languages into educational policy. Brazil, for example, has the largest number of indigenous languages with 180. Additionally, in some nations, the majority of speakers natively speak one or more indigenous languages that are not the prestige language. With the rise of indigenous activism in the 1970s, controversy about multilingualism and

Llanera, Asturias

Llanera is a municipality in the Autonomous Community of the Principality of Asturias, Spain. It is bordered on the north by Gijón and Corvera de Asturias, on the south by Oviedo, on the east by Gijón and Siero, on the west by Illas and Las Regueras, its capital is located 11 km from Oviedo, 20 km from Avilés, 22 km from Gijón. Renfe, the national railroad organization, has stations in Villabona y Ferroñes; the municipality has an important industrial sector. There are industrial parks at Asipo. There is a penitentiary in Villabona. Lugo de Llanera was founded as a Roman settlement, named Lucus Asturum, it is situated at the fork of the Roman roads to Cantabria. Spanish football international Santi Cazorla was born there. Federación Asturiana de Concejos